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March 24 2004 at 07:54PM |
By Ed Stoddard and Denis Mzembe
Blantyre - Malawian hawkers are making
big profits by buying their stock from impoverished Zimbabwe, which manufactures
most of the goods which Malawi imports.
"There's nothing here (in
Malawi). We can't get this stuff here," says 17-year-old Darren as he points to
his latest Zimbabwean acquisition - blocks of Butter Cup Luxury Table
Margarine.
Bingu Wa Mutharika, economic planning and development minister
and presidential candidate for the ruling UDF party in May 18 elections, said on
Wednesday he wanted his import-reliant nation to begin producing and exporting
more goods itself.
Few things drive this point home harder than the sight
of black-market traders selling goods they had to buy in Zimbabwe - itself
suffering a severe economic crisis.
Darren's colleagues - who were also
selling powdered milk and canned goods - agreed that it was hard to find such
goods in Malawi and that anyway they were cheaper in Zimbabwe, where the local
currency is in free-fall on the black market.
"I make lots of profit,"
said Darren, adding that he had paid about 3 700 Malawian kwacha (about R200)
for a box of 24 packets of margarine and sold them all for about 4 800
kwacha.
Another trader said he travelled 600km by bus to the Zimbabwean
capital Harare to buy margarine - a grinding, full-day journey over pot-holed
roads.
Others said they bought their goods from Zimbabwean traders who
journeyed to Malawi.
"It's not available here," said another trader
standing on a street corner over his Zimbabwean margarine. Asked why not, he
shrugged and said: "It's not manufactured here."
25 March 2004
An independent British filmmaker spent the weekend in a Zimbabwe jail on suspicion that he helped produce a BBC documentary which exposed systematic rape in the ruling party's youth training camps.
Simon Bright, who works from Zimbabwe and holds a British passport, has since been released to the custody of his lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa, after being arrested and jailed on Friday. Ms Mtetwa said the police arrested Mr Bright as he tried to board an Air Zimbabwe plane to London.
The police interrogated him over whether he worked or helped "outside broadcasters". He was asked if he had helped in the production of the BBC documentary aired on its Panorama programme.
The documentary exposed how Zanu-PF youth camps allegedly taught recruits how to torture the government's opponents and how young girls were allegedly raped as part of the camps' indoctrination lessons.
Ms Mtetwa said the police had no base for charging Mr Bright over the Panorama programme as he had nothing to do with it. He was then charged under the Public Order and Safety act over a film he helped produce for a non-governmental organisation on the transfrontier national Park which covers part of Zimbabwe's Gonarezhou National Park and the Kruger National Park.
Ms Mtetwa said the police could not explain which parts of the film they found objectionable. He was released after Ms Mtetwa demanded a full screening of his film in court.
Peter Singer on the rise of the soldier for hire.
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19 March
2004
A planeload of mercenaries that touches down in the middle of the night, an
evil dictator who tortures his victims on the beach, shady multinational oil
interests, an arms deal gone sour, and the key protagonist a former SAS trooper
whose last job was acting in a movie: it has all the ingredients of a Hollywood
blockbuster. But the Logo Logistics affair of Zimbabwe and Equatorial Guinea is
just the latest appearance on the international stage of an important global
development – the privatised military industry. Private military firms are business providers of professional services
intricately linked to warfare. That is, they are corporate bodies that
specialise in the sale of military skills. They do everything, from leasing out
commando teams and offering the strategic advice of ex-generals to running the
outsourced supply chains for the US and now British armies. Such firms represent the evolution, globalisation, and corporatisation of the
age-old mercenary trade. The private military industry got its start in the early 1990s with the rise
of the firm Executive Outcomes, the very same South African company that Simon
Mann and many of the other coup suspects used to work with. Executive Outcomes,
which was linked with multinational mining and energy interests, fought in
Angola, Sierra Leone and Congo. While the firm formally went out of business in
1999, its success spawned a global industry of copy cats. In Iraq, for example, there are more than 15,000 private military
contractors. They protect convoys and key installations, train the Iraqi police,
paramilitary, and army, and also do mundane chores like feeding troops and
fuelling vehicles. The biggest player in Iraq is Dick Cheney’s scandal-plagued
Halliburton firm, presently besieged by a series of accounting and overbilling
gaffes, but there are also a number of UK-based companies. One is Global Risks, reported to have 100 former British SAS troopers, 500
former Nepalese Ghurkas and 500 ex-Fijian soldiers working on the ground in
Iraq. This one company has the sixth largest troop contingent in the coalition.
Thus, President Bush’s international effort has finally come to pass, except to
be completely honest he might want to rename it the “Coalition of the
Billing”. In a world where we police even the fat content of cookies, perhaps what is
most surprising is that this industry, so central to national and global
security, is completely unregulated. No international laws apply. National laws
are little better, with the majority of states, including Britain, having none
that fully controls the firms. Zimbabwe, for example, can only charge the suspected coup plotters with
firearms and immigration indictments. In addition, many firms that claim to be
“British” or “South African” are actually registered in tax havens such as the
Caymans, Bahamas, and Channel Isles. Firms in the industry often argue that the lack of rules is not a problem, as
they claim only to work for “reputable” clients, and have corporate codes and
structures that preclude misbehaviour. But the news from Zimbabwe pokes yet another hole in that thin claim. To
begin with, voluntary codes of conduct are just that, written by the firms
themselves, voluntarily adhered to and carrying no punishment if broken, either
by the firms or their individual employees. Thus, it is up to the firms to
decide who they want to hire – the Logo indictees range from class act veterans
to a gentleman under indictment back home for murder – and who they want to work
for. Some firms have worked for democracies, the UN and even environmental groups,
while others have prospered at the other end of the marketplace, working for
dictators, drug cartels and terrorist-linked groups. Indeed, Logo illustrates
the very problem of firms determining reputable clients for themselves. Who was
the legitimate player to choose, the dodgy coup plotters or the dictator who
took power by killing his uncle? Legitimacy is hard enough to determine in
international politics, and even more difficult when millions in potential
profits comes into play. The private military industry has grown up, but our regulation and oversight
has not kept pace. International and national laws must be updated to account
for the behaviour of businesses in war and, in particular, control who they can
work with. Likewise, if governments such as those in the US and UK are to
continue to be clients of such firms, they must become more business-savvy, and
establish sound competition and supervision in their outsourcing. War is far too
important to be left to the CEOs.
Peter Singer is National Security Fellow at the Brookings Institution and
author of the Gelber Prize-nominated book Corporate Warriors: The Rise of the
Privatized Military Industry.
In the decade since
it began, the private military industry has mushroomed. Private military firms
now operate in more than 50 countries and do up to $100bn business a year.