Friday, 28 March 2008, 15:23 GMT
By Juliet Njeri BBC
Monitoring |
President Mugabe has been accused of planning to rig the
poll |
As Zimbabweans prepare to vote in presidential and parliamentary elections
on 29 March, bloggers inside and outside the country have joined the political
fray.
The poll will see President Robert Mugabe face a challenge from three
contenders.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, former finance minister and Mugabe ally Simba Makoni, and a lesser
known fourth independent candidate, Langton Towungana.
BBC Monitoring was unable to locate any pro-Mugabe bloggers or internet
forums.
Election mood
This is Zimbabwe run by the Sokwanele Civic Action Support Group, has
been posting regular updates.
One of them, titled "Let the world pray for Zimbabwe", sounded a sombre note:
"Sadness is the overwhelming emotion. Sadness at what could have been. So
many have fallen victim to the mad dictator," the post said.
|
Everyone knows Mugabe is going to rig the results, but can he cope
with a massive turnout of voters?
| "The
excitement that followed Simba Makoni's entry into the race has passed; now all
everyone wants is for the next 10 days to be over."
But the post was not completely despondent.
"The depth of sadness all around us is tinged with hope, just a slight
showing [of] its colour. No one wants to hope too much, for to have hope is to
open yourself to disappointment.
"Everyone knows Mugabe is going to rig the results, but can he cope with a
massive turnout of voters?"
The posting ended with the question: "Will ordinary Zimbabweans accept
another rigged result?"
Rigging fears
Another post on "This is Zimbabwe", from contributor "Hope", was titled
"Lies, empty promises, and kids with guns". It voiced fears that the poll would
be rigged.
"All election talk in Zimbabwe revolves around rigging: a certainty that
Mugabe has rigged and is doing his best to rig the elections; what tricks has he
up his sleeve this time; what has he said to SADC [Southern African Development
Community] to persuade them to look past the fraud; can we hope the police and
army and teachers etc. in the polling stations will blow the whistle and reveal
the truth?"
Hope wondered how anyone could believe that the poll would be free and fair.
"It has been rigged, is always rigged, is in the process of being rigged and
is going to be rigged again."
Via Zimbabwe Today, Moses
Moyo worried that voters would be disenfranchised.
In the blog, Moyo is described as an independent Zimbabwe-born journalist
based in Harare, writing under an alias.
|
The prospect of a fair and true election in Zimbabwe seems further
away than ever
| "Many ordinary
Zimbabweans, anxious to play their part in what remains of democracy in this
country, won't get the chance," Moyo said in an entry titled "No time to vote!"
Moyo noted that there were fewer polling stations in areas where the
opposition has more supporters, compared to rural areas where President Mugabe
is said to enjoy wider support.
"The prospect of a fair and true election in Zimbabwe seems further away than
ever," Moyo said.
The Sokwanele
group has posted a map on their blog, which it says displays incidences of
election breaches.
The blog says the map represents "a small sample of the breaches identified
under the project since we started monitoring the government's non-cooperation
with regional standards in July 2007. All the information logged under Zimbabwe
Election Watch is derived from media sources."
Campaign promises
In a post titled "Eating sovereignty and voting for puppies" on "This is
Zimbabwe", contributor Hope wrote about "the same old boring Zanu-PF rhetoric".
"The problem with blaming all the problems in the country on a big fat
Western conspiracy is that it strips Zanu-PF of campaign options and promises.
"Unless they can come up with real solutions for the economy, they are
finished. The problem with promising us the mines or ownership of other
businesses (or whatever it is they have robbed from Peter to give to Paul today)
is we have the experience of the land behind us now," said Hope, adding: "There
is nothing left to dangle before our noses.
|
Even if the Tsvangirai MDC does win the 29 March election, Zanu-PF
will still be around. I don't see them just up and disappearing come April
| Bev Clark,
via Kubatana.net, posted an entry
titled "If you want a farm, vote Zanu-PF".
"What we need in Zimbabwe right now are more defections in Zanu-PF, a viable
plan of action for what we'll do when the election is stolen (again), and
citizens with courage.
"The thing is, even if the Tsvangirai MDC does win the 29 March election,
Zanu-PF will still be around. I don't see them just up and disappearing come
April."
She quoted a reader to the blog, who noted: "For many years the MDC has been
unable to convert their stolen elections. Why would they suddenly be able to do
so in 2008? A failing economy and an ailing dictator don't necessarily place
victory in one's lap."
Morgan Tsvangirai intends to unseat President Robert
Mugabe |
This reader added: "If Makoni can somehow encourage the neutralization of
Mugabe and create a 'new Zanu-PF' committed to justice and Zimbabwe's social,
economic and environmental recovery then this should be seen as progress."
James Hall, via Kubatana.net, wrote about the pay hikes awarded by the
government during the campaign period. He warned Zimbabweans to be cautious.
"By all means, take the increment, you have after worked for it and deserve
it. Understand though that this is not the largesse of a political party, it is
what is due to you as long-suffering civil servants of an inefficient
government," he said.
"Take the money, then vote him out!"
Amanda Atwood, via Kubatana.net, wondered why Zimbabweans did not demand
better leadership.
"Why aren't we more demanding?" she wrote. "Why aren't Zimbabweans more
insistent that they deserve good leaders. Why do we settle for so much less than
the ideal?
|
The masses in the rural areas need to distance themselves from the
false sense of security that is presented to them by the party
| On the 3rdliberation.org blog, an anonymous blogger wrote about voters in rural areas.
"One can actually turn around and say these people in the rural areas are
partly to blame for the downfall of the economy," the blogger wrote, adding that
"they keep voting for a regime that only wants and supports them for their
votes."
The writer offered advice to rural-dwellers: "The masses in the rural areas
need to distance themselves from the false sense of security that is presented
to them by the party."
In another post, the anonymous writer declared: "Anyone with half a brain
knows change has got to come to Zimbabwe and it has got to come quick, not in
the form of a quick fix but in the form of long-lasting stability."
Simba Makoni
Independent candidate and former Zanu-PF official Simba Makoni, has been the
subject of blog comments.
A contributor on Kubatana.net commented on Mr Makoni's appearance on a South
African TV show.
Natasha Msonza said many people were convinced that Mr Makoni "was just a
stalking horse for Mugabe".
"His complacency really smacks of a boot licker with so much Zanu-PF blood
running thick in him," she wrote.
"Here are some of the questions that kept burning in my head after the show -
why does this guy sound so apologetic? Why is he so prepared to grant amnesty to
President Mugabe? And for crying in a bucket, what does he mean when he says he
doesn't stand against Mugabe but rather, stands for something else? What is the
difference anyway?"
Simba Makoni is standing as an
independent |
But another contributor to the same blog disagreed.
James Hall said Simba Makoni is "the most suitable commonsense manager for
this country".
"It is time to drop the emotional rationale and revert to the logical
rationale" he said.
"What the country needs is a good manager with the right credentials to
attract the right investors, to manage the right negotiations for the right
deals that are in the best interests of the country.
"It is time for commonsense to prevail and for Zimbabwe to reclaim a
respectable place in the league of nations," he added.
Violence
Contributing to Kubatana.net, Marko Phiri brought up election violence.
"There must be beatings, torture, and political rape as Zanu-PF activists
violently 'prove' their loyalty to the party whose leader has in the past
declared he was prepared to beat the daylights out of anyone who dared challenge
him."
He noted that this time, however, people were defiant in their support of the
opposition, despite threats of violence.
|
Reports about opposition MDC posters being pulled down across the
country by Zanu-PF activists remain unpunished, and one has to wonder rather
aloud if such behaviour is not likely to incite violence
| "Some young
- and not so young - opposition activists are literally daring the devil by
loudly and proudly wearing t-shirts emblazoned with the image of opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai," said the writer.
"It is a statement that they have had enough and are apparently ready to take
the punches from any bellicose political thug."
He wrote about a man who was jailed for allegedly defacing a poster of
President Mugabe, saying the authorities were applying double standards.
"Reports about opposition MDC posters being pulled down across the country by
Zanu-PF activists remain unpunished, and one has to wonder rather aloud if such
behaviour is not likely to incite violence," said the writer.
"But then this is Zimbabwe where the rule of law exists in different forms
for different folks!" he concluded.
Held to ransom
On Kubatana.net, Dewa Mavhinga criticized a statement from the army and
police chiefs which said they would not allow the opposition to win the
elections.
The entry was titled "Rantings of little men allergic to democracy and good
governance".
"Zimbabweans will not be held to ransom by a bunch of men who should know
that it is highly unprofessional for the army, police and prisons to delve in
political matters or to attempt to influence the vote by spreading fear, alarm
and despondency," said Mavhinga.
|
Enough is enough, we cannot accept mortgaging Zimbabwe's future to
a few cronies who selfishly cling to the past
| He
criticized the government, Zimbabwe's neighbours and the international community
for not condemning the statements.
"It is shameful and unacceptable that SADC and international community should
remain silent in the face of these treasonous statements," the blogger said,
adding: "How can elections in Zimbabwe be possibly be credible, free and fair
when the electorate is threatened with war should they vote out Mugabe?"
"Enough is enough, we cannot accept mortgaging Zimbabwe's future to a few
cronies who selfishly cling to the past and are keen to destroy Zimbabwe for
selfish personal interests," Mavhinga said.
Post-Mugabe Zimbabwe
CM, writing in Zimbabwe
Review, said an election win by either Mr Tsvangirai or Mr
Makoni would only be the first step to a "post-Mugabe Zimbabwe".
"Zimbabwe is in for miserable times if Mugabe continues as president. There
is absolutely no reason to believe that he has any new formula to reverse the
decline he has presided over," said CM.
"Yet a win for Morgan Tsvangirai, or long-shot candidate Simba Makoni, or a
coalition between them, will not suddenly usher in some golden age of
enlightenment and prosperity. It will just be another phase in the gradual
progression of Zimbabwe's politics."
|
The widespread desire that Mugabe goes does not mean his
replacement guarantees the democratic, peaceful, prosperous Zimbabwe we had
hoped to have had by now
| He urged Zimbabweans
to be "more realistic about the work and time frame of post-Mugabe recovery".
"Mugabe's reign is ending (whether you define this electorally or in terms of
the 84 year old man's life expectancy) with so much misery and hardship that
either of his two main opponents' win would be welcomed with overwhelming
relief," he wrote, adding that "the widespread desire that Mugabe goes does not
mean his replacement guarantees the democratic, peaceful, prosperous Zimbabwe we
had hoped to have had by now."
The blogger wondered whether the MDC's "vision of rulership is what Zimbabwe
needs".
"I am uncomfortable with what I believe to be the MDC's old-style
client-patron relationship with the West. I fear going from the one extreme of
Mugabe's self-serving, demonizing and blaming of the West for all his failures,
to another extreme of a Tsvangirai presidency in which Zimbabwe is slavishly
beholden to and controlled by that West," said CM.
CM questioned Simba Makoni's links with Zanu-PF.
"I hope for Mugabe's defeat, but would not initially be jumping up and down
with any great excitement under a Tsvangirai or Makoni presidency. Even if this
is the election that deservedly dispatches Mugabe into retirement, it would just
be the first of many steps of building a new Zimbabwe."
|
10 Youths Arrested for Playing Anti-Mugabe Song
SW Radio Africa
(London)
28 March 2008 Posted to the web 28 March
2008
Brilliant Pongo
Riot police were called in Friday to stop
youths from playing anti-Mugabe songs and distributing election material in
Bikita.
Madock Chivasa, Hillary Zhou, Farirai Mageza, Simbai Chivasa,
Leonard Musimiki and five others were arrested in the afternoon at Bikita
rural growth point. Police have not yet specified any charges and there are
fears that they will be held till after the elections.
The youth
are said to have been distributing educative election material and playing
music that encouraged people to vote against Zanu PF. Newsreel spoke to a
member of the youth group, Wellington Zindove, who confirmed that the youths
had been arrested and are still in police custody. "They were playing a song
that spoke of Saddam Hussain's demise and that Mugabe would be next. The
song is titled Saddam wayenda sare Bobo, Saddam is gone Bob is next. This
did not go down well with the police". Zindove said.
On Wednesday four
members of the same youth group were viciously attacked by a Zanu PF mob in
Bikita. Musimiki, Chisi, Petros Mutema and Justin Mabucha had successfully
completed a 'Youth Go Vote Campaign' in seven constituencies in rural Zaka
and Bikita. A Zanu PF mob at Nyika Growth Point however decided to attack
them. Petros Mutema, a young entrepreneur who is said to have financed the
'Youth Go Vote' crusade, was amongst those attacked.
The youth are
pointing the finger at a notorious Zanu PF member and army Brigadier
Rungani, who has masterminded a reign of terror in the district. He is
blamed for directing the violent Zanu PF mob to attack the youths,
especially Mutema. On Friday the youths vowed the attacks will not deter
them from their work.
In a press release the group says "The Youth
Forum is pleased with the results of the Youth Go Vote campaign carried out
in the rural areas, which has seen a huge attendance by young people at
opposition rallies, including the one addressed by the MDC President Mr.
Morgan Tsvangirai at Majembere Stadium at Bikita Rural District
offices.'
Zimbabwe after the elections
Zimbabwe Watch (2008-03-27)
In
collaboration with both its European andZimbabwean partners, Zimbabwe Watch
organised a roundtable titled"Elections and Post- Elections period in
Zimbabwe: What to do after 29 March2008 - Views from Civil Society and
Dialogue with the European Union" on 13 March 2008 in Brussels. The
roundtable brought together civil society activists from Zimbabwe, officials
of the European Union (EU) institutions and variousEuropean and
international interest groups. These are the recommendations from the
round-table.
1. The conditions for the elections are such that they will
not be free nor fair and therefore cannot be called a legitimate expression
of the will of the people. The African Union (AU) and the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC) should be encouraged to make objective
assessments of the conditions and the process based on the SADC Guidelines
on Free and Fair Elections. The European Union (EU) should welcome such
assessments that recognise the unfree and unfair environment. If the AU and
SADC fail to recognise this, the EU needs to voice a very clear position on
the the unfree and unfair nature of the elections and condemn these partial
assessment. The international community must exert pressure on the
Zimbabwean government to restore the rule of law.
2. The delegation
of the European Commission in Harare will produce a report on the election
process and outcomes. The EU Commission needs to consult relevant Zimbabwean
and European civil society organisations and include their inputs in this
report as well as in the EU's common position on the elections. This report
and the EU conclusions will should refer explicitly to the SADC Guidelines
for free and fair elections and look at the longer term election environment
which can already be considered as not conducive for free and fair
elections.
3. After the elections, a new fully inclusive AU led mediation
process that leads to a transitional process need to take place. This
mediation must include not only the political parties but also Zimbabwean
Civil Society and take place in an open, transparent and accountable
process. Such a process should be actively supported by the EU.
4.
SADC proposed and started discussing an economic recovery plan for Zimbabwe
in 2007 but they will need the support of the international community to
implement this plan. The EU should work together with SADC (and with the
broader international community) through its regional assistance programme
on a broad economic, political and social recovery plan. This process must
be strongly inclusive of Zimbabwean Civil Society (including Trade Union).
Any recovery plan must reflect the demands and needs of Zimbabwean Civil
Society while having good governance and human rights as key
concepts.
5. For such a recovery plan to be devised initial audits of all
the relevant sectors (such as education, health, land, etc – not only
the economy) needs to be undertaken. For example proper accounting of the
education sector is required and support to local research institutions and
universities is needed. In addition a comprehensive census, including of
Zimbabweans outside the country, is needed for planning the recovery. Such a
recovery plan needs sustainable planning and clear commitments from the EU
for at least the next ten years.
6. The new Africa strategy
emphasises common principles on human rights and governance, the role of
civil society and regional approaches – the EU should together with SADC
develop regional programs on governance, human rights and crisis prevention
in which Zimbabwe can be addressed. Europe must develop and maintain a
consistent position on Zimbabwe which also responds to the needs and demands
of the Zimbabwean Civil Society. The EU must look at all the policy and
financial instruments it has at its disposal (such as the Cotonou agreement,
the EU-Africa strategy, human rights, peace and security and crisis
prevention instruments) to engage SADC and AU partners on Zimbabwe in a
principled manner. It must consider Zimbabwe as a military crisis and bring
SADC and the AU to look at it in this way e.g. by having SADC excluding
Zimbabwe from joint military operations. The EU must investigate if they
support regional military training which includes Zimbabwe and pressure for
their exclusion from such programs.
7. The European Commission has
produced a draft Country Strategy Paper (CSP) in negotiation with the
current Zimbabwean government for the spending of the 10th EDF. It plans to
adopt it as soon as the political situation allows it. This is not the way
to go. The EU has stopped bilateral aid because the current government is
not following good governance rules and is not accountable. The EU therefore
needs to re-open the negotiation of the CSP with an eventual
new (transitional) government and negotiate the key sectors with them and
Non-State actors in a very inclusive, transparent and accountable manner.
This must apply for any assistance to any new (transitional)
government.
8. The influence of the International Labour Organisation
(ILO) should be fostered in Zimbabwe, so that labour standards are observed
and upheld and serious abuses stopped. Zimbabwe should be answerable to the
ILO.
9. The International community should now start to plan for and
deploy assistance programmes for the coming transition phase including
recovery policy development plans by Zimbabwean Civil Society. Planning the
transition is campaigning for it! In the event of significant power shifts
leading to a transitional government and policy changes, swift support for
the reconstruction of institutions, especially the justice, police, banking
and education sector must be available.
10. Continued support to
civil society organisations as providers of checks and balances for the
human rights situation is needed. Protection of human rights defenders
(HRDs), especially in the case of escalating post-election violence and
security/military clampdowns needs to be prioritised and the EU and member
states must find urgent ways to provide necessary support. Adequate actions
need to be devised in accordance with the demands from HRD's themselves, the
EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders and the Handbook linked to them
provide examples of such actions including observation of demonstrations and
trials, visits in prison or hospital, staying in touch with the HRD's and
providing safe houses.
11. The EU must support the strengthening of the
African Union's Peace and Security Council and making the AU Peace and
Security instruments more effective and operational, using Zimbabwe as a
test case. The full implementation of the African Charter of Peoples and
Human Rights, which Zimbabwe signed, must be demanded. In view of the
military nature of Mugabe's regime, no Zimbabwean participation in
international peace and military interventions, in the context of the UN or
the African Union, must be allowed.
12. Silence of the United Nations
Human Rights Council to post- election violence would not be acceptable; it
must then come up with a clear resolution. The Mugabe government must be
pressurised particularly by African countries to extend an open invitation
to all UN human rights special rapporteurs (such as the one on torture) to
the country. The EU must work with African partners to ensure such steps.
The EU must also continue the monitoring of the human rights violations on
the ground and engage the AU and African countries to implement the
resolutions coming out of the Afican Commission on Human and People's Rights
condemning the human rights abuses in Zimbabwe. Finally, in the event of
escalating post-election violence, Zimbabwe needs to be referred to the UN
Security Council.
'The Election Will Not Be Free And Fair'
Inter Press Service
(Johannesburg)
ANALYSIS 28 March 2008 Posted to the web 28 March
2008
Ephraim Nsingo and Tonderai Kwidini Harare
Where to begin
with listing the concerns that surround Saturday's general elections in
Zimbabwe?
The widely-documented harassment and physical abuse of
opposition supporters and rights activists in the months preceding the polls
by government supporters and state forces -- and the lingering fear cast by
even greater levels of intimidation during previous parliamentary elections
in 2005 and 2000, and the presidential poll of 2002?
Or, with
complaints that the voters' roll includes thousands of ghost voters who can
be drafted into service for President Robert Mugabe and the ruling Zimbabwe
African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), and about a registration
process for actual voters that many have described as flawed?
The alleged
manipulation of food aid to ensure support for the ruling party, at a time
when the United Nations World Food Programme estimates that some four
million Zimbabweans are in need of assistance (about a quarter of the
population, which is in the region of 13 million)?
Or, with the bias
towards Mugabe and ZANU-PF on the part of the state broadcasting services,
of critical importance in the absence of independent local radio and
television stations -- and given restrictions on the independent print
media?
The reported shortage of polling stations in urban areas known as
opposition strongholds, alongside a redrawing of constituencies in favour of
the rural areas said to favour ZANU-PF?
Or, with the exclusion of
election observers from countries which have criticised the Mugabe
government, and of journalists from foreign media organisations who have
done the same -- even as "repression and surveillance" of local journalists
continues, according to a Mar. 21 press release from the Paris-based
Reporters Without Borders?
Then there is the disenfranchisement of
millions of Zimbabweans who have fled the political and economic disarray in
their country, and who might vote for the opposition if allowed to cast
ballots abroad. Also: Statements by various branches of the country's
security services indicating that they would not tolerate an opposition
victory Mar. 29, allegations that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) is
not impartial -- and a presidential ruling that allows police into polling
stations.
While officials claim this move is for the assistance of
illiterate and disabled voters, others view it as another thinly veiled
attempt to rig the vote in favour of Mugabe and ZANU-PF. Independent
monitors have questioned recent national polls held in this Southern African
country.
In the midst of these and other difficulties, the prospects for
a just election appear dim, says Takura Zhangazha, an advocacy officer at
the Zimbabwean chapter of the Media Institute of Southern
Africa.
"The election will not be free and fair. A lot of people make
sweeping statements that this election has been without incident, but it's
only true in comparison to previous elections. People are still being
intimidated, parties cannot campaign freely, and because of the tough laws
journalists are being banned from covering the elections. All this
diminishes the chance of a free and fair election."
In another
worrying development, "many in rural regions (are) fearful that there will
be retribution after the elections" against those seen as supporting the
opposition, says Simeon Mawanza, Zimbabwe researcher at Amnesty
International. He was quoted in a Mar. 26 press release from the rights
watchdog.
Saturday's polls come after nearly a decade of increasingly
authoritarian rule in Zimbabwe. Since being confronted some eight years ago
with its first credible electoral challenge from an opposition party -- the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) -- government has engaged in a variety
of human rights abuses, and embarked on a controversial land redistribution
programme that saw farms taken from minority whites for resettlement by
landless blacks. This move was interpreted by certain analysts as a bid to
shore up support among voters.
A number of confiscated farms are now
said to be in the hands of high-ranking officials, rather than those of
Zimbabwe's poor, while agricultural output has declined substantially.
Hyper-inflation, unemployment of about 80 percent, shortages of basic goods
and foreign currency, frequent power cuts and a decline in service provision
routinely prompt questions about how the country remains afloat, even with
the help of remittances sent from the vast diaspora.
Efforts by the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) to resolve tensions in
Zimbabwe have not been successful, and the poll will take place in violation
of several aspects of the SADC Principles and Guidelines Governing
Democratic Elections, adopted by the regional body in 2004.
Mugabe, in
power since independence in 1980 and now standing for a sixth term in
office, accuses Western nations of engineering the crisis in Zimbabwe in
response to the eviction of white farmers. The country is under sanctions
from the European Union (this in response to irregularities in the 2002
presidential elections) and the United States; however, these are targeted
more at senior officials than ordinary Zimbabweans.
Mugabe's main rivals
in Saturday's poll are erstwhile union leader Morgan Tsvangirai, head of the
larger faction of a now divided MDC, and Simba Makoni: a former finance
minister and ZANU-PF member who announced his candidacy on Feb. 5, and who
has since been expelled from the party.
Speculation on the extent of
Makoni's support within ZANU-PF has been intense, this as party heavyweight
Dumiso Dabengwa backed the candidate. Makoni has also been endorsed by the
other faction of the MDC.
"As you can see, Makoni's campaign has been
gathering momentum in Bulawayo after Dumiso Dabengwa publicly declared he
was backing him," said political analyst John Makumbe, in reference to
Zimbabwe's second largest city. "It is now a question of who is backing
who."
Noted Eldred Masunungure, another analyst, "Makoni's candidature
lies in between the MDC and ZANU-PF regarding the re-engagement with the
West, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund ZANU-PF has decided
to look East, although nothing much will come from that end."
If one
of the candidates in the presidential poll fails to win 50 percent of the
vote, a run-off ballot will he held to determine Zimbabwe's new head of
state.
Thanks to a 2007 constitutional amendment, Zimbabwe will for
the first time also hold National Assembly, Senate and local government
polls alongside the presidential election, subjecting citizens to a complex
balloting process for which far too little preparation and voter education
have taken place, say civic groups.
"Right now there are many
fundamental issues that have not been addressed, yet we are just a few days
before the elections," observed Zimbabwe Election Support Network chairman
Noel Kututwa recently.
"ZEC has shown very little by way of
readiness...Just the time that it will take to go through four ballot papers
will unduly lengthen the voting process, and it would have been preferable
to increase the number of polling stations."
Last week, ZEC
chairperson George Chiweshe told journalists, observers and diplomats that
there would be 8,998 polling stations across the country. He said the
polling stations were set up after consultations with political parties and
their candidates.
According to latest figures from the ZEC, 779
candidates are contesting 210 seats in the National Assembly, and 197 the 59
Senate seats that are available. A 60th senatorial seat has already been won
by a ZANU-PF candidate who was elected unopposed at the nomination court,
while an additional 21 Senate places will be filled in part with
presidential nominees. Figures for aspirants contesting the approximately
2,000 local government seats remain elusive.
The ZEC puts the number
of registered voters at 5.9 million. Voters will choose between 17 political
parties, of which the most prominent are ZANU-PF and the MDC faction led by
Tsvangirai, and 116 independent candidates. The latter are mostly grouped
under Makoni's Mavambo/Kusile banner. ("Mavambo" is a Shona word that means
"beginning"; "kusile" is Ndebele for "dawn".)
Despite the litany of
problems surrounding Saturday's ballot, ZEC spokesperson Shupikai Mashereni
insists voting preparations are on track.
"Most of the claims people are
making about the elections in the press and elsewhere are
unfounded...Everything is in order and we are all ready for the
elections."
For its part, the International Crisis Group -- a
Brussels-based think tank -- notes that "Zimbabweans desperately want change
but have little faith that the elections will produce it."
"Even
after the 29 March elections, a negotiated compromise, including creation of
a transitional government, will likely be the prerequisite to halting the
crisis, but only the first step," the organisation states further, in a Mar.
20 report titled 'Zimbabwe: Prospects From a Flawed Election'.
Zimbabwe on tenterhooks
Mar 28th 2008 From Economist.com
No one is
confident that President Robert Mugabe will let himself be voted out of
office
OPINION polls and anecdotal evidence suggest that Robert
Mugabe would be heavily defeated if the elections on Saturday March 29th
were fair, but few Zimbabweans expect the incumbent to allow himself to be
beaten and stand down. In any case, an array of imponderables make it hard
to predict the outcome, however fairly the poll and, more important, the
count are conducted. But for the first time since Mr Mugabe won power in
1980, there is at least a chance that he will have to go.
One big
imponderable is whether, even if he attempts to rig the result in the first
round, he will nonetheless have to submit to a run-off, which he must do if
he gets less than 50% of the votes cast. If that were to happen, a
second-round contest would have to be held within three weeks. All sorts of
new calculations would then come into play.
Presuming that Mr Mugabe
were one of the two run-off candidates, much would depend on how the
third-placed candidate in the first round behaved. If the polls are to be
believed, Simba Makoni, a former finance minister who was ejected last month
from the ruling ZANU-PF party after challenging Mr Mugabe for the
presidency, will come third by quite a margin. One of his confidants has
insisted that Mr Makoni and the other main challenger, Morgan Tsvangirai, a
trade-unionist who was severely beaten up by the police a year ago, would
team up in the second round, whoever came third in the first. If that
happened, the momentum against the 84-year-old Mr Mugabe could be
unstoppable.
But various other factors could then emerge. For
instance, the heads of the army, the police and the prison service have all
flatly stated that they would not let Mr Mugabe be beaten. He could call a
state of emergency or somehow have the challenger disbarred. Or he could
promise to step down soon after the election and, if ZANU-PF still has a
majority in Parliament after the “harmonised” elections that are being held
simultaneously for four levels of government, anoint a successor to take
over from within the ruling party. Or he could try to woo Mr Makoni, if he
came third, back into the ZANU-PF fold with a promise of forgiveness and
high office, though that now seems implausible.
Just ahead of voting,
there were hints of panic within Mr Mugabe’s inner circle. The Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (ZEC), whose chairman is a presidential loyalist,
announced procedural changes that could make it easier to rig the result.
For one thing, it has been reported that the vote-count will now be done at
the ZEC’s headquarters in Harare, the capital, rather than at polling
stations in the constituencies, where opposition monitors would have had a
better chance of vetting the local counts. For another, the police, who have
previously overseen much of the intimidation against opposition candidates
and their supporters, and under new rules were to be barred from the actual
polling stations, will now be allowed inside them, in theory to “help”
illiterate voters.
Among a string of impediments facing the challengers,
the electoral roll, which is overseen by another Mugabe loyalist, the
registrar-general, is notoriously flawed. The opposition says that thousands
of dead voters whose names are still on it may have had their ballots
already marked for Mr Mugabe. In the past week, suspicions have been further
aroused by an acknowledgment that several million extra ballot papers have
been printed, officially in case of a shortfall in distribution. Mr
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change says that some 9m ballot papers
have been printed for an estimated 5.9m registered voters, suggesting that
the surplus ones could be used to stuff ballot-boxes in Mr Mugabe's favour.
The media has been blatantly partial. State radio, television and the sole
daily newspaper are all ardently pro-Mugabe.
Most independent
monitoring groups, including all those from Europe and the United States,
have been banned by Mr Mugabe, who has accused them of bias against him. But
more weight than usual will be given to the verdict of monitors from the
Southern African Development Community (SADC), a club of 15 countries, which
has endorsed Zimbabwe’s previous flawed elections out of solidarity for a
fellow member. So far, SADC governments, including its most powerful, South
Africa’s, have sounded loyal to Mr Mugabe. But if the groundswell of
opposition against him within Zimbabwe becomes impossible to ignore, they
may have to modify SADC’s stance. That could conceivably tilt the balance
against him. But no one is betting on it.
Zimbabwe beyond 29 March; The win- win option
By. Moses
Tekere
We have come to this day and Zimbabwe should be thinking of what
happens post the 29 March election. Surely the outcome would be contestable
by both sides opposition if ZANU PF wins or by Zanu –PF itself if the
opposition wins. But is the contest going to help Zimbabwe?. The answer is
no. The opposition has been making a number of allegations and to some
extend Zanu has also some concerns. We as Zimbabweans need to find middle
ground and get our country on the path of growth and working again. As our
people are suffering, post 29 March scenario cannot be business as usual but
we need to think deep as to where we want our country to be. The situation
requires that all of us make some sacrifices and not for a particular Party,
or person but for the people of Zimbabwe. One can certainly say the 6
million voters will be split between opposition and ruling party and
therefore the winner takes all formula will leave a very large group of
people unhappy. This is not the time to call each other names but a time to
reach out and make bridges and for each one to see how we can turn around
our country.
Taking a cure from the post Kenya crisis I have some few
advises to whoever wins the presidential election. The ideal for Zimbabwe
is national reconciliation.
In a case the incumbent is declared
President, for the sake of our country I advise all concerned to consider
the following; • Opposition could highlight that compared to past elections;
condition for the 2008 elections generally improved although serious
concerns may remain prior and during the election and thus opposition could
accept the outcome. • Mugabe could as president appoint a government of
national unity with Morgan Tsvangirayi as first Vice President and Dumiso
Dabengwa as 2nd Vice President. they should support the president. The point
is that name calling is not necessary and the principle guiding of such a
move is to get our country united and working again. Making ultimatums and
having entrenched positions of the past will not help Zimbabwe anymore. This
will be an all inclusive approach and not based on patronage and cronyism
but reaching out to all Zimbabweans. Mugabe showed this virtue when in 1980
he pronounced reconciliation and included Smith in this first government.
Opposition leaders are not foreign so it’s possible. • The new
presidium, opposition could together with ruling party hold joint rallies
to heal the country. Both will call upon the world to support the new
outcome, new government, mobilize resources from abroad and removal of the
targeted sanctions. • The new government should take appropriate policies
supportive of business local and foreign and in particular remove economic
distortions namely exchange rate, price controls. Business should be
business.
In a case if the opposition wins the Presidency and for the
sake of the country, the best option I advise an all inclusive approach
that • The opposition should salute President Mugabe for accepting defeat and
provide him with concrete guarantees that he will live without the
harassment we have seen in other countries to past presidents. Any torture
or incrimination to him is counter productive and will only further deepen
the crisis. He sacrificed and liberated country and surely this is key. •
The new president Tsvangirayi/Makoni should form a national government of
national unity with one Zanu PF (John Nkomo) as vice president and the other
being Makoni/Tsvangirayi. The issue of reconciliation should be central
namely accepting that Zanu Pf is part to the solution for the country. •
The new presidium, opposition could together with ruling party hold joint
rallies to heal the country. Both will call upon the world to support the
new outcome, new government, mobilize resources from abroad and removal of
the targeted sanctions. • The new government should take appropriate
policies supportive of business local and foreign and in particular remove
rampant economic distortions namely exchange rate, price
controls..
The winner take all option will spell more disaster for
Zimbabwe post 29 March. we need to first tell our people and the outside
world that we are united. Often the outside people have little interest in
our country and some may want to see the situation getting worse. As
Zimbabweans we share the same heritage and therefore we need a win- win
situation and that means taking on board everyone. The die hard positions
and naming will not be helpful at all. Let us all stop and think deep of
the future –polarization or unity. We need moderates in government people
who are able to reach out to the other group build bridges and sacrifice for
the country.
This is the win-win solution for Zimbabwe after 29
March.
Relief for white Zim farmers
News24
28/03/2008 18:37 -
(SA)
Windhoek - A Namibia-based regional tribunal on Friday granted
temporary relief to almost 80 white farmers in Zimbabwe, allowing them to
remain on their property until the next hearing in their suit on May
28.
"The tribunal grants the application for interim relief," Judge Luis
Mondlane, president of the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
tribunal, ruled in a case brought before him by one of the farmers, William
Michael Campbell.
"All cases, including that of Campbell, will be
heard next May," he said.
Campbell had last December sought the court
relief for himself, his family and all the employees on his Farm Mount
Carmell "from a continued onslaught of invasions and intimidation", court
papers said.
The SADC tribunal granted Campbell the interim reprieve
until May 28, when a joint application of the other 77 farmers will be
heard.
The tribunal was officially convened last April as part of a peer
review mechanism within the 14-nation organisation.
Mugabe supporters
got the farms
It aims to ensure that the objectives of the SADC treaty,
such as human rights and property rights, are upheld.
"The four
farmers who are not living on their farms any more are not granted relief,
but all the others will be added to the matter of the Campbell case," the
judge ruled.
Lawyer Saima Nambinga, who represented all the applicants,
expressed his satisfaction with the ruling.
"The ruling is as we
expected and we hope the Zimbabwean government will comply as it did with
the Campbell case," she told AFP.
Zimbabwe's deputy attorney general
Prince Machaya said that the government would abide by the ruling, despite
its disagreement.
"We are not satisfied with the ruling, but we will
comply," Machaya told AFP.
In 2000, a small group of 4 500 white
farmers in Zimbabwe were forced to hand over millions of hectares of land in
what President Robert Mugabe trumpeted as a land reform programme to right
injustices of the colonial era.
While landless blacks were meant to
be the beneficiaries of the controversial programme, some farms ended up in
the hands of Mugabe supporters.
Launch of MISA-Zimbabwe Elections 2008 Media Centre
28 March
2008
Dear Colleagues
You have the Right to Access Information.
The Media Is Your Voice Use It!
MISA-Zimbabwe is today, 28 March 2008,
pleased to inform you of the opening and availability of its 2008 Elections
Media Centre which is housed at the Jameson Hotel in Harare.
The
Media Centre is available as an interactive and networking platform for
local, regional and international journalists to engage with civic society
organisations, all political parties and other stakeholders that are
relevant in the context of the 29 March 2008 elections.
Equipped with
internet, satellite television, access to a website: www.263for365.com, which has links of key
stakeholders, the media centre is designed to assist journalists access
relevant data and information on the elections as well as ensure wide and
diverse pre-elections and post-election coverage of the 29 March 2008
elections.
Civic Society Organisations, political parties, candidates and
other international groups also have the opportunity of using the centre for
media briefs, interactive meetings and posting of any relevant material on
the elections which can be accessed by journalists.
In that regard
the Media Centre comes as a central venue accessible to accredited local,
regional and international journalists and MISA-Zimbabwe’s membership and is
in line with MISA-Zimbabwe’s objective of promoting free, independent and
pluralistic media as envisaged in the 1991 Windhoek Declaration as a
principal means of nurturing democracy.
You are welcome to use the
facility for purposes of briefing the media and accessing relevant
information and data pertaining to the elections which we hope will result
in extensive but quality, objective, fair and balanced coverage of the
elections.
All the Best and Good Luck!
You Have the Right to
Access Information. The Media is Your Voice Use It.
CONTACT
PERSONS
Faith Zaba
Media Centre Programme Manager
Cell:
0912929196 or 023344138
Vivienne Marara
Cell:263
912982134
Nyasha Nyakunu
Cell:O11602448
Tel:
776165/746838
Wilbert Mandinde
Cell:011621015
Tel:
776165/746838
Koliwe Nyoni
Cell:
011639682
Tel:776165/746838
MISA-Zimbabwe 84 McChlery
Drive Eastlea Box HR 8113 Harare Zimbabwe
Telefax: 00 263 4
77 61 65/ 74 68 38 Cell: 00 263 11 602 448/00 263 11 639 682 E mail misa@misazim.co.zw Website www.misazim.co.zw
Churches Prepare for Likely Post-Poll Refugee Crisis
Catholic
Information Service for Africa (Nairobi)
28 March 2008 Posted to the
web 28 March 2008
Johannesburg
The Catholic Church in Southern
Africa is readying itself for a possible refugee crisis should violence
erupt in Zimbabwe after the Saturday elections, which analysts say will be
flawed.
The Refugee Office of the Southern African Catholic Bishops
Conference, the Catholic Relief Services, the Jesuit Refugee Service and
other church charities have been meeting over the past few months to
consider the Church's response to a possible new refugee influx from
Zimbabwe.
From Sunday March 16 to Tuesday March 18, a church
delegation visited the north of Limpopo Province of South Africa, on the
border with Zimbabwe to inspect some facilities which could be used as
reception centres in the event of an influx.
The Catholic Healthcare
Association (CATHCA) was asked to try to find medical personnel who could be
released for three to five days in an emergency.
The International
Crisis Group warned in its latest report that a flawed election in Zimbabwe
could spark a violent crisis. President Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe's only ruler
since independence 28 years ago, is fighting his keenest challenge as he
seeks another term at the age of 84.
On Wednesday, the global human
rights organisation, Amnesty International, said that the right to freedom
of expression, association and assembly are being unnecessarily restricted
ahead of the poll.
"Although opposition parties appear to be enjoying a
greater degree of access to previously 'no go areas' in rural areas compared
with previous elections, we continue to receive reports of intimidation,
harassment and violence against perceived supporters of opposition
candidates - with many in rural regions fearful that there will be
retribution after the elections," said Simeon Mawanza, Amnesty's Zimbabwe
researcher.
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