When we analyse the situation in Zimbabwe objectively we
can only come to
one conclusion - there is only one way out of the maze that
we find
ourselves in at present. Lets look at the options: -
Option 1.
Stay where we are. Clearly this is simply no longer tenable -
inflation, the
collapse in the economy, the fall in living standards and the
decline in the
level of services available from all public institutions,
simply rule out
staying where we are.
Option 2. Allow Mr. Mugabe to retire and then
facilitate a reformed Zanu
administration. This has some attractions - it is
the easier route. We all
want the "Old Man" out - even Mbeki wants him to
retire. When he goes there
is no doubt that rapid changes will take place and
the ruling clique may
well find they have more on their hands than they care
to hold on to.
However, this would leave the very people who have brought
such destruction
to Zimbabwe in charge and therefore there would be no
restoration of the
rule of law or of our basic human and political rights. It
would also do
nothing to address the sweeping corruption that now
characterizes the
Zimbabwe regime. It also is not a democratic solution and
does not guarantee
the eventual restoration of our democratic
rights.
Option 3. Force the Zanu PF led regime in Harare to accept that
it has no
answers and no solutions to the crisis and to agree to a
negotiated
settlement of the conflict. This is the tough route, but it has
the
advantage that it would facilitate a clean break with the past, allow a
new
democratic regime to emerge and would hold out the promise that the rule
of
law would be re-established, that all basic human and political rights
would
be respected and economic recovery could start almost
immediately.
It is also clear that South Africa (and perhaps a few other
countries) favor
the second option. Staying where we are has destabilization
aspects to it as
economic migrants from the collapse in Zimbabwe flee to
other countries -
especially South Africa. But there is also no doubt that
many analysts fear
the impact on South Africa's fragile political economy of
a MDC led
government in Zimbabwe. That such a development would undermine the
tenuous
threads that hold the ANC alliance together is not lost on South
Africans.
The fact that the ANC has shifted to the center in the South
African
political spectrum is also not lost on big business. They welcome
the
development and watch with dismay the growing restiveness of labour in
South
Africa. Not all the components of the ANC welcome the shift in ANC
policies
towards conservative economic policies and practices. The current
wave of
strikes and the support for Jacob Zuma are testimony to this state
of
affairs.
So it has become a race to see which of options 2 and 3
eventually take
control of the process of change in Zimbabwe. It is no longer
a question of
if there will be change - only the form and direction it will
take. Clearly,
if my hypothesis is right, Mr. Mbeki knows full well that what
happens in
the remainder of his tenure as President of South Africa, may well
be
decided in Harare and not Pretoria. But for those of us with
Zimbabwean
interests at heart - there is only one way out - option
3.
So how do we get the country onto that road back to sanity? Clearly,
with
little or no effective international assistance or pressure on the
regime,
Zimbabweans themselves must take the initiative. That is what Western
and
African leaders have been saying and we have come in for a fair degree
of
criticism for what is perceived as our passivity as a people. What
the
outside world has to understand about us, is that our culture (the
dominant
one at least) is very passive, favors peace making over conflict and
also
that we as a nation are sick and tired of violence and
conflict.
We also know full well what we are up against - a regime that
has always
favored violence and coercion over consultation and dialogue.
These are men
and women "with degrees in violence" as Mr. Mugabe is oft to
say.
But do we have any alternative now? I think not and the majority
of
Zimbabweans agree with me. So for the first time, the MDC is putting
its
commitment to democratic means of change on the back burner - not
ignored,
but no longer considered as the way forward. We now turn to the
street as
the only road left to us if we want to rescue Zimbabwe and get back
on our
feet as a nation.
A short campaign is envisaged - starting at
Easter with the Churches leading
the nation in prayers for peaceful, legal
change in Zimbabwe. Then a whole
raft of activities designed to drive home
the message that we have had
enough of the status quo and demand change -
fundamental change in the way
we are governed. This will then lead up to a
climatic event that will
finally confront the regime with the people's
demands and this will not
disband until the concessions are
granted.
We do not want to overthrow the government - even though it has
no
democratic credentials and should not even be in power. All we want is
a
people driven, new constitution for the country and agreement on how we
get
from here to there on the road map to fresh elections under free and
fair
conditions in 2007.
Nothing is predetermined - we all take our
chances with the process, Zanu PF
and the MDC alike. But in the end, the
people must be allowed to decide - as
they did in South Africa, how they are
going to govern themselves in the
future and how their society is going to
develop from now on. At the end of
the process, the people must decide who
leads them and who takes control
after new elections.
The current
President must also take his chances - we do not want to see him
overthrown
in a coup, rather we would want to see that matter left to our
Courts and to
the initiative of those who have been so deeply wronged while
he was in
power. Justice, not retribution is our goal.
This decision was not easily
or suddenly arrived at. It is the product of
years of struggle to try and
secure change through the ballot box only to be
frustrated at every turn. We
know there will be serious trouble and more
suffering for the people in the
short term but also know that now there is
no other way.
Eddie
Cross
Bulawayo 27th March 2006
Zim Online
Wed 29 March 2006
HARARE -
President Robert Mugabe has demanded that intelligence
minister Didymus
Mutasa and police chief Augustine Chihuri explain how
security agents came
"to conclude the existence" of an alleged plot to kill
him that has turned
out to be false, ZimOnline has learnt.
Authoritative sources said
Mugabe - livid apparently over the
embarrassment caused to him and the
government when the widely-reported
assassination plot collapsed at the
first hurdle in court - summoned Mutasa
and Chihuri last week on Tuesday and
ordered the two to submit written
reports on the matter.
"The
meetings were tense. The President was not pleased at all," said
a senior
official in the President's office who spoke on condition he was
not
named.
The official, who said Mugabe met Chihuri and Mutasa
separately,
added: "Chihuri was under fire but Mutasa appeared in a better
position as
he simply shifted all the blame on the police who he accused of
unprofessionalism."
Both Mugabe's spokesman,
George Charamba and Chihuri were not
available for comment on the matter,
while Mutasa admitted meeting Mugabe
Tuesday last week but said this was
only part of the regular meetings he has
with the President and whose
details he was not going to discuss with the
Press.
He said: "I
meet the President regularly. More frequent than you
probably think and I
can't be explaining details of my meetings with him to
the Press every day .
honestly, would that make sense?"
Six officials of the main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) party were two weeks ago
arrested in the eastern city of Mutare for
allegedly plotting to assassinate
the 82-year old Mugabe.
Police and agents of the state's spy
Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) swooped on the MDC activists after
discovering arms at the home of a
local gun dealer, Peter
Hitschmann.
Hitschmann was a soldier in the white government's army
before
Zimbabwe's 1980 independence but was now working with the police as a
volunteer under its special constabulary wing.
The police
alleged Hitschmann and the MDC activist had plotted to use
the guns to
commit acts of banditry and that they also plotted to spill oil
along the
Harare to Mutare highway to make it slippery so that Mugabe - who
the
opposition activists allegedly assumed would drive to Mutare for his
birthday celebrations - could overturn in his vehicle and die.
But charges had to be withdrawn against the MDC activists for lack of
evidence although Hitschmann remains in custody after the police altered
charges against him to strengthen their case. The police are now charging
the gun dealer under the Firearms Act.
There have been several
reports before of plots to assassinate
Mugabe - which the veteran President
has not criticised - but which
intelligence analysts have dismissed as
hoaxes by state agents out to find
an excuse to crack down on the
opposition.
But our sources said the latest plot that has raised
the ire of Mugabe
was not "one of the intelligence operations sanctioned by
head office" but
appeared to be a product of overzealousness by Mutare
police commander
Ronald Muderedzwa and an intelligence officer based in the
city, who our
sources could only identify as Gota.
Muderedzwa
and Gota are said to have hatched the assassination theory
after an
assortment of guns were discovered in Hitschmann's car and not in
his house
as they later alleged.
After his grilling by Mugabe, Chihuri is
said to have phoned
Muderedzwa and other senior police officers in Mutare
"at midnight" after
meeting Mugabe and ordered them to compile reports on
how they came up with
the alleged assassination plot.
"Chihuri
was also furious at his juniors. He accused Mudererdzwa of
making him look
stupid by making him report to Mugabe a plot that never
was," said a senior
officer at police headquarters in Harare, who is also
privy to details
pertaining to the matter.
Muderedzwa yesterday refused to take
questions on the matter. "I am
not going to talk to you about anything
concerning that matter," he said
before switching off his
phone.
But according to our sources, Chihuri has demanded that
Muderedzwa
explain among other issues why the police had alleged that
Hitschmann and
the MDC activists planned to spill oil along the Harare to
Mutare highway
when it should have been obvious to everyone that the
President would fly to
Mutare.
Mugabe rarely uses the road for
long trips outside Harare and flew to
Mutare for his 82nd birthday bash last
month. Chihuri has also asked the
Mutare police commander to explain how any
would-be assassin would attempt
to use ordinary rifles including Second
World War 303s to try to shoot
Mugabe in his official car - a specially made
Mercedes Benz S600 LV 140AMG
(Pullman).
The car, which is
bullet proof, is reputed to be one of the safest and
is fitted with special
tryes that can take it for a further 50 km after a
puncture or being hit by
a bullet.
The police chief has also asked Muderedzwa to explain why
police lied
on the charge sheet that the venue of Mugabe's birthday
celebrations was
shifted from Manicaland agricultural show grounds to
Sakubva football
stadium on security grounds.
The venue for the
celebrations was changed because the agricultural
showground is small and
difficult to access while the football stadium is
bigger and accessible to
more people. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 29 March 2006
HARARE - Zimbabwe's
National Aids Council (NAC) on Tuesday said it was
only able to provide
anti-retroviral (ARV) drugs to one in every 12 HIV/AIDS
patients because
there is no money to buy adequate supplies.
NAC executive director
Tapiwa Magure told Parliament's portfolio
committee on health that funds
raised through an aids tax on workers were
having to be spread out to cover
other social sectors requiring support
leaving little money to pay for drugs
or HIV/AIDS prevention programmes.
As result the NAC, the
government's anti-HIV/AIDS agency, had failed
to increase the number of
people receiving ARVs to 170 000 by end of 2005 as
had been
planned.
Only 25 000 people were receiving drugs by the end of last
year out of
a total of 300 000 people that Magure said urgently required
drugs. About a
quarter of the 12 million Zimbabweans are estimated to be
infected by the
deadly HIV virus.
"Due to the dysfunctional of
sectors such as the social welfare
department and the BEAM (Basic Education
Assistance Module), some people
were now getting hospital and school fees
from the Aids Levy, impacting
negatively on the provision of ARVs," said
Magure.
Zimbabwe's high inflation of more than 700 percent had
also whittled
down funds for HIV/AIDS programmes, the NAC chief told the
parliamentary
committee.
"Funding for health delivery has been
dwindling in real terms
beginning in 2000. Although HIV and Aids are funded
from the 3 percent levy
on taxable incomes, the value of the money has
dropped due to inflation,"
said Magure.
According to the 2004
Millennium Development Goals report on Zimbabwe,
the crisis-hit southern
African country requires about US$38 million to
reverse the spread of
HIV/AIDS between 2002 and 2015. The amount excludes
the cost of
ARVs.
Zimbabwe and Uganda are the only two sub-Saharan countries
that have
been able to reverse HIV'AIDS infections but the gains scored by
Harare
against the disease could be reversed as resources dry up after six
years of
a severe economic recession.
The economic crisis has
spawned shortages of essential medical drugs,
food, fuel, electricity and
nearly every basic commodity because there is no
hard cash to pay foreign
suppliers. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 29 March 2006
KAROI - The Attorney General (AG)'s
office is appealing against a Z$10
million (about US$100) fine imposed on a
senator of President Robert
Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party convicted of
political violence which led to
the death of one man.
Director
of public prosecutions in the office, Loice Matanda-Moyo,
told ZimOnline
that she had ordered an appeal because last month's sentence
against Senator
Phone Madiro was "too lenient".
Matanda-Moyo said: ''In fact, I
have assigned another officer to
prepare for the appeal as it was too
lenient and the court erred on the
sentence .. I cannot say when the papers
will be ready but we are working on
it."
Madiro, who represents
Kariba/Hurungwe constituency, was last month
found guilty of inciting a
group of 18 ZANU PF youths loyal to him to attack
the supporters of his
political rival Cecilia Gwachiwa in December.
Both Gwachiwa and
Madiro belong to ZANU PF and were contesting for the
right to represent the
party in last March's general election.
One of Gwachiwa's
supporters, Tichaona Manyembere, was seriously
injured during the attack by
Madiro's supporters and died two weeks later
from the injuries.
The youths hired by Madiro to commit violence were sentenced to
perform 240
hours each of community service at rural schools while the
Senator escaped
with a fine.
Human rights groups and the main opposition Movement
for Democratic
Change party have in the past accused militant ZANU PF youths
of committing
violence and human rights violations against opposition
supporters, a charge
denied by the ruling party.
Madiro's trial
and conviction is one of the very rare occasions when a
senior ZANU PF
leader has been brought to book for inciting political
violence.
Meanwhile, Madiro on Tuesday told ZimOnline that he
had been suspended
from Parliament and barred from attending the Senate
because of his
conviction on political violence charges. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 29 March 2006
JOHANNESBURG - A
Methodist bishop assisting Zimbabwean refugees on
Tuesday said two South
African banks had pledged to raise about 1.3 million
rand to help refurbish
a building in Johannesburg to house refugees.
Bishop Paul Verryn
told ZimOnline yesterday that the banks, Nedbank
and Investec, were willing
to chip in to lessen the plight of hundreds of
Zimbabwean refugees who were
last week kicked out of the Methodist Church
building in the
city.
"Nedbank and Investec are offering about 1.3 million rand to
refurbish
a building in the city centre. We are also hoping to get funding
from our
overseas partners to help refurbish the building which we are also
planning
to use as a training centre," said Verryn.
An
official from Investec who refused to be named because he is not
authorized
to speak to the Press also confirmed the development.
"We are at
the moment talking to the church on the way forward
following the eviction
of the refugees. Our target is to see that all those
who were evicted are
housed before the beginning of June," he said.
At least 300
Zimbabweans who were staying at the Methodist church
building in central
Johannesburg were two weeks ago evicted from the
premises after they
violently clashed over some donated clothes. Two people
died during the
disturbances. - ZimOnline
VOA
By
VOA News
28 March 2006
Zimbabwe says its military wants
to establish a so-called "strategic
partnership" with
China.
Tuesday's edition of the state-run newspaper The Herald quotes the
Zimbabwe
Defense Forces commander as saying his forces have benefited
greatly from
Chinese military aid and training exchange programs.
The
paper said the general made the comment at a dinner held in Harare
Friday in
honor of a visiting delegation from the Chinese army.
The Herald said
Zimbabwe's military wants to develop a new type of strategic
partnership
with China that would feature political equality, economic
cooperation, and
exchanges of culture and technology.
China has become an increasingly
important ally to Zimbabwe as the
government of President Robert Mugabe
battles international isolation.
Critics of the Mugabe government blame
it for the country's economic crisis,
which has seen agricultural production
plunge and inflation soar to more
than 700 percent per year.
Some
information for this report was provided by Reuters.
Washington, D.C. 27 March 2006 |
The president of the southern African state of Zimbabwe, Robert Mugabe, has been strongly criticized in the West for his iron-fisted rule, especially the destruction of his country's economy and brutal suppression of dissidents. Despite Mr. Mugabe's actions, there are Africans who admire him.
Zimbabwe is a land of difficulties.
According to its own government, inflation is now at more than 780 percent a
year. Food is scarce - - the country's wheat flour makers say that grain could
run out soon, and that prospect is already driving the price of bread through
the stratosphere. Fuel is also desperately short, hampering transport and
commerce.
Zimbabweans line up to receive aid distributed by the
World Food Program
Analysts say two-thirds of Zimbabwe's population is now out of work and sinking even more deeply into poverty. At the center of it all is Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe, and his policies, which are seen by many as a means to preserve power at all costs, even if it results in the destruction of his country.
Robert Mugabe the "Liberator"
Yet to some, Robert Mugabe is a hero, not a villain. Africa analyst Todd Moss at the Washington-based Center for Global Development says admiration of the Zimbabwean leader stems both from his past accomplishments and the continent's customs.
"Mugabe is still considered a father of the anti-colonial struggle, the father of Zimbabwe, and still considered an important independence leader. And some of that reverence constrains people's willingness to criticize him in public. There is, of course, the African tradition of not criticizing your peers, especially to the outside community," says Moss.
In 1963, Robert Mugabe was one of
the founders of the Zimbabwe African National
Union, or ZANU, a political party he still heads today. He went to Mozambique in 1974 to lead the party's military arm in a fight
against Zimbabwe's then-white minority government,
which called the country Rhodesia.
The ZANU political party rose to prominence under Robert
Mugabe's leadership
In 1978, that government agreed to give way to the black majority, and Robert Mugabe emerged as prime minister in elections held in early 1980. He became Zimbabwe's president in 1987.
Pan-African Support for Robert Mugabe
With his own country under black majority rule, Mr. Mugabe turned his revolutionary zeal toward neighboring South Africa and its white minority apartheid government. Nelson Mandela's African National Congress movement received critical support and refuge from the Zimbabwean leader and that, according to analyst Jennifer Cooke at the Washington - based Center for Strategic and International Studies, is a reason for current South African President Thabo Mbeki's public silence regarding Robert Mugabe.
"Mbeki comes from a liberation movement - - there's a certain solidarity there. People thought this might give him an opportunity to act a little bit more forcefully on Zimbabwe, but his policies showed no significant change. So there's no telling that Mbeki is planning to change his mind anytime soon," says Cooke.
The South African president is not alone in his silence regarding Zimbabwe and its leader. The African Union has taken strong positions on other continental issues such as the conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan, but has offered no public criticism of Mr. Mugabe.
Bill Fletcher, President of TransAfrica Forum in Washington, says there is a powerful reason for the A.U.'s silence. “Mugabe knows, on a personal level, many of the leaders of other countries," says Fletcher. "So there is, if not a camaraderie, there is a certain relationship that has developed over the years that makes it difficult for one to move against another."
Domestic Policies Draw International Condemnation
Much of the criticism of Robert
Mugabe revolves around two events. One is his policy of confiscating land from white farmers, oftentimes by
force, and giving it to members and supporters of
his ZANU-PF party. Another is the demolition of slums in the capital, Harare, making hundreds-of-thousands of
people homeless.
Land confiscated from white farmers is given to
Mugabe supporters
Opponents say those slums were a stronghold for a dissident political group called the Movement for Democratic Change, whose leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, opposed Mr. Mugabe for the presidency in 2002 in what many observers say was a seriously flawed election.
Mr. Mugabe's Winning Strategy
The United States and Britain have condemned Mr. Mugabe and his policies, but Peter Kawanga with the independent International Crisis Group in Pretoria, South Africa says the Zimbabwean president successfully played the "race card" against what he portrays as colonial powers and their alleged interference in Zimbabwe's affairs.
"When Mugabe came under attack, Mugabe became an 'evil genius' by politicizing the land question. Instead of dealing prudently and legally, he turned it into the most important axis. He has won the day by pushing out white farmers," says Kawanga.
But the displaced farmers provided Zimbabwe not only with food, but also much-needed foreign currency by selling their crops on the world market. Now Zimbabwe has become a net food importer and a recipient of international aid.
Its overall economy is in a free fall. As a result, Zimbabwe's middle class has largely left for South Africa and other neighboring countries, leaving only the political elite surrounding Mr. Mugabe and a huge impoverished underclass that observers say he continues to distract.
The Mugabe Cult
Roberta Cohen at The Brookings Institution
in Washington says a major reason why Robert
Mugabe remains popular with some Zimbabweans and other Africans is that he has made himself the very symbol and image
of his country.
Robert Mugabe is still popular despite poor
governance
"He's like a number of other African strongmen that don't want to accept opposition don't want to accept a democratic structure. He seems to have that same kind of megalomania that you see in some of these other countries. Little distinction is made between the country and the person," says Cohen.
While Mr. Mugabe's "father of Zimbabwe" self-portrayal has sustained a certain popularity for him, the increasing misery of many in that country may eventually lead to his revile. But many Zimbabwe-watchers say that so long as there are people who remember the anti-colonial struggle, Robert Mugabe will be seen by some as an African hero.
Reporters without Borders
Reporters Without Borders today
called on the Zimbabwean authorities to
recognise their inability to
maintain a ban on The Daily News independent
newspaper and its weekly
supplement The Daily News on Sunday and to grant
them a licence to resume
publishing.
"Zimbabwe's system of repression is beginning to crumble,"
the press freedom
organisation said. "We have the details of an unambiguous
Harare high court
ruling that totally discredits the Media and Information
Commission (MIC)
and its biased policies. When forced against the wall, the
government
violated its own draconian press law. To end to an ordeal that
has lasted
too long, it should recognise its defeat in the battle with The
Daily News'
owners and allow it to reappear."
Reporters Without
Borders has obtained a copy of the 8 February ruling in
which high court
judge Rita Makarau said the commission's decision to reject
a licence
application by Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ), the
publisher of The
Daily News, was "rendered void by the participation of the
[commission's]
chairperson in its making after he had been found to be
biased against the
applicant."
Judge Makarau also ruled that "there is merit in the
submission of the
applicant" to the high court "that the commission as
presently constituted
is now disabled from validly considering the
applicant's application as
their decision will be tainted by bias of the
chairperson."
The MIC recognized after the ruling that it could no longer
consider the ANZ's
licence application. But no other government authority
issued a decision
within the 30-day deadline that followed the high court
ruling, which
expired on 10 March. This means the government is now in
breach of the
Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA)
for the first
time since its adoption in 2002.
As a result, the ANZ
today brought an action before the high court against
information and
publicity minister Tichaona Jokonya, to force the government
to respond to
its application.
The drawn-out legal wrangle between the ANZ and the MIC
has gone from court
to court ever since The Daily News and its Sunday
edition were first banned
by the MIC in September 2003. In February 2004,
the battle reached the
supreme court, which took more than a year to issue a
decision.
The supreme court finally issued its ruling on 14 March 2005,
quashing the
MIC's ban on the newspapers and forcing it to reconsider the
ANZ's request
for a licence within 60 days. Although this deadline expired
on 15 May, the
MIC waited until 16 June to consider the ANZ's
request.
After two days of deliberations, on 16 and 17 June, MIC chairman
Tafataona
Mahoso refused to make any statement aside from saying the
newspapers would
be notified when a decision had been made. He did not
explain what that
meant. The MIC finally announced its refusal to give the
ANZ a licence on 18
July, as a result of which the ANC immediately
challenged the decision
before the Harare high court.
The MIC's
decision was subsequently criticised by a member of the MIC board
after he
had resigned. The former board member said the chairperson was
pressured
into refusing the licence by Zimbabwe's Central Intelligence
Organisation
(CIO).
Mining Weekly
--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Zimbabwe's central bank has more than doubled the local price of gold
in a
bid to shore up official deliveries, which plunged by 40% in 2005,
local
media reported on Tuesday.
Gold is a key foreign currency earner
for Zimbabwe's struggling
economy and accounts for about 52% of total
mineral production and a third
of export earnings.
But the
sector has been hit by mine closures in the last five years,
as operating
costs soared in a recession marked by triple-digit inflation
and shortages
of fuel and foreign currency.
Zimbabwe gold producers surrender
their gold to sole purchaser and
refiner, Fidelity, a wholly owned central
bank firm, and are paid in mostly
Zimbabwe dollars. Under the arrangement,
they get only 40% in hard currency.
Gold deliveries in 2005 fell to
13 000 kg from 21 300 kg the previous
year with the central bank saying the
mineral was finding its way on the
black market, where earnings are higher
and subsequently smuggled to
neighbouring countries.
The
official Herald newspaper said gold now fetched 2,5-million
Zimbabwe dollars
per gram, up from 1,2-million and more than 2,7-million
Zimbabwe dollars on
the black market. The central bank could not be
immediately reached for
comment.
"This is a good development and we hope it will promote
more
deliveries to Fidelity Printers and Refiners who are the established
producers," David Murangari, Chamber of Mines chief executive told the
Herald.
Gold miners have complained that they have suffered
from delays by the
central bank to adjust the local price of gold at a time
when inflation is
spiralling. Annual inflation raced to a new 782% record in
February from
613,2% in January.
$1=99 201 Zimbabwe dollars
The East African
By Charles Onyango-Obbo
Last week, authorities in Gambia
confirmed that they had foiled an attempt
by some military officers to oust
President Yahya Jammeh.
A few days earlier, the Chadian government too
claimed it had crashed a coup
bid.
In recent years, coups have become
few and far between on the continent. The
last successful one was in August
2005, when Col Ely Ould Mohamed Vall
grabbed power in
Mauritania.
From the time the epidemic of coups broke out in the late
1960s to the end
of the 1980s, there were over 70 of them and 13
presidential assassinations.
The relative "calm" of the past 15 years led
many observers to speak of
Africa having entered the "post-coup age." Not
everyone was so optimistic,
but the doubters were largely dismissed as
Afro-pessimists. Yet, they might
have the last laugh.
Africa is
entering a stage very much akin to that we had in the 1970s. By
that point,
nationalist leaders and independence fighters had turned into
one-party
tyrants, and had run their countries to ground. Today, the
liberation
movement leaders, democracy campaigners and human-rights
activists who were
swept to power by the winds of change of the past 20
years have turned
rogue. Many are as corrupt, if not more so, than their
predecessors.
The opportunities that opposition parties had in the
1990s to win power
democratically have closed in nearly all but a few
countries. One reason is
that many opposition parties are extremely
incompetent, and only come to
life ahead of elections. The main explanation,
though, is that governments
have ensured that they don't hold elections that
they aren't prepared to
steal.
The main structural change from the
'60s and '70s, however, is that far more
African governments are today
controlled by military parties that grew from
liberation movements - the
National Resistance Movement in Uganda, the
Ethiopian People's Democratic
Revolutionary Front, the Rwanda Patriotic
Front, Frelimo in Mozambique, Zanu
in Zimbabwe, and some might argue even
the African National Congress in
South Africa.
Unlike in the early post-independence period when armies
grew out of a
totally different tradition from that of the nationalist
parties, many
African armies today emerged from the wombs of the ruling
parties. This has
given these parties tremendous ability to mobilise the
military to their
partisan political service.
If this situation
persists, and governments fail to reverse the scandalous
levels of poverty
and general failure one sees in most places around the
continent, faith in
democratic politics could collapse. And desperate
anti-democratic
alternatives will become more attractive.
There could be several
outcomes. First, most governments will simply run out
of the means to
continue buying their way in power.
Secondly, in many countries the
military has been shy about returning to
State House because they fear the
backlash from a hostile population. But if
political cynicism and
desperation grows among the people, the generals will
be able to read
correctly that their return to power will be welcome.
The main sticking
point would be the reaction of the donors, who keep most
of these poor
countries afloat with cash handouts. However, the donors have
failed to
shepherd most of their client regimes toward civil and enlightened
behaviour, nor have their "partnerships" improved economic conditions
noticeably in many places. It's doubtful they will have the moral authority
to restrain political actors in the long run.
For these reasons, I
think we could be moving to the Second Coup Age in
Africa in a few years. In
another 10 years, we might have as many military
governments in Africa, as
we have freely elected ones.
Charles Onyango-Obbo is Nation Media Group's
managing editor for convergence
and new products.
E-mail: cobbo@nation.co.ke
zimbabwejournalists.com
By a Correspondent
ZIMBABWEAN campaigner,
Shane Lunga, has won a major British charity
award for his work surrounding
initiatives on rebuilding the country whose
economy has been in a major
freefall since 2000. Lunga, a British-based
Zimbabwean, won the Sheila
McKechnie Foundation award given to exceptional
campaigners.
The Foundation, whose patrons include British Chancellor of the
Exchequer,
Gordon Brown, gave out awards to individuals leading campaigns
that further
economic justice. Lunga, founder of Zimbabwe Futures, a
UK-based
organisation promoting plans for the country's revival, beat off
competition
from many other contenders involved in national and
international pressure
groups.
The awards were judged by a panel of leading campaigners
and policy
experts.
Accepting the award, he said: "I'm honoured
to have been given this
award. I will use it as a platform to highlight the
needs of a country that
is fighting for survival. Millions of Zimbabweans
are fighting poverty and
AIDS."
He said Zimbabweans all over
the world need to start thinking about
life about the Zanu PF government,
how they can re-build and restore the
country to a level where people have
equal access to resources.
"We need to prepare for the day when
this dictatorship leaves power
and the task of rebuilding Zimbabwe can
begin. We have to start planning now
for the creation of a health service
that can prevent and treat AIDS; for an
economic recovery plan that will
create jobs and a democratic settlement
that will ensure that the human
rights abuses of the Rhodesian and ZANU era
never happen again," Lunga
said.
Gordon Brown, one of the Foundation patrons also spoke at the
awards
ceremony last night. He said: "Campaigning is a central part of our
democracy. For decades we have had well-established national organisations
who have fought for social justice in areas like homelessness and
international aid. However I want to empower grassroots activists who don't
have the backing of massive networks and paid staff. This is why I support
the work of the Sheila McKechnie Foundation to give training and advice to a
new generation of campaigners, to help them make the difference locally,
nationally and internationally."
Zimbabwe Futures is promoting
a four-point plan for the country's
revival. The key points are getting
Zimbabwe's skills back home. The group
says donor support for new incentives
for key workers like nurses and
private sector managers to return home in a
new political dispensation need
to be worked on now.
In a new
Zimbabwe, ZF also wants the new European trade agreements to
enable Zimbabwe
to protect infant industries. The HIV/Aids pandemic is one
of the major
issues that need to be dealt with for Zimbabwe to recover from
its political
and economic doldrums. Major investment in its health delivery
system,
including universal access to anti-retroviral treatments for those
with a
clinical need
ZF is also spearheading campaigns for initiatives to
promote and
enforce human rights to prevent a reversion to
dictatorship.
Zimbabwe Futures was founded in 2004 and its board
comprises British
and South African-based Zimbabwean exiles. It was
established to campaign
for a support package for Zimbabwe in preparation
for a democratic
transition of power. Zimbabwe Futures is not campaigning on
issues relating
to the current constitutional and humanitarian crisis but
looking ahead to
reconstruction.
Said Lunga: "We need
Zimbabweans around the world to start thinking
about how we can prepare for
the revival of our country. It is better to
have no opportunity but have a
plan that to have an opportunity but no plan.
Look at Iraq for instance,
where there was no clear plan on how to rebuild
the country. With the right
recovery plan I am confident that Zimbabwe can
indeed have a
future."
zimbabwejournalists.com
By Bill Saidi
RECENT incidents featuring
dead bodies and guns seem to presage a 2008
presidential election campaign
filled with the mayhem of the 2000
parliamentary poll campaign, when more
than 40 people were killed.
The guns, ammunition and other
paraphernalia of that ilk were found in
Mutare. Sensationally, the
government media described them as an arms ache.
Yet, at the end of it all,
they belonged to one man, a gun dealer, the
holder of a legitimate licence
to deal in arms.
In the aftermath of the "discovery" of the arms cache,
Didymus Mutasa,
who is in charge of national security, warned those dabbling
in such
activities that they would be "eliminated".
It reminded me
of Stan Mudenge, then the foreign minister, predicting,
with undisguised
relish, that the mercenaries nabbed as they tried to
deliver arms to
Equitorial Guinea for a planned coup, "could be hanged",
Later, the
police, lying in wait for a gang of armed would-be robbers,
shot dead two of
them, in circumstances which some people thought smacked of
a bunch of
trigger-happy officers without the patience to either wound the
robbers or
order them to surrender before opening fire on them.
Of course, the
police could have followed the routine drill in such
situations: warned the
armed men to lay down their arms or face the
consequences. This does not
detract from the oft-heard criticism that the
police can be trigger-happy
when confronted in this way.
But they had the would-be robbers at a
distinct disadvantage: they had
been tipped of their approach. The element
of surprise would logically have
allowed them enough time to pounce on the
men, and disarm them without
firing a shot.
As I said, they might
have done all this, but may have had to deal
with the robbers decisively
after the latter started firing at them. What
prompted some of us to
question the validity of the police action was the
publicity surrounding the
incident.
The government television network interviewed people who
generally
called for the police to shoot first and ask questions later, if
they were
faced with such a situation in the future. It reminded me of a
situation
which developed in Dar es Salaam a few months ago. The police were
shooting
suspected armed robbers at the drop of a coin, literally. Anxious
citizens
began to wonder if this was not tantamount to cold-blooded
murder.
The line between the two can be very thin indeed: in most such
cases,
police offers are advised to shoot to disarm or to disable the
robber, not
to kill them, unless their own lives are in danger.
What made these events relevant to the prospects of a violent
presidential
election campaign was the reaction, later in the month, to the
results of
the elections in Harare at the so-called anti-Senate faction of
the Movement
for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Morgan Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai was
re-elected easily, as many people had expected. Only
those in Zanu PF and
the pro-Senate faction could have expected that
Tsvangirai would lose. Most
of this was wishful thinking, or an analysis of
the MDC split which
deliberately ignored Tsvangirai's large constituency, if
compared with that
of Professor Welshman Ncube, Gibson Sibanda or - if you
are really hard-up -
that of Professor Arthur Mutambara,
The vice-president of Zanu PF,
Joseph Msika, reacted with
characteristic venom to Tsvangirai's speech after
his victory. He called the
former trade union leader "a fool".But there was
also a curious sentence in
Msika's speech, according to the government
mouthpiece, The Herald:
"When President Mugabe is ready to go and rest,
he will come to you
(the people). If you say no, he will continue in
office."
Msika did not elaborate: Mugabe is constitutionally expected
to step
down in 2008, having served the requisite two terms as president of
the
republic. .
The succession debate has been raging for some
time, but so has the
prospect of the party asking Mugabe to stay on - for
reasons which the
country at large is not privy to.
Certainly, it
couldn't be related to what a good job he has done so
far. The country is
now a basket case. But other African presidents have
forced themselves on
their people for a third term.
The only reason could be that if Mugabe
stepped down in 2008 Zanu PF
would crumble and would thus enable the MDC and
Morgan Tsvangirai to step
in.
Admittedly, it would not be a picnic
for them. By that time, there
probably would be no economy to speak of as
even the money to buy paper on
which to print more money would have run
out.
But if the MDC was banned or if Tsvangirai was imprisoned on one
or
two trumped-up charges, Zanu PF would not have to go to suc extreme
lengths
to stay in power. If the MDC faction they had to contend with was
only
Mutambara's, they wouldn't have to sweat too much.
Moreover,
Zanu PF now probably feels that it has no reason to appear
to be reconciling
itself to its fate, particularly on the economic front. In
the immediate
future, it can expect no injection of balance of payments
assistance from
the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The government still
owes the IMF
US$119 million, even it had paid the US$9million it owed to
another of the
IMF's nest of fund sections.
So far, neither Herbert Murerwa nor Gideon
Gono, who attended the IMF
meeting at which the sad news was delivered, have
disclosed to an anxious
public what this means to the economy, in the
long-term. Evidently, they are
at a loss to explain why, initially, they
both seemed to insist that the
payment of the US$9 million would mean the
end of the IMF sanctions against
Zimbabwe.
Perhaps both men may
feel that this is too big a potato for them to
handle: The Boss, Mugabe
himself, would be better placed to shed light on
the tragic turn of
events.
Here, we hit a brickwall, because in recent weeks, Mugabe has
made few
public appearances.
Mutasa represented him at a belated
82nd birthday party for him in the
Midlands. A curious statement by Mutasa
was to the effect that although
people seemed to blame Mugabe for their
woes, he was not personally
responsible as this was the fault of his cabinet
colleague's incompetence.
In his birthday interview last month, Mugabe had
said as much, describing
most of his colleagues as non-performers or
under-performers.
Moreover, Mugabe's absence from the public view has
made many citizens
wonder if their country is being run by an absentee
president. The
vice-presidents, Joice Mujuru and Msika, are all over the
country,
addressing this or that field day or party conference.
Mugabe was last seen when he wondered aloud why teachers were paid
such a
meagre salary it was only a few thousand dollars more than an
ordinary
labourer's.
Critics wondered, in turn, how the president could be
unaware of the
salaries of a section of the civil service whose work has
been praised
lavishly for giving the country one of the highest literacy
rates in the
world.
Before this, after another long absence from
public view, Mugabe spoke
at a Danhiko function during which he mounted his
favourite racism hobby
horse. For many people, whose boredom with the racist
rhetoric of the
immediate post-farm invasion period is well-known, his
remarks seemed to
indicate how out of touch he was with what preoccupies the
people today -
how to make ends meet.
Mugabe could be seriously
ill, although in the past this has always
turned out to be a misguided
conclusion, based mostly on wishful thinking
among many people.
The
man is 82 years old and his health cannot be as robust as it was
ten or 15
years ago. Yet he must be rated as one of the healthiest African
heads of
state of this millennium.
At the same time, it is not entirely out of
character for Zanu PF to
be reticent on the subject of Mugabe's good health
or the lack of it. Mugabe
himself has not been unequivocal on his
retirement. He has by no means been
categorical; always, there has been a
rider - only if that is the wish of
the people.
Msika's remark has
to be read in this context: has Mugabe finally
decided that he will not step
down in 2008? If so, why? It can't because he
feels he has not accomplished
his mission. Whatever it was he has had enough
time to accomplish it. There
is no chance of five more years making any
difference.
The violence
of 2000 must not be repeated; it was so needless and set
back the country's
chances of achieving its economic and political goals by
perhaps ten or 20
years.
Zanu PF must not be allowed to plunge the country into more
violence
for the sake of hanging on to power. The task of the present
generation is
to ensure that future generations inherit a country which
achieved its full
potential to be a great economic and political state in
the community of
nations.
Not a half-baked dictatorship, led by a
very old Marxist-Leninist,
whose economic survival is anchored almost
entirely on the printing of money
whose value diminishes by the
minute.
IOL
March 28
2006 at 05:58PM
Harare - Zimbabwean groups on Tuesday slammed as a
farce a human
rights watchdog proposed by the government of President Robert
Mugabe, which
has been criticised for its human rights record.
"Whilst celebrating the government's glance of light, we totally
reject
their proposal to amend the constitution to institute their
theatrical
commission," the Crisis Coalition amalgam of civic and rights
groups said in
a statement.
"In the presence of executive powers as granted in the
current
constitution, any so-called independent commission will be fiction,
and
Zimbabwe does not need fiction but the pleasure of democracy under a new
constitution," it said.
Earlier this month, the southern
African country's human rights record
was ranked among the world's worst,
according to the United States state
department's annual Report on Human
Rights Practices for 2005.
Zimbabwe was the only African
country ranked alongside North Korea,
Burma, Iran, Cuba, China and Belarus,
considered to be nations where
political power is concentrated in the hands
of rulers who are not
accountable.
In its report on Zimbabwe,
Washington cited the continued muzzling of
the privately owned press,
government corruption, executive influence and
interference in the
judiciary, life-threatening prison conditions and
politicisation of state
apparatus.
A state weekly quoted Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa
as saying
Zimbabwe would soon set up its own human rights commission as part
of its
"quest to create a culture of human rights".
The
proposed human rights body will have the mandate to receive,
investigate and
redress any complaints relating to human rights, Chinamsa
said.
The National Constitutional Assembly - a coalition of civic groups,
opposition parties, and church bodies - threatened to protest the
move.
"This time we are prepared to take the state head-on over
that matter
in the streets and in the courts," assembly chairperson Lovemore
Madhuku
said, adding that the rights situation in Zimbabwe had worsened over
the
past six years. - Sapa-AFP
By Lance
Guma
28 March 2006
Workers at the state owned Zimbabwe
Banking Corporation (Zimbank) have
alleged that management is carrying out a
purge of all workers who hold
shares in the bank. The workers under the
auspices of Finhold Services
(Private) Limited (Finserve) - the company
holding their shares - say
management is still ignoring a Supreme Court
ruling ratifying the sale of
shares to them. A new board running the bank
and led by Dr William Mudekunye
has since 2001 been trying to reverse the
transaction but to no avail. This
resulted in the matter going to the courts
with the workers winning.
Lionel Saungweme in Bulawayo now reports
that several workers are
being fired in separate but related incidents in a
bid to dilute Finserve's
influence. Workers interviewed say those with
shares are being targeted. In
1996 Finserve purchased Z$16 million shares
courtesy of a loan from
Intermarket Building Society. At the time this was a
substantial amount of
money. The agreement contained a clause that after 5
years these
preferential shares would convert to ordinary Finhold shares.
Finhold
(Financial Holdings Ltd) is a shareholder in Zimbank. The Financial
Trust of
Zimbabwe owned by government however is the major
shareholder.
Of major concern is that ever since the Supreme Court
decided the
workers share purchase was legal, Zimbank has not paid out any
dividend to
Finserve. Management at the bank is quoted in several other
media as saying
they have already set up an empowerment vehicle that is set
to co-opt
Finserve into its structure. Insiders however say bank bosses are
not happy
about having workers with a dual role both as employees and
shareholders.
Most of the workers championing Finserve's interests are being
fired or
suspended from the bank.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
By Violet Gonda
28 March
2006
Members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) will gather in
prayer in
Bulawayo on Wednesday to mark the anniversary of the arrest and
brutal
treatment of over 260 women at the hands of police in Africa Unity
Square
last March.
The women are also challenging Zimbabwe's
first female Vice President
Joyce Mujuru to defend the rights of women. The
group asks; "Where was she
when riot police beat women and trampled them?
Where was she when they were
denied access to food and lawyers? Where was
she when they had to sleep in
an open courtyard with their babies? Where was
she when they were denied
access to toilets?"
This is the
second time this week that Zimbabwean women have
castigated Mujuru for not
speaking out or doing something to help the plight
of women. The women's
assembly of The Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions has
been forced to pay
duty of US$7,000 on a shipment of much needed sanitary
pads that was donated
by international supporters. Spokesperson Tabitha
Khumalo said this is
despite the fact that many women are being forced to
use newspaper or leaves
as an alternative.
The WOZA women say that is why "She must show us
if she is woman
enough to defend women and their human rights of dignity and
peaceful
assembly. We believe that she must know, in prison or no,
Zimbabwean women
are not free!"
WOZA Coordinator Jenni Williams
says many of the activists who were
detained last year are still suffering
medical complications and distress as
a result of the beatings they
received. Over 1000 women, 20 of whom with
babies strapped on their backs
had gathered in Harare for a prayer vigil for
peaceful elections when armed
riot police violently broke up the gathering.
Many of the WOZA
activists were arrested and detained overnight in an
open courtyard at
Harare Central Police Station. A statement from the groups
says as the
police officers arrested women they beat them with baton sticks.
Over 30 had
to be treated and 9 hospitalized for severe beatings to their
backs and
thighs. Some of the injuries were inflicted when police officers
made women
lie down on their stomachs and then walked over them with booted
feet.
More women were arrested later that day as the police
drove around
central Harare picking up groups of women who were still en
route to the
venue and those who had sought refuge in the waiting room of
the railway
station.
Williams said the women have waited in
anticipation to see if the Vice
President would answer their pleas but said
her stance is shown in her
silence and inaction.
The outspoken
activist said; "Nobody doubts that she has credentials
of a liberations war
veteran. But when you research and read the books about
women's role in the
liberation struggle you are not clear that it was also a
genuine fight for
equality that led us to the Zimbabwe of 1980. And now in
2006, as she wants
to become President, we are still questioning her
credibility, her
legitimacy as someone who should have championed, during
the liberation
struggle and now, the struggle for equality of women."
The WOZA
women will begin their anniversary activities at St Marys
Cathedral in
Bulawayo on Wednesday. A similar prayer service will be held in
Harare on 31
March.
The women who say they are affiliated to no political party
say the
focus of last year's vigil, "was to pray for peace during the post
election
period and to pray for divine intervention to prevent the results
being
manipulated as reported in the 2000 and 2002 Elections."
They were released after the night in custody and charged with
obstruction
under the Miscellaneous Offences Act.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
UN News Centre
28 March 2006 - The United Nations World Food Programme
(WFP), which is
feeding more than 9 million people in southern Africa this
month, said today
that was forced to borrow $113 million to ensure that the
region's needy did
not starve during the critical lean season from January
to April.
The agency said it took the loans on which it still owes some
$36 million,
from a mechanism that allows it to borrow against expected
donor
contributions because, even though it had persistently appealed for
assistance during the second half of 2005, pledges of food and cash lagged
well behind needs.
"If donations are not made quickly enough, we have
the financial systems in
place to help ensure people do not starve," Mike
Sackett, WFP Regional
Director for Southern Africa, said. "But these loans
cannot be repeated if
the international community does not step in to repay
them.
"Loans of this magnitude are only taken if serious consequences,
such as
loss of life, appear likely and there are no other options," he
added.
Southern Africa is in the acute phase of a long-term emergency due
to a
combination of HIV/AIDS, food insecurity and the governments' weakened
capacity for delivering basic social services, according to WFP, which calls
this combination the "triple threat."
Countries in southern Africa
have 9 of the 10 highest HIV/AIDS prevalence
rates in the world, forcing
many families to choose medicines over seeds and
fertilizers.
The
region also has endured a four-year drought, broken last month by heavy
rains in Malawi, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe that have brought on
flooding, displacing thousands of people, exacerbating cholera and malaria
outbreaks, and washing away newly planted crops.
WFP said that the
area is probably heading towards its best harvest in years
but several
million people will still need assistance, particularly orphans
and those
affected by HIV/AIDS, and the agency cannot assist them until the
outstanding loans are repaid.
The Herald (Harare)
March 28,
2006
Posted to the web March 28, 2006
Harare
THE Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe ( RBZ) has blacklisted scores of exporters in
the past three
weeks for contravening exchange control regulations, an
official said
yesterday.
In an interview at an exporters' meeting held at a local
hotel, the RBZ
division chief for export facilitation, foreign exchange,
mobilisation,
market liaison and administration, Mr Paul Sigauke, said that
the central
bank was cracking down on errant exporters. "The Reserve Bank is
not happy
with some of the exporters that are failing to comply with export
rules, for
instance in the past 21 days we embargoed a number of exporters
after they
failed to remit foreign currency receipts during the required
duration," he
said. Mr Sigauke said that many exporters were failing to
declare CD1 forms
prompting the RBZ to implement stern penalties. "We are
aware of problems
that are being faced by the exporters but it is important
that they inform
us of their challenges before the central bank acts on
them," said Mr
Sigauke. The CD1 forms refer to information from exporters on
foreign
currency receipts, which should be given to the central bank as a
proof of
payment by external clients.
Mr Sigauke, however, declined
to provide the number of firms that have been
blacklisted. "The figures will
remain a secret as we try to restore normalcy
in the operations of those
firms that have been found on the wrong side of
the law," he said. "The
exporters are important in enhancing hard currency
generation and this is
one of the major reasons we continue to tighten
screws in their activities,"
he said. The Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (Zimra)
regional manager for Region
2, Mr Jephat Mujuru, said that exporters should
be committed towards the
revival of the economy. "Exporters are an important
element in the economy
and Zimra expects them to abide by the stipulated
laws," he said.
Mr
Mujuru said that Zimra was assisting exporters in exploiting the Common
Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (Comesa) and the Southern Africa
Development Community ( Sadc) markets. "Both the Sadc and Comesa trade
protocols are important to exporters because they will have an opportunity
to access many markets duty free," he said. Mr Mujuru said that Zimra was in
talks with the business community on proposals to add value on exports.
"Zimra is interested in ensuring that exporters get the necessary
information on the external markets and plans are in progress to fulfil that
objective," said Mr Mujuru. He said that the Plumtree border post would soon
operate on a 24-hour basis to increase Zimbabwe's exports to Botswana.
"Plans are at an advanced stage in ensuring that the Plumtree border post
will operate on a 24-hour system with effect from August," said Mr
Mujuru.
An economic consultant and member of the RBZ advisory board, Dr
Eric Bloch,
said that exporters should adhere to the exchange control
regulations. "I
believe that exporters can generate the foreign currency
required in
importing essential commodities such as maize, wheat and fuel,"
he said. Dr
Bloch said that exporters should diversify products and services
to avert
risks of concentrating on a single commodity. "The Sadc and Comesa
regions
provide a market base for more than 200 million people and it is up
to the
local exporters to take the proper measures in exploring profitable
market
niches," he said.
The meeting was attended by officials from
the Ministry of Industry and
International Trade, Zimbabwe National Chamber
of Commerce, Shipping and
Forwarding Agents' Association of Zimbabwe,
ZimTrade, the Ministry of
Finance and the Matabeleland Chamber of
Industries.
kubatana.net
Paul Themba Nyathi
From
Conscience be my Guide: An anthology of prison writings
Edited by Geoffrey
Bould, Published by Zed Books Ltd and Weaver Press
March 2006
Paul
Themba Nyathi was a member of the ZAPU provincial executive in
Matabeleland
before Zimbabwe's independence. He was suspected of recruiting
guerrillas,
and was twice arrested before finally being placed under
indefinite
detention from 1976 to 1979. In 1999 he became a founding member
of the
national executive of the Movement for Democratic Change. He was
arrested
and held in police cells for four days in early 2003.
On my first arrest,
in 1974, I was interrogated in relation to recruitment
of guerrillas for the
ZAPU army, ZIPRA. The white officer was well informed
about our activities,
but when he couldn't get anything from me he handed me
to two black officers
who assaulted me. But they seemed to be impressed by
the fact that I
answered back to their insults and eventually simply let me
go. At least at
that time in the cells we got two meals a day, the cells
were relatively
clean and the toilets were flushed every hour. I sensed a
professional
attitude on the part of the police. We didn't expect much from
them because
we knew they were an instrument of an oppressive regime. We
felt like heroes
for being arrested, and we expected that the war would soon
be
won.
The attitude continued when I was arrested and sent for indefinite
detention
in 1976. I was detained under the state of emergency and
interrogated for
two weeks at Grey Street prison.
I was amazed at the
information they had, including details of a visit I had
made to Lusaka in
1965. Although I had indeed been recruiting guerrillas,
they could not pin
anything on me, so could not charge me. The interrogating
officer advised me
to admit to things which were not an offence, such as
visiting Zambia, so I
did. The regime was meticulous and only took to court
those cases where they
had overwhelming evidence because the courts were
quick to throw out any
which were not well substantiated. As a result I was
sent to detention
rather than being brought before the courts where I could
have been
sentenced to death if found guilty.
The three years at Wha Wha were a
period of intellectual growth for me. At
first we were crowded - about 30 in
a barrack designed for twelve - but soon
a new barrack was built. We were
comfortable, doing our own cooking,
flushing our own toilets; we grew
vegetables and played volleyball. We were
allowed visitors five times a
week. Food was standard, including meat and
vegetables, rice, cooking oil,
and were supplemented by the Red Cross.
Sometimes we even gave food to our
relatives to take away. There was a
clinic run by the Red Cross, so we
probably got better medical care than our
families outside.
During
our detention we were able to read lots of books, and study. Some who
went
into detention illiterate came out with a basic education. We debated
endlessly about how we could create the new Zimbabwe. Once I debated at
length across the fence with Enos Nkala, and we agreed that indefinite
detention was one out of the cruellest punishments and it would never be
done in a free country. Yet his party and he as minister continued with this
practice when they were in power. I learned a lot by observing the behaviour
of some of our leadership. It was a warning for the future. While some
displayed humility others played the role of petty dictators, making rules
that exempted them from duties of prisoners, insisting that others take the
burden from them.
One thing that was noteworthy was that the state
recognised that we were
political opponents. There was no attempt to
criminalise us. Furthermore,
they conceded that detainees were entitled to
certain basic rights and were
respected as human beings.
What I saw
when I was arrested under ZANU(PF) was quite the opposite. I was
arrested
and detained for four days at Bulawayo Central Police station,
where I had
been in 1974. I saw an amazing disregard for basic human
dignity. The cells
were unbelievably filthy, a rag which was once a blanket
was caked with
human vomit and excrement, the stench from the overflowing
toilet was
overwhelming, and these seemed to be a sadistic appreciation of
the role
played by hoards of mosquitoes. The toilet was being flushed from
the
outside regularly, but since it didn't work, it seemed a useless
exercise.
In four days I was never given food by the police - I had to be
fed by
colleagues from outside. I shared my food with several young boys who
had
been arrested for stealing maize cobs. No one knew they were there and
they
had not eaten at all for two days.
Under an independent African
government one would expect more sympathy and
respect for the prisoner than
under colonial rule. But rather I found a
callousness that resulted in a
deliberate degradation of other human beings.
There is no acceptance of
legitimate political opposition, but rather a
determination to criminalise
it. Beyond this there is a total indifference
to a malfunctioning system. No
one bothers to repair what doesn't work, or
to correct any wrongs. There has
developed a culture of neglect, with
completely de-motivated officers. No
one among the police seemed to take
pride in their work or even care about
it. They only take pleasure in
dehumanising their prisoners.
Who can
explain the brutality of black police officers against black
prisoners in an
independent Zimbabwe? The work of looking after prisoners,
of depriving them
of freedom, is itself degrading and can lead to abuses. If
it takes place
within a supervisory system which itself has no respect for
human dignity,
individual officers will do anything with impunity. Can we
blame it on the
brutalisation experienced during under colonial rule? I don't
know, but I
can say for certain that it was not what we experienced when
being held by
Smith's police and prisons and it is not what we expected when
we were
fighting for freedom in Zimbabwe.
We fought relentlessly against white
minority rule out of a conviction that
a black government would better
appreciate the dignity of the black
majority. The moral blameworthiness of a
black government that dehumanises
its own people is worse than that of a
white minority government. In the
case of the former the sense of betrayal
is complete.
kubatana.net
Lovemore Madhuku
From Conscience
be my Guide: An anthology of prison writings
Edited by Geoffrey Bould,
Published by Zed Books Ltd and Weaver Press
March 2006
Dr Lovemore
Madhuku, a lawyer, is the chairperson of the National
Constitutional
Assembly (NCA), a civic organisation in Zimbabwe working for
the adoption of
a new constitution as an essential element in establishing a
true democracy.
Since 2000 he has been in police custody twenty times,
either for a day or
overnight or for several nights. He has never been
charged with any offence
but has been brutally beaten and, on one occasion,
left for dead in the
bush.
I first became aware of the government's attitude towards peaceful
civic
protest during the civil service strikes of 1996. At that time I had
just
returned from Cambridge and was working with the trade unions. Over
time I
became convinced organised peaceful resistance was needed to push for
constitutional reform.
But what really made me fully committed was
the arrogance of the government
when we, in the newly founded NCA, met their
representatives led by Edison
Zvobgo in 1999. They totally ignored our point
of view and dismissed us
saying: 'You can go to hell. If you want, you can
go and get guns and fight
in the bush. We fought for these things and there
are limits to what you
ordinary people can have.' I realised how serious our
situation was and,
inspired mainly by Nelson Mandela, I decided I had to
become fully involved
in a new struggle for Zimbabwe.
The NCA started
an education programme about the need for a new constitution
and backed this
up with peaceful demonstrations. It was then that I began to
be repeatedly
arrested. Sometimes they got wind of a meeting or a
demonstration before it
took place and they came for me. At other times they
would come when the
meeting or demonstration was in progress. Or they would
say they were
informed about the speakers. I became fully identified with
the cause,
inspired by the feeling that what we were doing was right and
convinced that
I had no alternative but to be engaged in this new struggle.
I soon found
that I had crossed the threshold of fear in the sense that I
became strong
through resisting. You cannot theorise about these things and
say I can face
the police. No, you just get involved and then you face the
situation at the
time. Sometimes when you alert people to the risks they say
it is not worth
it. But it is worth it. Until things happen you don't know.
Once I was badly
beaten up and thrown to one side. I found I had no feeling
of fear.
Then
you discover it is worth it. There was another time when we were
marching
towards Parliament and there were all these police with dogs. I
cannot
believe the strength I found. We just went on marching.
I am not saying I
am never afraid of state force and what its agents can do
to me. But I have
discovered that they have no power to subdue me. You can
get depressed but
quickly you can overcome this by a strong sense of
conviction that what you
are doing is right. My conviction that I am doing
the right thing is my
strongest weapon against fear. I have felt alone at
times and I worry about
my wife and children. But then I have this sense of
doing what is right and
this carries me through. There could be 99 against
me. But then God always
ensures that there is one person who will come and
whisper that he believes
what I am doing is right. Or he might say 'your
relative came and was not
allowed to visit you.' Or 'we are trying to get
you into a better cell.' One
gesture means more than the 99 who just go with
the crowd.
Also,
those 99, they make mistakes in the way they put their case. Their
anger
betrays them. The way they defend an evil system betrays them. They
show
they don't know what freedom is. Can you imagine: 24 years after the
end of
the war Parliament wants to pay people for going to war. These people
put
across values that are not values at all. They say there will be
elections
but there is no evidence that they will be free. You meet young
people who
have no idea what a constitution is or what human rights are. So,
once
again, you get so convinced you are fighting for the right things.
During
our liberation struggle there was a clear goal. Though we were often
divided
among ourselves we were united in a common noble purpose: to win the
freedom
that would allow us to follow our own destiny. Today that freedom
has been
snatched away from us again and we are in thrall to a lie. We are
told to
believe that we live in a free Zimbabwe and that our elections are
'free and
fair.' The reality is that there is no freedom - either in
elections or the
press or in the media. And many of our people have become
accustomed to the
lie. Some are actually convinced that the situation is
normal. I have found
that I am not only repeatedly put in prison by the
state but that the whole
nation is a prison - and some think it is normal.
Zimbabweans have to
overcome the mindset that says, 'I cannot take the risk
of getting
involved.' We will not have success in one day. There will be
setbacks. But
we want to build a broad foundation of convinced people who
take a conscious
decision to take risks and overcome their fear.
March 28,
2006,
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Harare (AND) TWO days after
pro-senate leader, Arthur Mutambara
addressed a star rally in Harare, a row
has erupted over poor turnout at the
meeting, which was seen as a test for
the opposition leader's support in
Harare.
TWO days after
pro-senate leader, Arthur Mutambara addressed a star
rally in Harare, a row
has erupted over turnout at the rally, which was seen
as a test for the
opposition leader's support in Harare.
Critics charge that the robotics
professor turned politician was left
badly exposed by a low turnout while
his aides maintain their president was
well received in Harare. The row
comes at a time when Harare is abuzz with
reports that residents snubbed
Mutambara, who had literally walked into the
den of his political rival,
Morgan Tsvangirai.
While organisers had promised to stage a coup
over Tsvangirai by
drawing a large crowd of MDC supporters, the rally turned
out to be a
low-key event, which did not generate much excitement among
ordinary people.
Witnesses say it was easily eclipsed by the anti senate
congress which drew
15 000 MDC activists to the capital. Late in afternoon
on Sunday after
Mutambara addressed his rally, members of the anti senate
faction were
sending text messages to each saying the rally had flopped.
There were
reports that less than 1 500 people had turned up.
The state owned daily paper, The Herald which carried a story about
Mutambara's rally yesterday put the figure at only 800, fuelling speculation
this may have reflected Mutambara's little support in the capital. However
officials in the pro-senate camp are determined to limit the political
damage this may have caused to their leader who wants to be the undisputed
leader of the opposition. "The MDC President, Professor Arthur Mutambara
addressed an ecstatic and jubilant crowd of more than 5000 people at
Huruyadzo shopping centre in Chitungwiza, as Tsvangirai's thugs tried in
vain to disrupt the rally. A group of about 100 hired thugs singing and
hurling abuses at the huge crowd tried in vain to disrupt the rally," said
Morgan Changamire, the Deputy Secretary for Information and Publicity of the
pro-senate faction.
Changamire blamed Nelson Chamisa, the
spokesperson of the anti senate
group for sending text messages to some
Zimbabweans, giving false figures of
attendances at their rallies. "He
(Chamisa) appears to have struck some
unholy alliance with a known public
newspaper that is now using his
unresearched statistics on rally attendances
to mislead the nation."
Changamire said that "no amount of political
hallucination or twisting of
facts by understating figures of our rally
attendances, will change this
fundamental fact. That the people of Zimbabwe
are no longer interested in
leaders who fiddle with crowd figures in order
to mislead the nation about
their waning popularity."
Chamisa
could not be reached for comment but he earlier said the low
turnout showed
only Tsvangirai was the opposition leader who enjoyed the
mandate of the
suffering masses of Zimbabwe to bring about change.
Harare
(AND)
March 28,
2006.
By Tagu Mkwenyani
Harare (AND)Zimbabwe plans to
grow indigenous herbs on state farms to
be used as substitutes for
hard-to-get anti-retroviral drugs.
Faced with crippling foreign
currency shortages, the Zimbabwe
government is planning to grow indigenous
herbs that would substitute anti
retroviral drugs in the treatment of
HIV/AIDS patients.
Details about what appears to be desperate
measures to fight the
HIV/AIDS pandemic have emerged at a time when millions
of Zimbabweans are
failing to access the vital drugs. Health experts
estimate that just about
12 000 Zimbabweans may be accessing drugs when, in
fact, over 3 million
people require the life saving drugs.
Launching a booklet about nutrition for HIV/AIDS patients in Harare,
Edwin
Muguti, the deputy Minister of Health and Child Welfare, said
government was
taking extra ordinary measures to ensure that HIV patients
got medicine. He
revealed that government would acquire farms where the
drugs would be grown
but he could not provide more details about the
ambitious programme. Said
the minister: "We have entered a new era in the
HIV and Aids epidemic both
in terms of treatment and prevention and it is
important to realise that
antiretroviral therapy is only one component of a
comprehensive HIV and Aids
programme.
"No matter how many ARV's are pumped into the country
there will be no
results unless other issues are addressed, we should not
look at ARV's as
the panacea." The minister's announcement comes at a time
when the
Zimbabwean government has embarked on yet another ambitious
programme to
solve the fuel crisis making use of available resources. Under
the
programme, communities and farmers are encouraged to grow a jatropha
crop
whose seedling would be processed into diesel, a commodity hard to come
by
in Harare due to crippling foreign currency shortages. Critics have
however
scoffed at the "fire fighting measures" saying they were doomed to
fail
unless government addressed human rights issues and restored investor
confidence among many other corrective measures.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
The total collapse of the game matches the country's overall
decline.
By Tino Zhakata in Harare (AR No.53, 7-Feb-06)
In the
context of what is really important, the game of cricket comes very
low on
most sane people's lists.
However, its calamitous disintegration in
Zimbabwe is a symbol of the wider
collapse of a country, which was once
Africa's "breadbasket", but is now the
continent's basket case - something
so flawed that it is almost beyond help.
The country has the world's
fastest declining economy, with inflation
approaching 600 per cent. It has
seen nearly a million poor people driven
from their homes in the
government's Operation Murambatsvina (Operation
Drive Out the Filth). Some
5000 mostly white-owned commercial farms have
been confiscated and given to
loyalist supporters of President Robert Mugabe
in government, the judiciary
and armed forces.
In just the last few weeks, Zimbabwe Cricket, the
game's governing body
here, has lost its Test Match status, and now the
domestic game finds itself
without any Test-class players and probably soon
without any professional
cricketers at all. Its remaining thirty-five
first-class cricketers have
gone on strike in protest against corrupt
administration and because their
fees and salaries have not been paid for
several months. Most plan to quit
the country.
"It is without
question the nastiest mess professional cricketers have ever
found
themselves in during peace time," said leading British cricket writer
Scyld
Berry.
Unfortunately, it is an only too familiar Zimbabwean crisis. It
surfaced
during the 2003 World Cup when Henry Olonga, Zimbabwe's first black
international cricketer, and his white colleague Andy Flower, the country's
greatest ever batsman, took to the field in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second
city, wearing black armbands "to mourn the death of democracy in our belovèd
country".
It continued when the country's remaining top world-class
cricketers, such
as Flower and his brother Grant, Heath Streak, Sean Ervine
and some fifteen
others, quit Zimbabwe, citing racism among administrators,
especially from
the managing director of Zimbabwe Cricket, Ozias Bvute,
Mugabe's personal
enforcer on the national cricket board.
When a
board member questioned why President Mugabe was Zimbabwe Cricket's
patron,
Bvute threatened him, "If the member knows what is good for his
health, he
will desist from asking such questions."
The game in this country
effectively died when its young Test captain, the
brilliant 22-year-old
Tatenda Taibu, fled the country last December to
pursue his career in
Bangladesh, citing the fact that he and his family had
been physically
threatened by a cricket official following his allegations
of
maladministration by Bvute and Zimbabwe Cricket chairman Peter
Chingoka.
Now the country's residual first-class players, none of whom
would get into
any of the world's nine other Test Match teams, have gone on
strike. Their
complaint is mainly about unpaid fees and salaries totalling
around a
million US dollars. Zimbabwe's leading human rights lawyer,
Beatrice Mtetwa,
is representing them in a High Court action against
Zimbabwe Cricket in an
attempt to release funds.
At the same time,
former national coach Phil Simmons, a former top West
Indian Test batsman,
is suing Zimbabwe Cricket for illegal dismissal last
August and seeking
reinstatement of his salary of 10,500 US dollars a month.
Zimbabwe
Cricket offered to pay off the cricketers' arrears in increasingly
worthless
local Zimbabwe dollars at an old rate of 25,000 to one US dollar,
when the
real rate on the street is now more than 150,000 to one US dollar.
The
government, awash with inflation, has just issued a new 50,000 dollar
banknote. It sounds a lot, but it is not even enough to buy a loaf of
bread.
"I'm sure that the taking of legal action signals the end for
cricket in
Zimbabwe," a former international player told IWPR.
And
Clive Field, the players' representative, said, "Zimbabwe Cricket has
really
had it now. The players are simply walking away. Some have made it
clear
they want to get their dues and pursue their careers elsewhere."
The
country's best Test Match fast bowler, Tinashe Panyangara, has been
signed
by a minor English club, Holton-le-Clay, in the Lincolnshire League.
He is
finalising his work permit with the British authorities.
Dion Ebrahim,
currently the most experienced Test player and the country's
former
vice-captain, is quitting to pursue academic studies in Britain.
Plans by
Douglas Hondo, a fast bowler and perhaps the country's most popular
cricketer, and Prosper Utseya, at 20 one of Zimbabwe's most promising young
internationals, to relaunch their cricket careers abroad are at advanced
stages.
Players have made plans to leave the country because they are
unsure that
even if they win their court case that Zimbabwe Cricket has the
money to pay
them. The board made huge losses last year despite receiving
substantial
payments from the Dubai-based International Cricket Council,
ICC, which runs
world cricket. Last December, the homes of Bvute and
Chingoka were raided by
Reserve Bank fraud squad investigators. They were
grilled about alleged
misuse of foreign funds, totalling some 22 million US
dollars, earned by
Zimbabwe Cricket from Test matches and one-day
internationals. The two men
have not been prosecuted.
Even before the
players decided to quit en masse, Mugabe had killed the game
stone dead. In
early January, he told the government to take over Zimbabwe
Cricket - in
defiance of ICC regulations that national administrations must
not be in
government hands. Mugabe appointed a senior army man, Brigadier
Gibson
Mashingaidze, chairman of the government's Sports and Recreation
Commission,
to run Zimbabwe Cricket.
Mashingaidze immediately sacked all Asian and
white administrators in
Zimbabwe Cricket and withdrew the country from Test
Match cricket before the
other nine members of the ICC demanded Zimbabwe's
expulsion. Brigadier
Mashingaidze said Zimbabwe would continue to play
one-day internationals,
but without any first-class players that will be
impossible. Already the
West Indies and Pakistan are considering suing
Zimbabwe Cricket for failing
to fulfil contractual obligations by sending
the country's best cricketers
on impending and long-planned scheduled tours
to those two countries.
After the government took over cricket
administration, players'
representative Clive Field said, "I think we're
stuffed, more stuffed than
we've ever been. If this is the bunch that's
going to help deliver cricket,
I don't know what they are going to be
delivering at the end of it.
"I don't think it's going to be cricket.
It's going to be a corpse."
Tino Zhakata is the pseudonym of an IWPR
contributor in Zimbabwe.