Independent, UK
Published: 15 March 2007
Sadly, abuses of the kind suffered by
Morgan Tsvangirai are routine in
Zimbabwe and have been for decades. It is
well known that impunity fosters
torture; if those responsible for torture
are not brought to book they are
bound to torture again.
It would
appear as if the Zanu-PF regime is prepared to defy the world and
use
whatever means to frustrate legitimate expressions of opposition to its
misrule of Zimbabwe. The torture and denial of access by lawyers and doctors
to Morgan Tsvangirai, Arthur Mutambara and the rest of our colleagues,
coming so soon after the similar treatment meted out to trade union leaders
last year is a clear sign that Robert Mugabe himself and other Zanu-PF
leaders feel they can act with impunity.
It is now time for those
Zanu-PF members who quietly disagree with what is
happening and other
regional leaders to speak out against this vile conduct.
Mere silence
amounts to condonation.
Martin Luther King once said: "Where evil men
would seek to perpetuate an
unjust status quo, good men must seek to bring
into being a real order of
justice". That is precisely what we are doing and
as sure as day follows
night a real order of justice will be brought to
Zimbabwe. But it is
difficult for those struggling within Zimbabwe to do so
alone. Apartheid was
not ended solely through the efforts of South African
patriots; it was
achieved through their concerted efforts which were
supported by massive
international support and action. That support and
action has largely been
missing and the international community has allowed
Zimbabwe to degenerate
into the grave crisis it is in today.
It is
high time the international community acted to assist those trying to
bring
about a new order of democracy in Zimbabwe. There has been far too
much talk
and far too little action from the international community. What
is required
is urgent, vigorous, pro-active diplomatic activity by Southern
African
nations in conjunction with international institutions such as the
UN and
EU.
David Coltart is an MP for Movement of Democratic Change and Zimbabwe
shadow
justice minister
Zimbabwe silence
Sir - It should come as
no surprise that the deeply insignificant Foreign
Secretary Margaret Beckett
has uttered not a word about the latest atrocious
happenings in Zimbabwe
(report, March 14).
She has absolutely no role in the formulation of
foreign policy, which is
entirely driven from Number 10, other than to act
as mouthpiece (as
following the release of the Foreign Office staff in
Ethopia) when the Prime
Minister does not particularly want the
credit.
The Prime Minister spends a lot of time telling us how he has rid
the world
of an evil dictator or two. He also loves to tell us of his
"passion for
Africa". Yet where is this passion now, when faced with a
dictator whose
actions have brought ruin and starvation on his people, among
them large
numbers of the kith and kin of the British people?
What is
the explanation for his silence and inaction? If he won't act or
even speak,
is this a moment for the monarchy, through the role of the Queen
as head of
the Commonwealth?
Anthony Tucker, Tremons, France
Sir - Absolutely
nothing has changed regarding Labour foreign secretaries.
In September 1978,
when Joshua Nkomo's men shot down an Air Rhodesia flight
from Kariba with a
SAM-7, and massacred the survivors, the Dean of
Salisbury - Rev John de
Costa of St Mary's and All Saints - said: "The
silence is deafening from
London."
What do you expect of a Labour Foreign Secretary? To make a
public statement
denouncing African atrocities will never
happen.
Norman Tomlinson, Lancaster
Sir - The Government cannot
stand idly by while Zimbabwe is allowed to
destroy itself.
Expulsion
from the Commonwealth is not enough, as it makes little difference
either to
Robert Mugabe or his country. The Prime Minister and the Foreign
Secretary
must be more outspoken in opposing such a brutal regime, and bring
the case
before the United Nations.
Although Mugabe is condemned by many other
nations, Britain has the greatest
moral responsibility to do all it can for
its former colony and fellow
Commonwealth member.
Jeremy Goldsmith,
London E8
The Telegraph
Last Updated:
12:01am GMT 15/03/2007
Margaret Beckett's silence over
Zimbabwe illustrates the degree to
which the Government's grandiose plans
for a North-South partnership have
collapsed.
Africa has run
like a refrain through Labour's time in office, from
military intervention
in Sierra Leone in 2000 to the priority given to the
continent at the G8
summit in 2005. That period has coincided with the
wrecking of the
Zimbabwean economy by Robert Mugabe, beginning with the
expropriation of
white-owned farms and culminating in hyper-inflation, mass
internal
migration, dependence on food aid and a reduction in average life
expectancy
to 36 years.
The beating of Morgan Tsvangirai and other opposition
members after an
anti-government prayer rally is the latest proof of
Zanu-PF's hideous
misrule. And its evil genius is now talking of prolonging
his presidency
until 2014, when he would be 90.
advertisement
Labour has always been reluctant to take a lead in
criticising Mr
Mugabe for fear of being dubbed neo-colonialist. As Foreign
Secretary, Jack
Straw sought cover within the framework of the Commonwealth
and the European
Union. Today, from his successor, there is simply silence.
Reaction has been
left to Lord Triesman, a junior Foreign Office minister.
Mrs Beckett, who
made no mention of Zimbabwe in her UN speech last autumn,
has not seen fit
to comment. Contrast that with the reaction of her American
counterpart,
Condoleezza Rice.
Perhaps that is as much as can
be expected from a Foreign Office whose
ministerial team - Mrs Beckett,
Geoff Hoon, Kim Howells and Lord Triesman -
is outstandingly mediocre. But
the situation is not much better on the other
side of Downing Street. Tony
Blair should publicly upbraid African leaders
for washing their hands of Mr
Mugabe on the grounds of non-interference in
Zimbabwe's sovereignty. The
dramatic decline of that country is besmirching
the reputation of a
continent that in 2001 drew up an ambitious blueprint
for good
governance.
The Prime Minister is surely aware of the damage being
done. Yet he
merely wrings his hands and his Foreign Secretary is mute. This
pusillanimity is becoming a national shame.
Leader
Thursday March 15,
2007
The Guardian
A week ago he was an opposition figure at risk
of fading from the political
scene. Today, images of Morgan Tsvangirai's
battered and swollen face are
world news, shaming even the African Union to
admit that it is embarrassed
by the actions of Robert Mugabe's thugs. The
brutal beating in custody of
Zimbabwe's most famous trade unionist has
focused attention on the
sufferings endured by his countrymen after seven
years of ineffective
electioneering by his Movement for Democratic
Change.
Mr Tsvangirai is no Nelson Mandela. He has admitted lapses of
judgment, such
as the time he was secretly taped discussing plans to
assassinate Mr Mugabe
with a former Israeli spy. It was a set up and formed
the basis of one of
two charges of treason, of which he was acquitted. Under
him, the MDC split
on ethnic lines, between the Shona and Ndebele tribes,
over whether to
contest elections to the senate. He resisted calls to take
to the streets in
rigged parliamentary elections of 2000 and presidential
elections two years
later. Critics claim these were missed opportunities,
but Mr Tsvangirai has
kept faith with his people.
He is plucky and
still enormously popular and he has remained a democrat.
The eldest of nine
children, who had to leave school early to support the
family, he is largely
self-taught. Despite the miscalculations, or perhaps
because of them, there
is something of the folk hero about the man who
doggedly refuses to bow to
the blows of Mr Mugabe's truncheons.
The Times
March 15, 2007
Beaten but sensing
victory
Jan Raath
A face so badly swollen that he could barely see, and a
long sutured gash on
the side of his head were Morgan Tsvangirai's rewards
this week for defying
President Robert Mugabe.
Yet the warm clap from
onlookers responding to his defiant open-hand salute
from the ambulance at
Harare Magistrates' Court on Tuesday was like an
expression of relief that
his spirit had not been battered into submission
by 48 hours of repeated
assault by police.
Zimbabwe's newest crisis, marked by the first
spontaneous surge of
discontent since the 83-year-old tyrant began to drag
the country into ruin
seven years ago, appears to have galvanised Tsvangirai
out of timidity.
He can rightly fear death at Mugabe's hands. In 1998, as
the national labour
union chief who just had led the country's first
nationwide strike since
independence in 1980, he narrowly escaped being
thrown out of his
tenth-floor office window by a group of Mugabe's war
veterans' militia.
Twenty months ago, Tsvangirai was so frightened that
he would not get out of
his bullet-proofed vehicle to talk to Harare
township residents being forced
to destroy their own homes under Mugabe's
Operation Sweep Out the Rubbish
that made 700,000 people homeless.
In
mid-2005 he confused his supporters by walking out of a national party
debate and refusing to accept a vote to contest elections for a
controversial new senate. He effectively split the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) in two and radically impaired its chances in any further
elections.
These supporters have been intensely loyal since he left
the union in 1999
to become the first leader of the MDC.
Six months
later, Tsvangirai's charisma helped to secure the MDC victory in
a
referendum to reject a fraudulent draft constitution put up by Mugabe, and
inflicted Mugabe's first national electoral defeat.
Thirty-seven of
Tsvangirai's supporters, including his driver and his aide,
were murdered in
the first year of Mugabe's blitzkrieg to smash the MDC, and
many thousands
were battered, maimed, burnt and raped. Despite that,
Tsvangirai drew
Zimbabweans in their millions to vote for him and the MDC in
the next three
elections until 2005, each one progressively more marred by
cheating and
violent intimidation by Mugabe.
The eldest of nine children, Tsvangirai
was involved only peripherally in
the resistance movement against white rule
that brought Mugabe to power in
1980. He worked as a factory hand and then a
mining company supervisor
before becoming a unionist.
Mugabe scorns
Tsvangirai's background. "Some drive trains, some are
foremen," he said.
"People who witnessed the liberation struggle will not
accept you as
leader."
Tsvangirai replied: "At least the train driver keeps the train
on its
tracks."
Independent, UK
Leading article:
Published: 15 March
2007
The world has long been aware of the viciousness of the regime in
Zimbabwe.
But the beating meted out by police to the leader of the Movement
for
Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangirai, at a rally in Harare last Sunday
was
appalling even by the standards of this benighted country. The
government
claims the rally breached a ban on political gatherings imposed
last month.
Mr Tsvangirai and other opposition activists were arrested and
forced to
appear in court on Tuesday. But this is merely a charade of due
process.
What we are witnessing here is naked political intimidation by the
tyrannical Zimbabwean president, Robert Mugabe.
Sunday's violence
offers a glimpse into the catastrophe that has unfolded in
Zimbabwe under Mr
Mugabe. Elections in 2001 and 2005 were rigged. The slum
clearances that
followed the voting two years ago were intended to punish
the opponents of
the regime. The country's economy has imploded since the
state's seizure of
white-owned farms in 2000. Inflation and unemployment
have reached
staggering levels. Basic items such as bread, sugar and petrol
are often not
available. In a country that was once a major exporter of
grain, vast
numbers of the population now depend on food aid. As a result of
the
collapse of the healthcare system, life expectancy for women has fallen
below 34.
Other African countries have always been reluctant to
criticise Mr Mugabe,
who is regarded as a hero of the fight against colonial
rule. South Africa
says it has been conducting a policy of "quiet diplomacy"
to influence its
northern neighbour. But after Sunday it publicly urged Mr
Mugabe to respect
the rights of citizens, including opposition leaders. The
South African
press is also losing patience with Thabo Mbeki's refusal to
intervene to
prevent the oppression of fellow Africans.
But it may be
from within that the end finally comes. There are signs of an
internal power
struggle in the ruling Zanu-PF party. Divisions have opened
over Mr Mugabe's
ambition to remain president until 2014. Meanwhile, the
collapse in living
standards is beginning to affect the soldiers and police
officers, the
forces upon which Mr Mugabe's regime of terror depends. The
violence
unleashed on Sunday seems to have been as much a signal to Mr
Mugabe's own
followers as his opponents. So was this a ruthless reassertion
of control,
or a sign of growing desperation?
The end of the Mugabe nightmare has
been predicted before. For the sake of
the people of Zimbabwe we must hope
that, this time, it turns out to be
true.
The Australian
March 15,
2007
AUSTRALIA was considering evacuating its citizens from Zimbabwe, Foreign
Minister Alexander Downer said today.
Mr Downer today the Government was
concerned for the well-being of about 700
Australians who live in the
southern African nation.
"We're reviewing our contingency plans in
relation to any evacuations of
Australians," he said on ABC
radio.
"We are very focused on this crisis from that
perspective."
Democracy activists, including Opposition Leader Morgan
Tsvangirai were
injured in custody after they were arrested in a violent
crackdown by police
during a protest in Harare on Sunday.
Mr Downer
ruled out expanding Australia's sanctions against Zimbabwe to
include
economic measures because of the pain it would cause in a country
with 80
per cent unemployment and inflation running at about 1800 per cent.
"You
can imagine imposing economic sanctions would just condemn people to
death,"
he said.
Zimbabwe's neighbours, particularly South Africa, had the most
leverage to
halt the violence and intimidation, he said.
"They are
the countries that can have influence on Zimbabwe and we will
continue to
lobby them to be more decisive in the action they're taking to
persuade the
Zimbabweans to deal with their problems."
Mr Downer said South Africa's
policy of quiet diplomacy had not succeeded.
"The situation in Zimbabwe
is going from awful to catastrophic and I have to
say there really has to be
a much bigger effort from neighbouring
countries."
As well as seeking
a UN resolution against Zimbabwe's Government, Mr Downer
called on more
countries to impose targeted sanctions.
New York Times
By MICHAEL WINES
Published: March 15,
2007
JOHANNESBURG, March 14 - Fifty Zimbabwean antigovernment protesters who
were
arrested and beaten by riot police officers in Harare three days ago
were
freed Wednesday after neither the police nor prosecutors showed up at a
hearing at which the protesters were to be charged, defense lawyers
said.
An unknown number, including the opposition leader Morgan
Tsvangirai,
remained in Harare hospitals, some with broken bones and other
serious
injuries, said Beatrice Mtetwa, a lawyer for some
protesters.
Mr. Tsvangirai suffered a fractured skull and a broken arm as
well as
unspecified internal injuries, said Nelson Chamisa, a spokesman for
a
faction of the opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change, which Mr.
Tsvangirai leads. Mr. Tsvangirai had appeared in a Harare court on Tuesday
walking unsteadily and bearing a large bare spot on his head where a wound
had been stitched.
"It's a fracture on the side of his head," Mr.
Chamisa said. "He also has
several internal injuries which are being
attended to in his chest and
partly on his side." Two of Mr. Tsvangirai's
lawyers said separately that
his condition had improved on
Wednesday.
Another prominent critic of President Robert G. Mugabe's
government, the
civic leader Lovemore Madhuku, was in the same clinic with a
broken right
arm, a head wound and heavy bruises on his back caused by
beatings, said an
official of his organization, the National Constitutional
Assembly.
They and scores of others were arrested and assaulted by the
riot police on
Sunday after they tried to hold what was billed as a prayer
meeting at a
sports field in a poor neighborhood of Harare. The government
has been
widely condemned for the attacks, which took place as critics of
Mr. Mugabe's
government tried to mount a new campaign to topple his
authoritarian rule.
Zimbabwean authorities have said that the so-called
prayer meeting was an
illegal political meeting, banned by an emergency
declaration, and that the
protesters had invited the beatings they
received.
The 50 protesters had been released in the custody of their
lawyers and
taken to hospitals.
The Telegraph
By
Paul Bolton
Last Updated: 3:12am GMT 15/03/2007
Former
Zimbabwe captain Andy Flower fears for the future of his country
following
the beating administered to opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai by
police in
Harare.
Flower quit Zimbabwe four years ago after he led a black-armband
protest
with bowler Henry Olonga before Zimbabwe's World Cup match against
Namibia
to highlight the death of democracy in his country.
The
gesture signalled the end of Flower's international career of 63 Tests
and
213 one-day games. He now lives in exile in England and plays county
cricket
for Essex.
News of the arrest of Tsvangirai and the injuries sustained by
the head of
the Movement for Democratic Change and other supporters, has
saddened but
not surprised him. "Worse things have happened because people
have been
killed and tortured in Zimbabwe," Flower said.
"But when
you see how badly the leader of the official opposition has been
beaten, it
shows just how out of touch with the reality the government, the
Zanu PF
thugs, are.
"They will do anything to stay in power. Robert Mugabe has never
changed
since he took over in the early 1980s."
Tsvangirai's injuries
and the political situation in Zimbabwe may well
overshadow events in
Jamaica today when Zimbabwe play Ireland in the World
Cup.
But Flower
believes that sporting sanctions rather than another on-field
protest are
needed to put pressure on the Mugabe regime. "The protest I made
four years
ago was a personal decision," he said. "You can question whether
it is
appropriate for players to be representing their country in an
international
tournament at this time.
"But I can understand why they want to play
international cricket and to
make the best of their
opportunities.
"Maybe some sort of sporting sanctions or other sanctions
would be a more
powerful tool in bringing pressure to bear on the government
rather than
expecting a team of cricketers, most of them 20 to 23 years old,
to be
making those sort of decisions."
Arab News, Saudi Arabia
Editorial:
15 March
2007
THERE was nothing surprising about the brutal treatment by Zimbabwe's
police
of opposition politicians arrested at a prayer meeting that the
government
had banned. Robert Mugabe has shown himself to be among the most
disappointingly incompetent and unreasonable post-colonial African leaders.
He has single-handedly plunged his country into economic and social
chaos.
What has been surprising has been the attitude of the neighboring
South
African government. While international condemnation of the Mugabe
regime
has steadily increased, the administration of President Thabo Mbeki
has
stuck resolutely to the line that rather than confront the Zimbabwean
authorities for their flagrant abuse of power, their fixed elections and
their increasingly repressive measures, it is better to work through quiet
dialogue. The harsh truth, however, is that a moderate and cautious approach
has born no fruit at all. South Africa's acquiescence has rather been taken
as a signal by the Mugabe government that it can continue to behave as it
likes - which is pretty bad.
At one point this week, a South African
minister insisted that his
government had no right whatsoever to intervene
because Zimbabwe was a
sovereign country. This protest surely must have
disgusted many long-term
supporters of a multiracial South Africa. The
now-ruling African National
Congress once appealed to the international
community to take stringent
measures against the reprehensible apartheid
regime - even though South
Africa was a sovereign country. They rejoiced
when world pressure finally
persuaded the white supremacists that they had
embarked upon a policy that
could no longer be sustained.
Ironically
it was South Africa's white government that once sustained the
former
Southern Rhodesia under the Ian Smith administration when it tried to
preserve white domination by unilaterally declaring independence from
British rule. Without the flow of trade and aid through South Africa, the
Smith regime could not have survived the international sanctions imposed
upon it. Equally important was the diplomatic support given by Pretoria to
the breakaway state.
South Africa remains a beacon of hope for all of
Africa. It is therefore all
the more remarkable that the Mbeki government
has not been more outspoken in
its insistence that the Zimbabwean government
return to the rule of law and
civilized behavior. Some may see this
reluctance as sinister. Zimbabwe's
economic disaster is firmly rooted in the
seizure of white-owned farms,
which were then handed out to Mugabe's cronies
and allowed to go to ruin.
South Africa is now moving toward a similar
policy, having failed to
persuade many white farmers to sell their
properties. The principle of
returning land to the people from whom it was
seized in colonial times is
not wrong. It is how the return is managed,
without disrupting economic
output nor undermining confidence in a
multiracial future, which is all
important.
South Africa, the rainbow
nation, still has considerable international
credit. It must nonetheless
take care. The president's extraordinary denial
of the frightening reality
of his country's AIDS epidemic was worrying. The
continued acceptance of a
brutal and repressive regime as its neighbor is
even more so. South Africans
owe it to themselves, as much as to the people
of Zimbabwe to pressure
President Mugabe to mend his ways.
By Gift
Phiri
HARARE - Relations between the political and military establishments in
Zimbabwe are at their lowest since Independence in 1980.
Authoritative
sources said there had been an unprecedented breakdown of
faith between the
two groups, caused by intense succession jockeying in Zanu
(PF), deadly
unrest in the capital and the deepening economic crisis that
saw inflation
race to 1,729 percent last month.
They noted a marked lack of trust between
the military and political
echelons since Mugabe began to sideline the
influential Mujuru faction,
which enjoys the support of most security
chiefs. Junior troops are also
disgruntled due to poor salaries, and
therefore open to manipulation.
The security heads see Mujuru as the best
candidate to take over from
Mugabe. But she has soured relations with the
ageing leader by leading an
internal revolt forcing him to abandon his plans
to postpone presidential
elections to 2010.
"The fact that the Mujuru
faction has the full endorsement of the army makes
the prospect of a coup
very real," said a top government official.
The breakdown in relations has
been precipitated by top members of the
military who are feeling more and
more alienated from Mugabe because they
have openly shown they were inclined
towards the Mujuru faction.
While Mugabe had earlier indicated his desire to
relinquish power to Joice
Mujuru, he has now changed tack and indicated he
will be available to
contest the presidential election due in March next
year.
This has set the stage for a bitter confrontation at the party's
extra-ordinary congress, called to endorse the candidate for the 2008
presidential poll.
The Zimbabwean heard that the Mujuru faction had the
implicit support of
Police Commissioner Augustine "Chacha" Chihuri, deputy
director-general CIO
Mernard Muzariri, Airforce Commander Air Vice Marshal
Perence Shiri,
Commander of the Zimbabwe National Army, Lt Col Phillip "PV"
Sibanda. The
commander of the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General Constantine
Chiwenga, also
backs Mujuru.
Sources said, Mugabe's move to openly
alienate the Mujuru faction was a
recipe for disaster. But a member of the
Central Committee and a retired
General separately dismissed the prospect of
a military coup as far-fetched.
The Zimbabwean
HARARE - Zimbabwe's
intelligence police allegedly trucked two student
leaders from Gweru to
Chachacha, a nature reserve teeming with wild animals,
and forced them at
gunpoint to run into the bush, student leaders confirmed
this
week.
Makomborero Pfeveni, ZINASU's secretary for Sports, and Samuel Mangoma,
the
student body's Treasurer, were picked up in Gweru while distributing
fliers
calling for a class boycott against steep tuition fees.
The two
ZINASU leaders "were meant to be fed to the lions" in the nature
park, 10 km
outside Shurugwi, says Solidarity Students Trust programme
officer
Simbarashe Moyo.
The two student leaders, dumped in the bush in several
kilometres from each
other, survived the ordeal by whistling and shouting to
find each other
along a dirt road, says Moyo, who claims he picked them up
later.
According to the two student leaders, they were arrested in the city
of
Gweru after having been trailed by suspected security agents from Mkoba
Teachers College in the Midlands provincial capital.
As they got into
town, the two were waylaid and asked to produce the fliers
they had on them,
inscribed 'struggle is our birthright'. They were then
forced into a car
where they were told "we will take you to a place for
struggle". They were
driven to Chachacha, some 10km outside Shurugwi.
The bush around the
Chachacha park is normally accessible only to tourist
vehicles guarded by
armed rangers.
Mangoma says their captors loaded their rifles and forced
them at gunpoint
to run into the bush.
He says one police officer said:
"You like struggle, now you can start
struggling with the wild animals
here."
Police officials have made no comment.
The Zimbabwean
Sources claim African
statesmen caused 2010 u-turn
BY ITAI DZAMARA
HARARE - President Robert
Mugabe has apparently been told by other African
leaders that his plans to
illegally extend his term to 2010 were
unacceptable and would see him
totally isolated, prompting the Zanu (PF)
leader to make an about
turn.
Impeccable sources revealed that whilst Mugabe had hoped for a reprieve
when
he embarked on a tour of Namibia, Ghana and the Equatorial Guinea, he
found
his colleagues "deeply concerned" about the situation in Zimbabwe. The
leaders of these countries, including President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa
are said to have called a spade a spade and advised Mugabe to stop his
'madness, a diplomatic source said.
There were also apparently
discussions about a possible exit package for
Mugabe, as well as efforts to
negotiate for a safe exit for him, involving
the President of Namibia,
Hifikekunye Pohamba, in collaboration with Mbeki.
Mbeki was specific about
Mugabe's 2010 plans when he met him in Ghana during
that country's 50th
anniversary celebrations in Accra - apparently motivated
by the threat
Zimbabwe's problems pose on South Africa's hosting of the
soccer World Cup
in 2010.
"His colleagues clearly told Mugabe to stop his madness and
especially
emphasized to him the invariable need for him to hold elections
next year,"
a source said. "Some of them actually advised him not to stand
for the
elections but give it over to someone else in Zanu (PF)."
Mugabe,
who has sparked political upheavals both within the ruling party and
on the
general political scene, made a u-turn and announced in Namibia that
he was
prepared to stand for elections next year, repeating his usual
strategy, "if
my party says I should stand".
Sources say Pohamba, who had apparently
already consulted with Mbeki and
other
leaders, made it known to Mugabe
at their first meeting that they were "fed
up with his bad politics".
The Zimbabwean
Colleagues and friends this
week mourned the death, at the hands of police,
of their comrade, Gift
Tandare. Kerry Kay, the MDC's Deputy Secretary for
Health, said, "Gift was
shot dead by the Zimbabwe Police militia because he,
like thousands of
others, had gone to attend a Prayer Meeting at Zimbabwe
Stadium in
Highfields on Sunday, called by the Save Zimbabwe Campaign to
pray for our
beloved country. "Late this afternoon, after press conferences
and numerous
other meetings, collecting food for our President and all those
detained and
tortured by the brutal regime, Hon. Paurine Gwanyanya MP,
Evelyn Masaiti and
I went to Glen View to visit the bereaved family of Gift
Tandare. "We
arrived at their humble little home to find mourners grieving
for this
senseless and brutal loss. It was heart wrenching and humbling to
share
their grief. "The nation mourns with them. The struggle for democracy
and
peace in Zimbabwe will continue.
The Zimbabwean
EDITORIAL
The arrest and brutal
torture of opposition and civil
society leaders shows the barbaric depths to
which the Mugabe regime is
prepared to sink to maintain its stranglehold on
power. The law-enforcement
agencies themselves have demonstrated on a number
of occasions their utter
disregard for the rule of law and their contempt
for the judicial system.
Yet, when it suits them, they enforce the law (if
AIPPA and POSA can be
dignified by such a title) with ruthless force. The
Zimbabwe constitution
guarantees Zimbabweans their right of assembly. Mugabe
thinks differently.
How can the government expect its citizens to obey
unjust laws when it is
flagrantly disregarding the law itself? The arrest,
beatings and torture of
senior opposition and civil society leaders could
have been sanctioned only
from the very top. The events of last weekend can
in no way be attributed to
'over zealousness' on the part of the police. A
few years ago, Associated
Newspapers of Zimbabwe, publishers of The Daily
News, appealed to the
Supreme Court against a decision of the Media and
Information Commission to
deny it a license. The court made a ruling that
ANZ could not approach the
court 'with dirty hands' - in other words, while
it was in disobedience of
the requirements of the law (AIPPA) it could not
ask the courts for redress.
The converse of that judgment is that the
Zimbabwe government cannot seek to
enforce a ban on assembly when it is
itself disregarding a court order
allowing such an assembly. Not only are
the government's hands extremely
dirty in this instance - they are covered
in blood. The death toll from
Sunday's 'law-enforcement activities' of the
Zimbabwean authorities may be
only one - Gift Tandare. But one is one too
many. And the many others who
have been thrashed and tortured will forever
bear the scars, both physically
and mentally, of their ordeal. The decree
banning all gatherings in cities
around Zimbabwe is unfair and unjust, and
Zimbabweans have treated it with
the contempt it deserves. They are paying
the price with their blood.
Zimbabweans would be well justified in defending
themselves against this
continued violence at the hands of Zanu (PF) thugs,
whether in the uniform
of the police or not. The Zimbabwean police have
demonstrated beyond any
doubt that they are no longer the enforcers of the
law, or the protectors of
the public. They, thus, forfeit any respect that
might otherwise have been
accorded them by the citizens of the country. In
fact, those very citizens
would be within their rights to form their own
vigilante groups to protect
themselves from further assault and abuse by the
police force.
The Zimbabwean
BY JOHN MAKUMBE
While
it is correct to state that what has happened cannot be undone, it is
equally correct to argue that we have a serious responsibility as social
analysts to examine the Dzivarasekwa disaster and identify some of its
causes in order to prevent similar disasters from befalling our nation in
future.
In the process we have no choice but to point fingers and
apportion blame,
and that is not a bad thing to do. The disaster that
resulted in the loss of
at least 36 lives must be blamed squarely on the
Mugabe regime, which has
run down the Zimbabwean economy to the extent that
we have now all been
reduced to a nation of vendors. The majority of people
who lost their lives
at 5:30 in the morning of that fateful day were on
their way to Mbare Musika
to buy fruit and vegetables for re-sale in order
to earn some money to look
after their families.
With the economy on its
knees, there is little formal employment. The
informal sector seems to be
the only method for most people to keep body and
soul together these days.
With most men out of formal employment, it is
often left to the women to
source fruit and vegetables and sell them in
their neighbourhoods.
Even
there, vendors are often harassed by the notorious Zanu (PF) Repressive
Police (ZRP), who confiscate produce without compensating the poor people,
whom they regarded as illegal vendors. Needless to say, the ZRP bandits
often help themselves to the confiscated produce which they take home to
feed their own families.
It is the Mugabe regime that has destroyed the
national infrastructure to
the extent that the railway booms and red lights
that used to warn road
users of approaching trains have disappeared from our
railroad crossings. It
is virtually impossible to find one operational
railroad crossing boom and
lights set in Harare today.
There has not been
any apology from the brainless Minister of Transport for
the disaster, even
though it is clearly his ministry's responsibility to
ensure that those who
use the roads and the railway lines are protected from
accidents such as
happened last week.
It is ridiculous for the Minister of Small to Medium
Enterprises to pledge
to keep the businesses of the deceased going. Is the
failed Minister Nyoni
going to engage Green Bombers to source and sell fruit
and vegetables for
the families of the victims?
Finally, it is obvious
that the commuter omnibus was grossly over-loaded.
Here again, the demonic
Mugabe regime is to blame - for it is the one that
has destroyed the
once-viable public transport system we used to have in
this country. Every
transport operator knows that the blood-sucking ZRP
traffic police will not
be on the roads early in the morning. This is the
right time to maximise the
daily earnings, as well as to generate enough
money to purchase fuel for the
omnibus to operate the rest of the day. The
government-subsidised fuel that
the regime used to provide stopped flowing
as long ago as December 2006.
There is therefore a sort of desperation to
maximise passengers, even though
this often results in failure to control
the vehicle.
Indeed, the Mugabe
regime has a lot to answer for, including the killing of
innocent people
simply trying to eke out a living. The blood of all the
Dzivarasekwa victims
will forever be a stain on the bloody hands of the
Mugabe regime.
The Zimbabwean
Vow to maintain illegal
Commission running Harare
Quote:
'Can we be stopped by these silly
things?'
RESIDENTS of Harare have been angered by comments from the Minister
of Local
Government, Public Works and Urban Development, Ignatius Chiminya
Morgan
Chombo, indicating he would not abide by a court ruling which
declared
illegal, his imposed management at Town House.
Chombo was quoted
in the Herald on March 6 saying, "the status quo at Town
House shall remain
both in force and effect" while his official Sekesai
Makwavarara told the
Standard on 4 March, "We are working. Can we be stopped
by these silly
things?" and went on to declare, "Only the Minister of Local
Government
Public Works and Urban Development can stop me from working."
Residents of
Harare have repeatedly protested the continued re-appointment
of the illegal
commission now running the affairs of Harare. The Combined
Harare Residents'
Association (CHRA) applauded the ruling by the High Court,
endorsing
previous judgments that the principle of re-appointing commissions
is
illegal as it infringes on peoples' freedoms to elect their
representatives.
On 2 March, in the matter between dismissed Town Clerk
Nomutsa Mushoma
Chideya and the Commission, Justice Lawrence Kamocha ruled
in Chideya's
favour. This was the latest in a series of judgments that have
questioned
the legitimacy of the current Town Hall management.
Justice
Kamocha concurred with previous judgments by Supreme Court Judge
Justice
Wilson Sandura, in the case of Stevenson v Chombo and Others of
2002;
Justice Hungwe's ruling in the matter between CHRA and Another v RG
(HH210
of 2001); and Makarau in the case of Christopher Magwenzi Zvobgo vs
City of
Harare and Dominic Muzawazi (HH80 of 2005).
CHRA said the High Court ruling
was categorical in ruling as illegal,
Chideya's dismissal.
"Our lawyers,
the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, have advised us that
the proper
procedure to be followed is for the respondents to seek leave of
appeal
which means they have to approach the High Court and get the relief
to
appeal to the Supreme Court. Without following this procedure, their
appeal
is of no effect.
"The Makwavarara-led commission is illegal and has no
mandate to make any
rules or regulations on behalf of the City of Harare,
including the
implementation of the 2007 City Budget. The Supreme Court and
the High Court
have made categorical rulings on this matter.
"Chombo's
defiance clearly indicates that the Government he serves wilfully
ridicules
and violates the law in the interests of the ruling party, making
a mockery
of their resolve to return to the observance of the rule of law."
Israel
Mabhoo, CHRA's vice-chairperson, said, "Central government should
have
resolved the issue of the illegal commission running Harare a long time
ago.
It is central government which is breaking the law through the Ministry
of
Local Government, Public Works and Urban Development."
In a statement, CHRA
added, "The courts have established beyond doubt that
Chombo deliberately
misinterprets Section 80 (5) of the Urban Councils' Act
(Chapter 29:15) to
justify his lawlessness.
"Residents must send a clear message to both Chombo
and Makwavarara that the
residents determine who runs Town House. Even those
commissioners who
purport to advance the Chombo agenda will be liable to
contempt of court in
their personal capacities.
"No one should be a law
unto himself or herself. Chombo and Makwavarara are
literally insulting the
intelligence not only of the honourable judges but
the entire
citizenry.
"The citizens believe there is every reason to defy Chombo and his
cronies
and hold peaceful demonstrations and marches to protest over the
collapsed
service delivery, the continued imposition of the Commission at
the expense
of elected representatives and the hostile and unjustified
takeover of water
and sewer reticulation by the Zimbabwe National Water
Authority from Local
Authorities.
"The commission has acted outside the
law and its decisions are invalid.
CHRA calls on Chombo to abide by the
Urban Councils' Act (Chapter 29:15) as
read with Section 103 (1) of the
Electoral Act that provides for the holding
of elections once a vacancy
arises in council.
"The court finds no provision in the Electoral Act or
Urban Councils' Act
that states that once commissioners are appointed or
re-appointed any
general election of councillors, which was due, is
postponed indefinitely.
"For these reasons, CHRA continues to demand the
immediate holding of
Mayoral and Council elections in Harare, and the
removal of the illegal
commission from Town House, in line with the High
Court ruling in Case
Number HH 210/2001 Hungwe J (CHRA and Another vs. RG),
HH 80/ 2005 Makarau J
(Christopher Magwenzi Zvobgo vs. City of Harare and
Dominic Muzawazi) and
delivered by Sandura J (Stevenson vs. Minister of
Local Government and
Others SC 38/02) and HC12862/00."
With continued
failure to heed these demands, the residents would continue
to withhold
rates payments to the City of Harare and engage in peaceful
protests.
The Zimbabwean
BY ITAI DZAMARA HARARE - The
Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA) could soon be
compelled to deploy forces into
towns and cities to contain boiling
political tension, as opposition forces
vow to continue pushing for
political change in the country. The Zimbabwean
has established that ZNA
leaders this week communicated to all barracks that
they had to put forces
on standby due to the possibility of them being
called in to reinforce
operations by the Zimbabwe Republic Police and Police
Support Unit. "The
communication, which was put in writing for the army
headquarters in Harare,
states that we must generally be prepared for duty
in the face of increasing
reports of violent clashes," a senior official
from the army's KGV1
headquarters in Harare said. "This means necessary
measures, which include
making sure there are enough resources both in terms
of manpower and other
needs, are put in place. If it becomes necessary, this
might also mean
calling all members of the army from leave and other
commitments." Defence
minister, Sydney Sekeramayi said. "If the situation
calls for it, the army,
just like any other state security force, shall be
required to intervene and
will do so". The communication to army barracks
followed a meeting last week
involving the Joint Operation Command,
comprising leaders of the army,
police, prison services and intelligence
unit of government. Sources privy
to the meeting said it was agreed that the
state security agents had to be
on high alert following claims by the
Central Intelligence Organisation that
it had established the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) had
amassed weapons and was planning to
start civil strife in the country.
Minister of Home Affairs, Kembo Mohadi,
who is in charge of the police, also
confirmed that the ZRP was on high
alert following recent clashes with
opposition forces.
The Zimbabwean
Farmers fail to
meet production targets for this season
BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe is set to import
thousands of tonnes of wheat this year
after farmers failed to meet the
2006/07 season production targets due to
lack of equipment and
fertilizer.
The Grain Marketing Board (GMB) says farmers managed to produce
only 150 000
metric tonnes for the 2006/07 season, against the 220 000
metric tonnes the
country needs.
GMB acting chief executive officer
Colonel Samuel Muvuti said, "We have to
import several tonnes of wheat this
year, as wheat farmers failed to meet
the production targets for the 2000/07
season due to serious electricity
outages and lack of equipments like
combine harvesters."
Newly appointed Agricultural Minister, Rugare Gumbo,
noted that the
government would import wheat from southern African countries
but refused to
state how many tonnes.
Southern Africa Commercial Farmers
Alliance president, Marc Crawford, said
farmers were not able to meet the
wheat production target due to many
factors, among them the shortage of
agricultural inputs.
Zimbabwe, once lauded as the breadbasket of southern
Africa, has seen its
status reduced to an importer of agricultural produce
since the chaotic and
violent land-reform programme was launched.
Critics
say many of the new black farmers were allocated farms on the basis
of
political patronage rather than agricultural expertise and that they lack
dedication and financial resources to make a success of
farming.
President Robert Mugabe, who blames drought and sanctions for poor
agricultural yields, has said that land reform was necessary to correct
colonial imbalances in land ownership. - CAJ News
15-03-07
Biggest foreign demo planned
EDITOR
- As an initiative on foreign policy relations and lobbying take
offensive
position, the coalition of forces of right against the politically
wrong
takes momentum here in Canada.
This should be the biggest demo Zimbabweans
will ever hold against Zimbabwe
in a foreign land at the embassy in
Ottawa.
While you engage with the regime, both from protests and legal take
in
courts, we will boost the diplomatic front.
We work in collaboration
with everybody and are encouraging the Diaspora to
take this day as: A
no-vote of confidence day to the Zimbabwe government by
the Diaspora.
The
cry 'Mugabe must go' must now be heeded everywhere where a Zimbabwean
dwells
- from Africa, Europe, Americas and India and Australia ( I am not
sure if
Russia, Japan and China have any Zimbabweans of any significant
size).
When next the rise is up, at home, pray it stays up till collapse
or we will
be collapsed. We stand in prayer together with fellow sufferers
but focused
on victory, if not to us to our children. Chinja Maitiro!
Guqula Inzenzo!
With blessings that are needed for this hour.
MANYEVERE M
ANDREW, MDC (Zimb) Canada
How long should we wait?
EDITOR - When I
come across a Zimbabwean anywhere in South Africa, no matter
how wealthy or
poor the person, and I ask why the person is here, I always
receive the same
response: "Everything will be all right, but how long
should we
wait?"
Nowadays in Zimbabwe, there is segregation. If you are not a Zanu (PF)
member you are a scapegoat of the ruling party.
Everybody must sneer at
the Zimbabwean government. This is a crestfallen
incident for my countrymen.
I ask you to unite in this kind of situation. We
are in a race with the
devil himself but at the end the people of God will
rejoice if we are
patient.
The so-called Zimbabwean intellectuals who are in power are
circumventing
their own people and are a disgrace to the nation. How are we
going to
return the once breadbasket of Africa to its glory days? Nowadays a
desert
is better than Zimbabwe in terms of tourism and economy.
In terms
of suffering and hardships - we have had enough. Now is the time
for the
knowledgeable people to take over and the extravagant ones to step
aside.
STUDENT JOURNALIST, Zimbabwe
Shangaan should
resist
EDITOR - I write with a sad mind, having heard of the unfair treatment
of a
so-called minor tribe, the Shangaan, during the recent elections in
Chiredzi
South.
Such treatment should not at all be allowed in a
democratic country like
Zimbabwe .I therefore urge the Shangaan to keep on
the fight.
AMBASSADOR TIRITOSE, by email
Zambians won't be silenced on
evictions
EDITOR - The difference between Zambia's proposal to remove
informal
settlements (to use the term the SA government invented to describe
the vast
peri-urban areas into which the overpopulated Transkei, etc, had
spilled)
and Mugabe's similar 'Removal of rubbish' in 2005is that it won't
be done
without any warning and without any visible opposition, reported
fairly in
the Zambian media.
Mugabe said he had been contemplating such a
move for years, which means he
watched myriads move from his dubious
communal lands for some form of humble
but better life, intending all the
time to jump on them. (He couldn't jump
on the 2 million refugees in South
Africa).
He did it suddenly and without plans because the 'rubbish' had voted
against
him in an election. Typical!
(The assault on white farms and the
MDC in the subsequent election was due
to the defeat of the perverted
constitution in that referendum. The whites
had voted against it because
clauses legitimising any confiscation of
property were added though the only
one who had suggested such an idea in
the surprisingly open debate which
preceded the writing of the constitution
was Mugabe himself. He had, of
course, declared himself opposed to any
change, being happy with the 1987
perversions which solidified his tyranny.)
And if the opposition in Zambia is
vocal enough, it won't take place.
HISTORIAN, by email
Think now
about energy needs
EDITOR - I refer to the ongoing debate about the
reconstruction of our
country once Mugabe has departed.
The underlying
thought gripping most of us, about a new Zimbabwe, is that we
ought to have
a democratic dispensation with a robust economy. This is good.
But how do we
accomplish this miracle?
I note with grave concern that our discourse places
a premium only on issues
of governance, making little mention of matters
such as the energy crisis,
and so on.
A new regime will obviously be
compelled to meet the fuel and electricity
needs of a recuperating economy.
That we are a land-locked country must,
however, not be used as an excuse
for failure to put our country back on
track. Whereas throughout Mugabe's
tenure in office, we have relied heavily
on energy imports, wouldn't it be
imperative for us today to come up with
home-grown solutions? At least there
is no shortage of ideas and resources.
While in the past we blended imported
petrol with locally produced ethanol,
shouldn't we propose engines that
operate entirely on ethanol, as is the
case in Brazil? I think it's more
cost effective than the former.
There are even more newfound alternatives,
biodiesel from Jathropha and
hydrogen from electrolysis of water, which are
available locally - apart
from being environmentally friendly as well. As
for electricity, more power
stations must be built to complement the
existing power facilities, given
the availability of coal, uranium, water
reservoirs and more.
I don't suppose we are not capable of putting our
economy back on its feet.
But I believe it is worth stressing that unless a
new government tackles the
problem of energy and other vital issues, an
ailing economy will be a thorn
in our flesh.
JAY ZAT, Jozi
The Zimbabwean
JOHANNESBURG - At the 'money
market' stalls at Park Station, there was no
sign the Zimbabwe dollar was
recovering against major currencies, as the
dollar tumbled further to trade
at Z$1,400 against the rand this week. In a
snap survey by CAJ News in
Johannesburg, most cross-border traders could be
seen cashing their rands
for the Zimbabwe dollar at the stalls operated by
foreign-currency dealers
stationed at the busy Johannesburg terminus. "We
now earn better than the
ministers and other Mugabe fat cats, and pray that
the dollar keeps on
losing value against major currencies," said Alfred
Gwarimbo from Chipinge.
"We are happy that the Zimbabwe dollar goes on
falling against the major
currencies on a daily basis. We will soon return
to the situation of people
earning millions, which Gono tried to end by
slashing three zeroes (from the
currency) some time back last year. There is
no way Gono will stop us from
becoming millionaires." Someone who cashes in
R1 000 is given Zim$1 400 000.
However, another cross-border trader pointed
out this did not help because,
even if you raised so many Zimbabwean dollars
by trading rands, the money
that you had was useless. "Even if you were to
raise three million dollars,
there is nothing to smile about because the
more we get from the sale of
rands, the less buying power we have when we
get home with these useless
bearer cheques," said Simplisio Marambadoro The
country is now in its eighth
year of economic recession. The difference
between the official dollar
exchange rate and the black-market rate is
vast. -CAJ News
The Zimbabwean
'The kids
have fresh motivation for life and have a reason for living'
The bulldozers
of Operation Murambatsvina left devastation and broken dreams
in their
wake.
THE idea of holding a Homeless World Cup copped considerable ridicule
when
it was suggested back in 2001, but for Zimbabwe victims of Operation
Murambatsvina (Operation Clean-Out Trash), it has brought a ray of
hope.
An average of 300 bare-footed, displaced children queue at the muddy
Hatcliffe Extension football pitch, so that they can get a chance to
showcase their skills and be part of the Zimbabwe Homeless World Cup
squad.
The Homeless World Cup project is currently based in Hatcliffe, one of
the
most impoverished suburbs of Harare.
The kids play their heart out
and hope that they get selected to be part of
the team, so that they can
escape the grinding poverty in the country - at
least for a month - during
the Homeless World Cup, set to take place in
Copenhagen, Denmark in
October.
Tawanda Karasa, co-ordinator of the Youth Achievement in Sports for
Development (YASD), told CAJ News the programme was attracting an average of
300 displaced children a time, since the team made its debut at the South
Africa Cup held in Cape Town, in October last year.
"The Homeless World
Cup is a touching drama because most of these kids are
vulnerable and were
displaced by Operation Murambatsvina. For a change,
these kids are treated
with dignity. People from all walks of life cheer you
on as you represent
your country. It's a way of restoring life. It's a way
of establishing
friendship.
"The kids have fresh motivation for life and have a reason for
living," said
Karasa, who is also a resident of Hatcliffe Extension, for the
past 18
years.
"It has boosted their confidence as they got to meet
people like Sir Alex
Ferguson and Portuguese football legend Eusebio, who
always come to the
event," Karasa said.
The annual Homeless World Cup
literally brings soccer to the street. Its
stars are not pampered prima
donnas; all have experienced homelessness in
the previous two years, or are
part of drug or alcohol rehabilitation
schemes.
Zimbabweans were
surprised to learn of the European definition of
homelessness and the idea
behind Homeless World Cup - they discovered that
living rough in Beverley
Hills is much nicer than being down-and-out in
Hatcliffe.
Bernard Nyabasa
(24) said, "I am from Hatcliffe, affected by Operation
Murambatsvina in July
2005.
"The operation started in the town. We didn't know that they were also
going
to come to the residential settlements to drive people away. When the
police
came, they were armed with guns, battle sticks, armoured cars, and
they just
told the people to take their possessions and get out. And then
they started
destroying the houses. If you didn't do what you were told,
they just
bulldozed your house down.
"They took us to Caledonia Farm
where they said they would give us new
stands (plots of land). But, after a
month, they just took us back but we
had no houses. Now my mum and dad have
returned to the rural area and I am
living with my uncle - 10 of us living
in a three-roomed house.
"The only source of power we have is firewood. The
only source of water is
shallow boreholes. They say that the water was
tested and is clean, but how
can you have a toilet at the upper end and have
the well on the downside, it
doesn't make sense. That water cannot be safe.
The situation is not good.
People get ill, especially when it's raining. Now
they have improvised a
small clinic but it cannot meet the
demand."
Nyabasa added that there are no jobs, and people in Hatcliffe depend
on the
World Food Programme.
Operation Murambatsvina also saw dreams
being shattered.
"I have O levels and A levels and I am studying for my ACCA
accountancy
diploma at the University of Zimbabwe. I was supposed to write
my exams but
then there was Operation Murambatsvina. Right now, I can't
afford to write
my exams due to the foreign-currency crisis in Zimbabwe.
Everything is
expensive! Tuition fees, books, even to commute to college -
everything is
damn expensive," Nyabasa said.
"My only dream is to become
a certified accountant. Unfortunately, sometimes
circumstances don't allow
you. But I want to finish my studies, find work,
help my parents and help my
people. There are a lot of people suffering in
Zimbabwe. I wish I could help
them but I can't, because I don't have the
resources.".
The positive
impact of the Homeless World Cup is growing year by year. In
the first
tournament in 2003, 18 countries participated. The 2006 Homeless
World Cup
represents a major leap to 48 participating countries.
The Zimbabwean team of
Ivo Bell, Shingi Munhenga, Simbarashe Saidi, Thomas
Dandara, Simbarashe
Chikaniza, Samuel Mandava, Forward Chiwirambezo and
Bernard Nyabasa are
looking forward to the tournament in October.
Zimbabwe participated at the
international street soccer jamboree last
October and came a credible 28th
out of 48 participating nations.
"We have an abundance of homeless people who
are talented," said Karasa,
"but we cannot accommodate all of them. Saidi
(Simbarashe) is a star who can
play in any team in the country."
The
project's core aim is to teach young people by giving them access to
high-quality coaching in football, as well as assertiveness and life
skills.
At the moment, 300 young children from the age of six to 21 years are
catered for by YASD in four key programmes: soccer-training programme,
soccer with academics, soccer against Aids and drug abuse and recreational
therapy for orphans and vulnerable children.
For the players, the
Homeless World Cup is a great chance to build the
profile of the programme
and give other disadvantaged young people the
opportunity to benefit from
the work of YASD.
Last year, some 500 street-dwellers from 48 countries went
to Cape Town,
South Africa to play: on the field, competition was intense;
off it,
scallies from Liverpool, England found common ground with the
dispossessed
of Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe Squad:
Tawanda Karasa, Petros
Chatiza, Simbarashe Saidi, Samuel Mandawa, Shingai
Munhenga, Simbarashe
Nyakabau, Bernard DudzaiNyabasa, Ivo Bell, Raphael
Banhu, Thomas Dandara. -
CAJ News
The Zimbabwe Embassy in
London was closed today. What a surprise. About
200 Zimbabweans distraught
at the brutal treatment of opposition activists
in Zimbabwe found no one to
answer their questions. All we saw was an
anxious face behind a twitching
curtain. Fear and guilt. We wanted to know
why the regime in Zimbabwe had
meted out the vicious treatment which had
left so many MDC and other
activists severely injured. Pictures of their
injuries have horrified the
world and we were swamped by the media. The
demonstration called by the MDC
UK was easily the biggest ever held on a
weekday by Zimbabweans in London.
Big enough to alarm the Embassy people.
They had contacted the police to ban
the protest because they said 2,000
people were coming to attack the
Embassy. For the first time in five years
of Vigil protest there were the
barriers were round the Embassy rather than
containing demonstrators.
Ephraim Tapa, Chair of MDC UK spoke for us all
when he said we must keep up
the pressure. A collection was made for Gift
Tandare, the MDC activist who
was shot dead on Sunday by Zimbabwean police.
We grieve with his family.
For this pictures of the demonstration:
http://www.flickr.com/photos/zimbabwevigil/
Vigil
co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy, 429 Strand, London,
takes place
every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest against gross
violations of
human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The Vigil
which started in
October 2002 will continue until internationally-monitored,
free and fair
elections are held in Zimbabwe. http://www.zimvigil.co.uk