Conflicting communiqués issued after Zim/UK meeting

Chinamasa brings ZANU PF ‘violence’ to London

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
28 March 2013

Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa lunged at a female British MP on Monday,
but Zimbabwe’s Ambassador to the UK, Gabriel Machinga, saved the day by
moving in to separate the two.

The incident happened at a Foreign Office reception, welcoming a ministerial
delegation from Zimbabwe, and left guests stunned.

Chinamasa had to be held back by Machinga from causing harm to Kate Hoey,
the Labour MP for Vauxall in London. Nobody knows exactly what triggered the
fight, but sources told SW Radio Africa that the incident happened as soon
as Hoey went over to greet Chinamasa.

‘They had barely exchanged pleasantries when Chinamasa raised his voice and
charged at Hoey accusing her of ‘speaking like an imperialist.’ Ambassador
Machinga quickly moved in and separated them,’ a source said.

Hoey confirmed the incident to SW Radio Africa saying ‘the Minister of
Justice’s behaviour was entirely in keeping with what I would expect from
ZANU PF.’

After Machinga intervened, Chinamasa walked away and the Ambassador remained
with Hoey, apologizing profusely on behalf of the Justice Minister. After
the confrontation both Hoey and Chinamasa proceeded to the welcoming
reception hosted by Mark Simmonds, a Conservative MP who is a Parliamentary
Under Secretary of State in the FCO.

Chinamasa is part of a three member ministerial team currently visiting the
UK . It was invited by the international Friends of Zimbabwe group. The
other two ministers in London are Elton Mangoma from the MDC-T and Priscilla
Misihairambwi-Mushonga from the small MDC formation.

The trio has since Monday been engaging international donor countries with
the aim of discussing a range of issues relating to the upcoming harmonized
elections.

'West can work with any democratically-elected govt'

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

Thursday, 28 March 2013 11:46
HARARE - Western countries have encouraged Zimbabwe’s inclusive government
to follow through on its agreement with the Southern African Development
Community (Sadc) to hold free and credible elections, saying they were
prepared to work with any democratically elected government.

A delegation from Australia, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Czech
Republic, Denmark, the EU, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan,
the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the United
Kingdom and the United States of America met with a Zimbabwe ministerial
team in London on Tuesday where the Western nations pledged more assistance
to the country beyond critical humanitarian aid if it transitioned to a new,
democratically elected government.

The Zimbabwe team comprised Justice and Legal Affairs minister Patrick
Chinamasa, Regional Integration and International Co-operation minister
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga and Energy and Power Development minister
Elton Mangoma.

The meeting, convened by Mark Simmonds, the British parliamentary
under-secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, is the first
such meeting in over a decade, in a bid to restore aid and cooperation with
the African State.

The meeting, held at Chatham House in London, came as the 27-nation EU bloc
announced wholesale easing of sanctions imposed on the country more than a
decade ago over allegations of rights abuses and electoral fraud.

Only 10 officials, including President Robert Mugabe, security chiefs and
his inner cabal, remain on the embargo.

“Where relevant, we confirmed our governments’ plans to review their
targeted measures following such elections,” a communiqué from the meeting
says.

The meeting follows a call by southern African heads of State to the
international community to end sanctions on the impoverished country, which
is buckling under the strain of economic stagnation.

The Western countries said they could work with any post-GNU regime.

“In our discussions, we reaffirmed the commitment of our governments to work
with any government emerging from free and fair elections, which are
credible, peaceful and transparent,” the meeting resolved.

The country stands to benefit from direct budgetary support from the EU’s
European Development Fund which has been suspended since 2002.

The Western countries have given Zimbabwe $2,6 billion in transitional
development support since 2009.

“We noted that aid from international donors, deployed in line with
Zimbabwean priorities, has been instrumental in improving food security and
agriculture, in delivering of basic services such as health, education, and
water and sanitation, and in the strengthening of democratic processes,” the
communiqué says.

Mugabe and long-time foe Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai formed a
power-sharing government in 2009 as part of the so-called global political
agreement (GPA), backed by the Sadc to end a political crisis that followed
disputed 2008 polls.

Zimbabwe on March 16 passed a new constitution in a relatively peaceful
referendum, one of the key signposts in the GPA.

“In our discussions, we strongly welcomed progress on the new constitution
and the referendum that was held on March 16,” the communiqué said.

“We looked forward to the implementation of the remaining democratic reforms
in the GPA and roadmap, and recognised the work of the Joint Monitoring and
Implementation Committee (Jomic) in supporting this.

“We welcomed calls by Zimbabwe’s political leaders for peace and
non-violence and the statements by party leaders that Zimbabweans should be
able to choose their own government in free and fair elections, and to be
able to vote without fear or intimidation. We look to all Zimbabweans,
including State institutions and the security sector, to heed these calls.”

The Western countries asked to observe the forthcoming polls.

“A wide range of international observers would contribute to building
confidence and help enhance the credibility of the poll and the strength of
the government elected,” the communiqué said.

The Western countries also “expressed concern about current harassment of
civil society and reports of political violence and strongly urged that such
incidents should cease.”

The North Atlantic bloc acknowledged the “good work” being done by the GNU
to stabilise the economy and the ongoing engagement and support of the
multilateral agencies and international financial institutions.

World lenders are close to a deal with Zimbabwe’s coalition government for
$10 billion in debt relief, as multilateral financial institutions seek to
help Harare shore up its ailing economy.

International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank and African Development Bank
(AfDB) officials and negotiators for Zimbabwe’s fragile coalition government
were working to finalise an agreement, according to Finance minister Tendai
Biti.

“We recognised the importance of Zimbabwe tackling its external debts,” the
communiqué from the London meeting says.

“We stand ready to support the GNU to discuss this further with the IMF, and
welcomed progress by the GNU and IMF towards a Staff Monitored Programme.”

The Western countries also called for “transparency and integrity in
economic and financial governance and extractive industry” amid concerns
about leakages of cash from mining in the Marange diamond fields.

Zanu-PF Remains Skeptical as West Re-engages Zimbabwe

http://www.voazimbabwe.com

Blessing  Zulu
27.03.2013

WASHINGTON — While relations between President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party
and western powers remain uneasy, Tuesday saw the resumption of direct talks
between Zimbabwe and the international community.

Three ministers from the inclusive government were in London  to meet with
western diplomats - the so-called friends of Zimbabwe - and financial
leaders in a fresh bid to break the ice ahead of elections expected sometime
this year.

Relations between Zimbabwe and many western nations deteriorated after the
West imposed what they called targeted sanctions on Mr. Mugabe, his inner
circle, and related firms over alleged human rights abuses.

The successful constitutional referendum earlier this month prompted the
European Union to ease its targeted sanctions, and  now the West says it
will do the same if Zimbabwe holds peaceful, transparent and credible
elections later this year.

African and European diplomatic sources said the time is ripe for the West
to look beyond President Mugabe and engage other Zanu-PF leaders in Harare.

The Royal Institute of International Affairs Chatham House hosted Tuesday’s
event, saying the dialogue was aimed at discussing the way forward for the
country, including the road to polls and prospects for Zimbabwe beyond the
poll.

US ambassador to Zimbabwe, Bruce Wharton, said relations between Zimbabwe
and the U.S have thawed significantly.

Zanu-PF has expressed cautious optimism. Party spokesman Rugare Gumbo said
his party welcomes dialogue, but hopes it is sincere.

Zimbabwean murderers free to travel to EU

http://euobserver.com/foreign/119621?

TODAY @ 18:27

BY ANDREW RETTMAN

BRUSSELS - Seventeen men and women accused of murder, torture, rape or
kidnapping in Zimbabwe have been given the green light to travel to the EU.

Mugabe's men murdered up to 200 people in 2008 (Photo: The Mint Julep)
The names feature on a list of 81 people and eight companies taken off the
EU's Zimbabwe sanctions list on Thursday (28 March) as a reward for the
country's "peaceful and credible" constitutional referendum two weeks ago.

The move was announced earlier in the week, but entered into force when the
decision and the names of those it covers were published in the bloc's
Official Journal.

Dozens of the other de-listed people are said to be guilty of "involvement"
in President Robert Mugabe's "campaign of terror" against the MDC opposition
party during elections in 2008.

According to the US-based NGO Human Rights Watch, Mugabe's men murdered up
to 200 people, beat and tortured 500 more and forced about 36,000 others
from their homes.

But the group-of-17 is special because EU diplomats on the ground managed to
get information about their direct involvement in crimes.

The roll-call includes Phineas Chihota, who is accused in the original EU
sanctions decision of being "associated with abduction and torture."

It counts Mike Karakadzai ("abductions"), Jawet Kazangarare ("involved in
murdering Tapiwa Mubwanda, MDC electoral agent"), Musarashana Mabunda
("beatings, torture"), Innocent Matibiri ("murder of a farm labourer"), Joel
Matiza (orchestrated the killings of two men), Brighton Matonga (led a group
which murdered a woman), Cairo Mhandu (led a group which killed two men).

It also includes Sibusio Moyo ("murder of MDC supporters"), Olivia Muchena
("linked to politically motivated murders"), Ambros Mutinhiri (set up
torture camps), Magadzire Nyahongo ("Involved in politically motivated
murder"), Victor Rungani ("abductions"), Tendai Savanhu ("abductions of MDC
women"), Chris Sibanda (organised torture camps), David Sigauke ("torture
against civilians in the diamond fields") and Nathaniel Tarumbwa ("in charge
of [a] torture base").

The EU earlier in February already delisted 21 people, several of whom had
similar profiles, as a teaser for Mugabe.

The President himself, his wife Grace, and eight other henchmen, including
his head of intelligence, Happyton Bonyongwe, and three military chiefs are
still personae non grata.

Mugabe's diamond mining company, the ZMDC, and Zimbabwe Defence Industries
also remain banned from doing business with EU companies.

But the EU aims to review Thursday's decision every three months from now,
with diplomats saying that if general elections go well in July the
arch-villain himself and his diamond firm will get off too.

Mugabe, Tsvangirai to summon Chihuri

http://www.financialgazette.co.zw

Thursday, 28 March 2013 11:41

Tinashe Madava, Senior Reporter

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister (PM) Morgan Tsvangirai on Monday
agreed to summon Police Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri to respond to
allegations of police impunity as the Global Political Agreement (GPA)
principals attempt to rein-in a resurgence of politically-motivated
violence.
PM Tsvangirai’s spokesperson Luke Tamborinyoka yesterday said the inclusive
government’s principals met on Monday and agreed that the behaviour of the
police was tainting the image of the country.
“Yes they met on Monday and agreed that the behaviour of the police is
tainting the image of the country and that it is creating the impression
that the country is not ready for a peaceful poll. They agreed that the June
29 election date being peddled by ZANU-PF is not feasible in the absence of
reforms,” he said.
He said the GPA principals would have a meeting with Chihuri to resolve the
matter and also agreed that the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission must be
allowed to execute its constitutional mandate without disturbance and
interference from any quarter.
But Nhlanhla Dube, spokesperson of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
led by Welshman Ncube said his boss, who was not part of the Monday
principals meeting and continues to be sidelined as a political party
principal, believes that the outcome of the meeting would not solve anything
on the ground as PM Tsvangirai lacks the clout to demand anything from
President Mugabe.
“(PM) Morgan Tsvangirai seems to want to make Zimbabweans believe that he
can hunt with the hounds and run with the hares. The reality is that he is
unable to confront (President) Mugabe. He has no gravitas to demand that
certain things be done so the discussions are futile, time buying mechanism
where (President) Mugabe dribbles past (PM) Tsvangirai,” Dube said
yesterday.
President Mugabe and PM Tsvangirai have refused to accommodate Ncube in
their principals meetings held every Monday insisting that Deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara remains the third signatory to the GPA that
birthed the inclusive government.
They have, however, previously accommodated Ncube in discussions to do with
the new constitution and the route to elections as the Southern African
Development Community says he is a relevant player  in the Zimbabwe
political discourse as leader of the third political party in the GPA.
The principals, meetings comes after recent arrests of members of PM
Tsvangirai’s communications office in Belgravia and that of prominent human
rights lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa on allegations of obstructing the course of
justice after she challenged police officers to produce a search warrant at
the home of one of the MDC-T’s staffers.
Mtetwa was subsequently kept in police cells despite High Court judge
Justice Charles Hungwe having ordered her release.
The PM’s office says there is an increase in incidences of political
violence as the country prepares to go for polls which ZANU-PF says would be
held by June 29 while the MDCs insist that political reforms should be
effected first before an election date can be agreed.

MDC-T demand immediate end to corruption commission clampdown

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Alex Bell
28 March 2013

The MDC-T has demanded an immediate end to the clampdown on the Zimbabwe
Anti Corruption Commission (ZACC), calling it an attempt to divert public
attention away from serious corruption.

The party’s spokesperson, Douglas Mwonzora, told SW Radio Africa on Thursday
that the corrupt activities of various ZANU PF-run parastatals needs to be
exposed, and this is the reason why the ZACC is under threat.

The anti-graft body has come under fire for attempting to investigate the
Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC), the National Empowerment
Board and other groups. These groups are linked to ZANU PF officials such as
Obert Mpofu and Saviour Kasukuwere.

“The ZANU PF heavy weights have influence over the police so they are
harassing the commissioners so that they divert attention from themselves
and very clear corruption. They are using the criminal justice system to
harass people. We demand an immediate cessation of harassment of
commissioners,” Mwonzora said.

Mwonzora’s party has also supported calls for Kasukuwere to be investigated
for his role in allegedly corrupt indigenisation deals, including the multi
million dollar Implats deal secured by the ZANU PF Minister this year.

Mwonzora said on Thursday that the indigenisation drive, spearheaded by ZANU
PF “was never meant to benefit the marginalised in Zimbabwe.”

“It was a political gimmick and part of the fundraising stance by ZANU PF,”
Mwonzora said.

MDC joins Zanu PF MPs call for Kasukuwere investigations

http://www.thezimbabwemail.com

Staff Reporter 23 hours 58 minutes ago

HARARE - The party led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has backed plans
to investigate the Minister of Youth Affairs, Indigenisation and Empowerment
Savious Kasukuwere for massive corruption actvities in the botched
indigenisation and empowerment exercise.
In a statement on Wednesday the Tsvangirai led MDC-T said it is fully behind
the move by the legislators from across the political divide to summon and
investigate Saviour Kasukuwere, the Minister of Youth Affairs,
Indigenisation and Empowerment for embarking on an ill-fated empowerment
that is now riddled in corrupt activities.

The MPs from the Parliamentary Mines and Energy portfolio who are meeting in
Vumba have added their voice in support of the MDC-T's position that the
Zanu PF model of empowerment and indigenisation is heavily skewed and will
not benefit the people but only a few senior corrupt Zanu PF officials.

The legislators said the Zanu PF's empowerment and indigenisation programme,
spearheaded by Saviour Kasukuwere was distorted and would not in any way
benefit the masses but a few individuals in Zanu PF.

This week Kasukuwere and two other ministers from Zanu PF, Obert Mpofu and
Nicholas Goche blocked attempts by the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission
(Zacc) from accessing their offices in order to investigate them for
corruption.

Even an official from Kasukuwere's ministry, Michael Fungati a director in
the troubled Ministry of Youth Affairs, Indigenisation and Empowerment
admitted that the ministry had made fatal mistakes in implementing the
programme.

"We admit we made some mistakes," Fungati told the MPs.

The legislators have since resolved to summon and question Kasukuwere to
Parliament when they resume their next sitting in April.

Similar calls have been made by the Finance Minister and the MDC-T secretary
general; Hon. Tendai Biti to investigate indigenisation agreements reached
with various foreign companies amid serious concerns only one Harare
financial advisory company has handled the transactions and illegally
pocketed millions of dollars.

The MPs revelations on the skewed Zanu PF's indigenisation and empowerment
policy once again vindicates the MDC-T's position that the Zanu PF policy is
inconsistent and will not in any way benefit the people of Zimbabwe but only
a few elite Zanu PF politicians.

As a Party of Excellence that was formed in 1999 with the people at heart,
the MDC-T is not against the economic empowerment of the people of Zimbabwe
but we are strongly against the Zanu PF model that will only benefit its
already wealthy elite and does little to solve the country's employment
crisis while scaring away the much-needed foreign investment.

The MDC-T has come up with an economic policy, Jobs, Upliftment, Investment,
Capital and the Environment (JUICE) that will address Zimbabwe's long
standing economic problems of high unemployment, deepening poverty and
inequality and be a pathway for inclusive and sustainable long-term growth
based on a broad-based human upliftment model.

Zanu-PF succession battle spills to indigenisation probes

http://mg.co.za

28 MAR 2013 00:00 - M&G CORRESPONDENT

Factions in Zanu-PF are using the previously ineffective corruption
commission to fight internal battles.

The escalating political strife raging within the government over the
indigenisation programme reflects renewed clashes over who will succeed
President Robert Mugabe in his party, it has emerged.

This comes after recent attempts by the Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission
(ZACC) to raid the offices of three Cabinet ministers over shady empowerment
deals.

Zanu-PF insiders told the Mail & Guardian this week that the conflict over
indigenisation was a result of political hostilities between factions within
Zanu-PF that have their preferred candidate to succeed the 89-year-old
Mugabe, who has been in power since 1980.

Long perceived by analysts as passive and ineffective in dealing with
corruption, the commission, formed in August 2011, recently launched a blitz
against three government ministers: Indigenisation Minister Saviour
Kasukuwere, Mines Minister Obert Mpofu and Transport and Infrastructure
Minister Nicholas Goche.

Political witch-hunt
But the commission's latest crackdown on graft has intensified claims of it
being used to settle political scores within the faction-riddled Zanu-PF.

Zanu-PF insiders said the commission was being used for "a political
witch-hunt", pointing out that it had  turned a blind eye to corruption
allegations in the past.

Commentators said the commission's failure to promptly investigate
corruption and fraud claims against members of Parliament in the alleged
abuse of $50 000 in constituency development funds last year raised
eyebrows.

The ministers and other senior government and Zanu-PF officials have now
unleashed a fierce backlash against commission officials, with its chief
executive, Ngonidzashe Gumbo, now in jail over allegations of corruption.

As part of that crackdown, four senior staffers in Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's office have been arrested for allegedly conniving to probe
ministers and top government officials.

"This ongoing fight over indigenisation basically is about money, power and
influence. Zanu-PF and government officials are fighting for the
indigenisation spoils, but the issue is also about an internal struggle over
power, control and influence," a senior Zanu-PF politburo member told the
M&G.

"If you look closely, the rival camps clashing over this issue have
succession ambitions."

Over the past month, Kasukuwere and Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor
Gideon Gono have been at each other's throats over the empowerment
programme.

Kasukuwere is pushing for an equity-based approach that would enable locals
to grab, through forced share sales, 51% of foreign-owned companies.

This is line with the government's controversial 51% to 49% policy in favour
of local investors.

However, Gono is arguing that a "one-size-fits-all" policy will not work,
mainly in relation to the banking sector, which he said had its own systemic
peculiarities and sensitivities.

This has put him on a collision with Kasukuwere, who sits in the Zanu-PF
politburo and, according to party insiders, has presidential ambitions.

Generation 40
Kasukuwere, called "Obama" after United States President Barack Obama by his
Zanu-PF allies, is also alleged to be fighting for the control of
Mashonaland Central province, which he sees as a springboard for his power
drive with vice-president Joice Mujuru, who is widely seen as Mugabe's most
likely successor.  Mujuru is said to support Gono in the battle with
Kasukuwere.

Insiders said the youthful minister, who has an intelligence background, was
now leading a budding faction within Zanu PF, mainly supported by his
allies, influential politburo member and party strategist Jonathan Moyo and
key members of the youth league.

Moyo, not a stranger to Zanu-PF succession fights after his 2004 failed bid
to propel Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa to the position of
vice-president ahead of Mujuru, calls this young group "Generation 40" and
has of late publicly thrown his weight behind its leader, Kasukuwere, in
their fight against Gono.

Moyo has insinuated that there are senior officials behind Gono in remarks
widely seen as a reference to Mujuru, further indicating that there is an
intense succession row behind the scenes.

Battle over Mashonaland
Insiders said the conflict over indigenisation had now assumed a succession
character because Mujuru was helping Gono in her own interest, "combating
and containing Kasukuwere who is giving her problems in Mashonaland Central
and destabilising her planned rise to the presidency".

Kasukuwere, the sources said, used to support the Mujuru faction in Zanu-PF
before the death of the vice-president's husband, retired army commander
General Solomon Mujuru, widely regarded as the Zanu-PF kingmaker, although
their relations had started to deteriorate prior to his mysterious death in
an arson attack two years ago.

"Kasukuwere has been subverting her in Mashonaland Central province and this
was shown largely during the controversial Zanu-PF district co-ordinating
committee (DCC) elections last year," the source said.

During the DCC elections, Mujuru's faction lost to Kasukuwere's camp in the
province. Nationally, Mujuru's group was also thrashed by its main rival
faction led by Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa.

This led to Mujuru complaining bitterly in one charged politburo meeting
last year in which she lashed out at Kasukuwere and Mnangagwa after her
defeat.

Using her political clout in the party, Mujuru, supported by former military
commanders and intelligence operatives working with Zanu-PF's national
commissariat department, forced the dissolution of the DCC structures to
cancel her defeat and allow her to regain lost ground.

"Kasukuwere has invited the wrath of Mujuru because he has a dream of
succeeding Mugabe one day and has of late not been co-operating with her,"
another senior Zanu-PF official said.

"His new-found influence through the indigenisation programme has put him in
direct confrontation with the vice-president who is backing Gono to ensure
his downfall."

Gono, who himself was once considered a potential presidential hopeful, has
met Mugabe and Mujuru over his war with Kasukuwere. As a result, Mugabe has
shown public sympathy for Gono.

Mistakes made
Last month, Mugabe said Kasukuwere had made some mistakes during the
implementation of the indigenisation programme.

Sources said Mugabe was likely to intervene when he feared the succession
battle could wreck his re-election prospects.

Gono, who was in Egypt on Reserve Bank business, was not available on his
mobile phone.

Speaking on behalf of Kasukuwere, Zanu-PF's deputy director in the
information department, Psychology Maziwisa, said he will "not tolerate"
ZACC's engagement in "extrajudicial" activities "meant to tarnish a positive
programme".

He said Kasukuwere has a "mandate from the president that will be carried
out without fear or favour" and wont be "derailed by people who are in clear
pursuit of partisan and detrimental political interests".

He said "it is nonsense" being peddled by his enemies that he is allegedly
using indigenisation to settle political scores.

He was evasive when asked of his presidential ambitions or his bid to
control Mashonaland Central. Rashweat Mukundu, the director of the Zimbabwe
Democracy Institute, said, "The goings-on at the ZACC is a reflection of
factional and succession politics in Zanu-PF spilling over on to the public
arena."

Under law, the commission is mandated to investigate and expose cases of
corruption in the public and private sectors; to combat corruption, theft,
misappropriation, abuse of power and other improper conduct in the public
and private sectors; and to promote honesty, financial discipline and
transparency in the public and private sectors.

The commission can also receive and consider complaints from the public and
take action it considers appropriate.

Denford Chirindo, the commission's chairperson, denied that it was being
used as a pawn to settle political scores in Zanu-PF.

"There has been insinuation that the investigation of the ZACC has been
dictated by political and/or party-political motivations that seek to
denigrate or derail the indigenisation programme or to give advantage to
political elements of a particular persuasion."

Chirindo said the diversity of the commission made "a political or sectoral
agenda difficult to pursue". – Additional reporting by Ray Ndlovu

Who is cracking down on corruption?

Appointed in August 2011 by President Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwe
Anti-Corruption Commission comprises nine commissioners and a secretariat,
which carries out day-to-day activities.

The commission is chaired by Denford Chirindo, a former employee of the
ministries of defence and justice, legal and parliamentary affairs. Chirindo
also worked at the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe as a senior logistics
administrator. Teresa Pearl Mugadza is the deputy chairperson of the
commission and a policy consultant. She has worked for the non-governmental
organisations Women in Politics Support Network and the Musasa Project.

Other commissioners include:

• Goodwill Shana, who is the president of the Evangelical Fellowship of
Zimbabwe, an inter-denominational Christian organisation, and the senior
pastor and founder of Word of Life International Church;

• Emmanuel Chimwanda, a former police assistant commissioner;

• Shepherd Gwasira, a senior assistant commissioner of the police;

• Elita Sakupwanya, a former chief of mission and a ministerial counsellor
in the ministry of foreign affairs; and

• Lakayana Duve, a former principal director in the department of policy
implementation in the office of the president and Cabinet.

On swearing in the new commissioners in September 2011, Mugabe said he had
selected individuals held in high regard by society and who would be
fearless in their crackdown on corruption in Zimbabwe. – Ray Ndlovu

Churches launch peace project to curb Zimbabwe’s election violence

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Nomalanga Moyo
28 March 2013

Churches in Zimbabwe have launched a peace campaign, as part of efforts to
curb the violence that flares up at election times in Zimbabwe.

The project is called the Ecumenical Peace Observation Initiative in
Zimbabwe (EPOIZ), and was officially launched Tuesday to “promote peace in
the run up to, during and after the country’s election.”

It is a joint effort by three of the country’s biggest church bodies – The
Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference, the Zimbabwe Council of Churches, and
the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe.

The director of the newly-formed umbrella body, Tendai Maregere, said that
EPOIZ will play a coordinating role for the churches’ common message of
peace.

“The church has always played a vital role in peace, conflict resolution,
and mediation throughout Zimbabwe’s turbulent political history and we are
simply carrying forward that role. The church has also exposed human right
abuses and pointed out the excesses of the state,” Maregere said.

Maregere said that launching EPOIZ ahead of this year’s election recognises
the fact that Zimbabwe’s elections are often violent and traumatic events
for citizens.

“This is informed by our past experience of intolerance, intimidation and
violence. At key moments in our history people have suffered the effects of
violence; from the colonial system through the liberation struggle and after
independence,” the group said.

Maregere revealed that as part of its peace mandate, the church had been
actively involved in setting up the election monitoring group the Zimbabwe
Elections Support Network, and the Zimbabwe Peace Project – which monitors
human rights abuses.

Asked whether this new project will work, given that its launch coincides
with rising political tensions ahead of elections, with the police already
cracking down on civic education groups, Maregere said EPOIZ was not
anticipating any problems.

He told SW Radio Africa: “We have already met with President Robert Mugabe,
who is the Commander-In-Chief of the Defence Forces, and he gave us his
blessings to roll out this campaign.”

Maregere added that as churches they were not obliged to seek police
permission to gather. However, he said they will inform the police about the
campaign to prevent misunderstandings in terms of the public order and
security laws in Zimbabwe.

The ecumenical peace campaign has already received the backing of The
Elders – a group of global leaders who work together for peace, under the
leadership of relentless human rights campaigner Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

Battle for election date spills over to the Courts

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
28 March 2013

The court case brought against President Robert Mugabe, for delaying by-
elections in three Matabeleland constituencies, took a new twist on Thursday
when Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai filed an application to join the court
proceedings.

The case was heard before Judge President George Chiweshe, who postponed the
hearing to next week Thursday. There has been controversy as to when the
next general election should take place, with Mugabe and ZANU PF insisting
it should be 29th June while the two MDC formations prefer end of July or
August.

On behalf of Mugabe Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa this week filed an
urgent chamber application seeking an extension of the March 31st
by-election deadline to June 29th, by which time harmonized elections should
be held.

The Supreme Court last year ordered Mugabe to set the by-election dates for
three constituencies–Nkayi South, Bulilima East and and Lupane East–by March
31st, after an application by Abednico Bhebhe, Njabuliso Mguni and Norman
Mpofu, all former MDC legislators for the constituencies in question.

But Mugabe is seeking an extension of the Supreme Court order, arguing that
due to lack of funds the by-elections should be delayed and held during the
harmonized elections, which he wants at the end of June.

A source told us Prime Minister Tsvangirai has now joined the fray in
opposing Mugabe’s intention to announce June 29th as the date for harmonized
elections, arguing that he was not consulted about this date, which he
should have been as one of the key principals in the GPA. The Premier filed
an application on Thursday to join the court proceedings.

Meanwhile the MDC-T secretary-general Tendai Biti this week said the exit
polls conducted by his party’s polling agents suggest the referendum figures
were wrong, and that the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission may have adjusted the
figures up.

Media reports in Harare quote Biti suggesting that far less than the 3.3
million votes announced by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission were cast in
the March 16th referendum.

The referendum figures showed the highest voter turnout since Independence
in 1980. But speaking at a public discussion hosted by the Sapes Trust in
Harare, Biti cast doubts over the veracity of the figures released by ZEC.

‘There is a 10 to 15 percent variance between ZEC’s figures and those
collated by our own team of agents who covered all the polling stations
nationally,’ said Biti.

He explained that his party noted a disturbing trend, where some
constituencies and districts recorded a higher voter turnout than the
population of the areas, according to the last census statistics of 2012.

He gave as an example constituencies in Midlands, Masvingo, Mashonaland East
and Matabeleland South provinces as having more numbers of people who voted
in the referendum than the number of people enumerated in last year’s
census.

Blessing Vava, the National Constitutional Assembly spokesman, told us the
MDC-T must blame themselves for not listening to concerns raised by many
people.

‘They are telling us now about the doctored figures when we told them before
the referendum that was going to happen to ensure a clear victory for the
Yes vote.

‘What they didn’t know was that ZANU PF used the vote as a dress rehearsal
to perfect their rigging mechanism come election time. It’s unfortunate they
used to be our partners but they no longer listen to advise…that is going to
be their downfall,’ Vava said.

Explosive Zanu (PF) Politburo meeting

http://www.thezimbabwemail.com/

Staff Reporter 22 hours 54 minutes ago

HARARE - There were fireworks at the Zanu (PF) Politburo meeting yesterday
over a number of issues including the usual ongoing succession battles and
the leaking of highly sensitive party information, a source said last night.
The source said President Mugabe who is the party's President and First
Secretary was said to be in a very angry mood.
The first issues raised, after the usual opening hard-hitting remarks by
President Mugabe, was raised by Politburo member, ex-Governor Chivi-Mwenezi
senator Josiah Hungwe was about the escalating leakages of sensitive party
information through the media and social networks.
The reports of corruption in the handling of the indigenisation programme,
and the alleged plot to kill the Governor of RBZ Gidion Gono and the
vitriolic insults spewed by Professor Jonathan Moyo in the State controlled
media were said to be the source of escalating cyber leaks.
Minister of Youth Affairs, Indigenisation and Empowerment Savious Kasukuwere
and outspoken former Information and Publicity Minister Professor Jonathan
Moyo, were condemned by one speaker after the other that the Politburo had
to spend the whole day debating these issues which were not even on the
Agenda, instead of the party 's preparedness on elections.
The Politburo resolved to put two Committes one led by Cain Mathema to
investigate the depth of corruption Saviour Kasukuwere committed in the
indigenisation programme.
As we reported elsewhere that the MDC-T has offered its full support to the
move by the legislators from across the political divide to summon before a
Parliamentary Commitee and investigate Saviour Kasukuwere for embarking on
an ill-fated empowerment that is now riddled in corrupt activities.
The MPs from the Parliamentary Mines and Energy portfolio who are meeting in
Vumba have added their voice in support of the MDC-T's position that the
Zanu PF model of empowerment and indigenisation is heavily skewed and will
not benefit the people but only a few senior corrupt Zanu PF officials.
The legislators said the Zanu PF's empowerment and indigenisation programme,
spearheaded by Saviour Kasukuwere was distorted and would not in any way
benefit the masses but a few individuals in Zanu PF.
At the Politburo, the second Committee to be headed by the Secretary for
Administration Didymus Mutasa to investigation the leakages of sensitive
information to the public through Social media.
They were tasked to even go deeper that if possible to know and find who
Amai and Baba Jukwa are. Amai and Baba Jukwa are two Facebook pages which
have been rolling out sensitive information about senior members of Zanu PF
and attacks on the Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangira.
During the politburo meeting, George Rutanhire shouted to everyone 's shock
when he shouted that Amai Jukwa is Jonathan Moyo working with Munyaradzi
Kereke.
President Mugabe also briefed the Politburo and ordered that the Party
should investigate the allegations that there are individuals in the party
who want to kill the Reserve Bank Governor Gono and that he has instructed
Gono to issue a statement denying the plot to kill him, which he said was
covered by all the Press today and that he has summoned Gono to report back
into the country urgently.
Mr Gono arrived in Harare last night abord the Emirates Airways.
Meanwhile, Baba Jukwa yesterday rolled out old Wikileaks of US leaked cable
detailing the following information on the RBZ Dr. Governor Gideon Gono:
In a February 10 meeting with the Ambassador, Reserve Bank Governor Gideon
Gono bemoaned the GOZ's unwillingness to address deepening corruption,
fiscal indiscipline and parastatal inefficiencies. Depicting himself as
under seige politically, he said the leadership had talked him into
withdrawing the resignation he submitted earlier in the week. He conceded
that the country was essentially at a tipping point economically, and
implied that his contradictory GOZ economic policies were propelling the
country toward the precipice -- a precursor to real change.
The Governor confided that Mugabe appeared to be deteriorating mentally and
losing his capacity to balance factional interests. Stressing his interest
in playing a central role in Zimbabwe's future, Gono emphasized his
independence from ruling party factions and committed to keep in touch with
us as developments unfolded. End summary.

------------------------------
Under Seige for Telling Truths
------------------------------

2. (C) In his spacious 22nd floor office atop the glistening Reserve Bank
building, Gono portrayed himself as a man under attack from all sides for
the honesty of his policy prescriptions. The ruling elite all "accuse me of
carrying the water of the IMF, the white farmers, the Americans; only the
man in the street embraces me," he maintained.

3. (C) Gono said his principal offense was to boldly attack corruption at
the highest levels publicly and privately. He cast mining sector corruption
as "out of
this world" and showed the Ambassador a confidential report on gold that
implicated senior officials (unnamed) in siphoning off production sufficient
to reduce official output from 22 tons in 2004 to 12 tons in 2005. He said
he had delivered several seizures of senior officials' illegal gold - the
largest at 65 lbs. - to Minister for Anti-Corruption (and for State Security
and for Lands) Mutasa, who had taken no action. He estimated that corruption
in gold alone was costing at least USD 250 million a year - enough to feed,
fuel and medicate the nation for months.

4. (C) Gono complained that ag sector corruption continued unabated despite
his high-profile advocacy against it; the nation's largest coffee-grower
(with 30 percent of national output) was the latest to be invaded, he
reported. The elite who took farms assumed no liability or risk, each of
which was essentially transferred to the fiscus on the backs of taxpayers.
In sum, corruption was a fundamental "unfairness" and principal impediment
to economic recovery.

5. (C) According to Gono, his "Operation Tell the Truth" was meant to
underscore to the party leadership that high-level corruption was glaringly
obvious to the public and severely damaged the party leadership's
credibility across the board. He went over a long list of ministers,
governors, senior police/military officials, NGOs, and private sector
players with whom he had consulted and sought support. Many expressed
support and yet key policies were never carried out.

------------------------------
Economics Defeated by Politics
------------------------------

6. (C) Further on the economic front, Gono quickly went down a list of
issues, essentially echoing points elaborated in his recent monetary policy
statement (ref . The Governor acknowledged the need for moving the Bank's
quasi-fiscal activities transparently to the budget as prescribed by the
IMF. Political realities, however, dictated for now that the Bank rush from
one patch-up job to another as the economy continued its downward spiral.
Parastatals represented a fundamental conundrum between irreconcileable
economic and political imperatives. He reiterated his commitment to
refurbish Zimbabwe's relations with the IFIs and the international community
but conceded the leadership's insufficient political will to support his
commitment. Gono concluded that Zimbabwe's economic problems were 85 percent
political.

-----------------------
Inflation Tipping Point
-----------------------

7. (C) Regarding inflation - "still public enemy number one" - Gono said he
advised the cabinet not to worry about how high it would go; they should
instead realize that they would have no country left to rule if the current
situation continued. Referring to Malcolm Gladwell's book, The Tipping
Point, Gono said his duty was to advise the leadership that growing hysteria
about hyperinflation and the economy's irrecoverability could prove to be a
tipping
point. (Later, in private, he admitted to the Ambassador that inflation was
actually well above 1000 percent and he
was purposefully suppressing the numbers to "avoid creating panic.")

--------------------
Resignation Rejected
--------------------

8. (C) Gono disclosed that his frustrations led him to submit his
resignation February 6. He had spent much of the week meeting with Mugabe,
the presidium, Mutasa and other cabinet officials, finally being persuaded
just the morning of his meeting with the Ambassador to stay on.

--------------------------------------
Lurching Toward a Post-Mugabe Zimbabwe
--------------------------------------

9. (S) In a subsequent 30-minute "four-eyes" exchange apart from
note-takers, the Ambassador observed that Gono's often contradictory, even
counter-productive, policies and public blasts against the elite's
misbehavior could be interpreted as a deliberate attempt to undermine the
leadership's credibility and hasten economic collapse. Jumping out of his
seat, Gono grabbed the Ambassador's hand and exclaimed "This proves you are
not na e!" Gono agreed
that ongoing economic and political developments all served as foundation
for a post-Mugabe dispensation that had yet to be worked out. He observed
that economic distress impelled a perceived need for change but factional
infighting was delaying the succession for which all were posturing. He said
that Mugabe's wife had confided to him that the President was "out of it"
about 75 percent of the time and she wanted him to step down.

10. (S) What was to follow Mugabe remained murky, Gono maintained. Mugabe
had personally disclosed to Gono his doubts about Vice-President Joyce
Mujuru's capacity to hold the country together. Gono confided further that
Joyce herself had recently exploded to Mugabe, complaining about perceived
slights and asserting her independence from her husband, ex-army chief
Solomon "Rex" Mujuru. Full of fear and loathing, the inner circle was
increasingly beyond Mugabe's capacity to control: wild-card Mutasa was at
odds with ambitious Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was countering kingmaker Solomon
Mujuru (now the late), who didn't get along with Defense Forces Chief
Chiwenga, etc. Gono cautioned against assuming anything about individual
loyalties in the ruling party's opaque factional battles since ethnicity,
clan, totem, personal ambition and old rivalries created a very complex and
crosscutting web of ties. Musing aloud, Gono said the best solution might be
a "junta" that attempted to balance all these interests in a collective
leadership.

11. (S) Responding to the Ambassador's inquiry about pivotal pragmatic
players in a post-Mugabe ZANU-PF, Gono, speaking sotto voce, mentioned
politburo member and ex-Finance Minister Simba Makoni and Party Chairman
John Nkomo. On a scrap of paper he wrote down "Didymus Mutasa" and
"(Minister of Agriculture) Made" as two players whom he understood could be
allowed no place in a post-Mugabe government. Gono said he himself remained
independent from party factions - "equally distrusted by all," he joked -
but communicated with leaders from all factions in both parties. He
emphasized that in any event he wanted to play a central role in the
nation's social, economic and political future. At the same time, he
stressed that, as a rags-to-riches self-made man, he had the confidence to
"walk away from it all" if necessary.

12. (S) In closing, the Ambassador underscored that Zimbabwe was without
outside help and beyond the point of being able to engineer its own
recovery - a tipping point in itself. We all knew the only places from which
such support would be forthcoming, but such help would be predicated on a
firm comitment to political and economic reform. For its part, the USG did
not desire Zimbabwe's further implosion and stood ready to work with the
GOZ, including a ZANU-PF government, on national recovery - but only once it
was irrevocably on a path to real political and economic reform. The choice
was the ruling party's: continue on its self-destructive path and be further
squeezed by the international community, or redirect itself constructively
and receive international support.
The country needed Gono and other pragmatists, despite political
difficulties, to be advocates for and ultimately deliver meaningful change,
the Ambassador concluded. Gono pexpressed relief at this approach and
promised to stay in touch.

-------
Comment
-------

13. (S) "Tipping points" (Gono's unprompted comments echoed his remarks to
the IMF, ref A) are fast becoming the fulcrum for political analysis outside
and inside the ruling party in Zimbabwe. Just how close Zimbabwe is to a
tipping point remains unclear but it is undeniably edging
ever closer to the brink. Such discussions helpfully reinforce the perceived
need for change and the imminence of succession - thus fueling what may
become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Gono himself may well have concluded
that, in view of Mugabe's refusal to consider desperately needed change, the
shortest path to recovery (and power for Gideon Gono, of course) is through
collapse. Although this may be a touch conspiratorial, it does help explain
some of Gono's seemingly "irrational" policies of the last six months,
including the expenditure of foreign exchange badly needed for critical
imports on repayment of Zimbabwe's IMF arrears.

Mtetwa blasts Jonathan Moyo

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Richard Chidza, Staff Writer
Thursday, 28 March 2013 12:29

HARARE - Human rights lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa — fresh from a stint in
prison — says serial political flip flopper Jonathan Moyo’s rants against
her were unfortunate and replete with distortions.

The former junior Information minister wrote a stinging opinion piece in the
State controlled media celebrating the “self-styled” human rights lawyer’s
incarceration.

Mtetwa was arrested for trying to defend four officials from Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai’s office charged with impersonating police after a raid at
the MDC leader’s communication office.

Moyo described Mtetwa as “a notorious untouchable celebrated in the legal
fraternity not for her legal work about which there’s precious little to
show but for her corrupt presumption of impunity when it comes to her now
well-documented reckless confrontation with law enforcement agencies always
designed to grab dramatic news headlines.”

Moyo said Mtetwa was “known less for her legal thinking or practice and more
for her stage-managed antics in and outside the court some of which have
been used by dubious institutions to reward her with equally dubious awards
that do not have self-evident merit.”

He also railed against Mtetwa’s Swazi origins, even though she has given
over three decades of service to the Zimbabwean legal fraternity, starting
as a prosecutor and later going into private practice.

Mtetwa answered Moyo in an address at a public forum to mark the launch of
the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute. She said she had no problem with Moyo
exercising his right to freedom of expression, but said he should not deny
others the same rights.

“Apart from the fact that Moyo got a whole lot of facts wrong about what
happened between me and the police, he got the place where it happened
wrong,” Mtetwa said.

“My view is that I may not like what Jonathan Moyo writes but he is entitled
to that and he is entitled to be a member of Zanu PF. I am not talking about
the lies and misrepresentation; what I disagree with is him denying others
the right to do exactly the same in their political formations and writing
the same in other newspapers.

“Moyo should understand that other people have the same rights as him from
their perspective without him trying to shut them down using the mighty of
the State or through the police.”

The rights lawyer, who has won several international accolades from a
variety of international jurists including the American Bar Association,
said space for research was being closed in Zimbabwe.

“We have to negotiate with politicians for the space to do research,” she
said.

“We have oversight institutions in the new constitution and we hope they do
not face the same fate that some members of the judiciary and the Zimbabwe
Anti-Corruption Commission (Zacc) are facing now.

“We need to talk about what kind of research can be done to stop the culture
of impunity and killing of oversight institutions in order to push the
democratisation agenda forward,” Mtetwa said,” Mtetwa said.

Minibus chaos in Harare

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

Thursday, 28 March 2013 09:31
HARARE - As Harare City Council moves to return sanity to the sunshine city
by centralising commuter minibuses, the move has caused chaos as the
designated places do not have the capacity to accommodate a vast number of
minibuses and commuters.

From Copa Cabana rank, there is chaos extending to Chinhoyi Street, with
roads becoming impassable.

“Yesterday there was a guy I caught holding my pockets in the pushing and
shoving, this is horrible,” said Tapiwa Shumba, a 20-year-old university
student.

“Yes we want our city to be clean but not at the expense of our pockets.”

A 65-year-old Sekuru Jambwa said fares have been hiked as a result of the
chaos.

“My child I stay in Warren Park. Before, our kombis came here they charged
us R5 but ever since they moved to this place they are now charging $1,” he
said.

“I approached two police officers to tell them of the fee problem that we as
commuters were facing, and they said they do not deal with those matters and
referred me to Interpol (international Police), I do not even know what
Interpol is.”

Although the city authorities said the move will help regulate transport
operators, the operators themselves are complaining that the termini are too
small to cater for all of them.

“As of now after I load my vehicle I have to wait more than 15 minutes for
the kombis around me to be full because there is no space to get out, as you
can see it’s bumper-to-bumper,” said Phineus Chitoro, who plies the
Mandara-City route.

The main kombi ranks being used by the operators are Copa Cabana, Charge
Office, Fourth Street terminis and Market Square.

“During the times of the Zupco buses, yes it was okay, they had systems in
place to control the movement of buses so that there would not be congestion
at the terminus,” Chitoro said.

Zim urged to reform ‘unstable’ and ‘artificial’ economy

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Alex Bell
28 March 2013

Zimbabwe’s government is being urged to make critical reforms to ensure that
the rapid growth of the economy, described as artificial and unstable, is
not short lived.

A new report published by the international public policy research group,
the Cato Institute, has warned that Zimbabwe’s economic potential is
limited, because the growth seen in recent years is ‘false’.

According to the report’s author, Professor Craig Richardson, although the
official adoption of the US dollar and South African rand in 2009 stopped
rampant hyperinflation and stabilized the economy, “this doesn’t explain why
the country has been growing faster than Hong Kong, a territory with a
stable currency and one of the freest economies in the world.”

Professor Richardson explained that Zimbabwe’s dollarisation was accompanied
by three significant economic developments, “none of which will foster
growth long-term.”

“First, between 2009 and 2011, two-thirds of Zimbabwe’s nominal GDP growth
was the result of increases in government expenditures, augmented by
hundreds of millions of dollars in International Monetary Fund grants and
Chinese loans. Second, rich Western countries dramatically increased their
infusions of off-budget grants to Zimbabwe, and this foreign aid now
accounts for nearly 9 percent of its GDP. Third, Zimbabwe’s economy is
becoming increasingly dependent on the production and export of raw mineral
commodities, which have experienced rapid worldwide price hikes,” Professor
Richardson said.

He told SW Radio Africa that none of these developments provide for a stable
economic future, and the growth therefore seen in recent years is
“artificial.” He said the growth also draws attention away from the country’s
serious problems, including inadequate food supply, poor governance,
weakening property rights protection, and a bloated government sector.

“Those problems have been unwittingly enabled by Western governments and the
International Monetary Fund through massive cash infusions, which have given
the Zimbabwean government little incentive to change,” Richardson warned.

He also warned that Zimbabwe’s is “exhibit A on how to ruin a national
economy,” saying the destructive land grab campaign from 2000 onwards was
directly responsible for the country’s economic collapse.

“Zimbabwe was the jewel of Africa but when property rights were destroyed
during that campaign, the economy really went into a fast tailspin. The two
are crucially linked,” Richardson said.

He added that property rights are a key foundation for positive, stable
economic growth and warned that there is no sign that this right will be
protected in Zimbabwe in the future. He expressed concern that the new
constitution, instead of protecting these rights, legitimises the state
seizure of land.

“Buried in the constitution are the rights of the government to take away
people’s property… it’s pretty easy to see that Zimbabwe’s economic growth
is very short term and very arterial. Unless the country starts paying
attention to property rights I don’t see any positive growth,” Richardson
said.

You can read Richardson’s report here:

http://www.cato.org/publications/policy-analysis/zimbabwe-why-one-worlds-least-free-economies-growing-so-fast

Zimplats appeals land repossession

http://www.newzimbabwe.com

28/03/2013 00:00:00
     by Staff Reporter

PLATINUM miner, Zimplats, has lodged an appeal against the government's
proposed compulsory acquisition of about 50 percent of its mineral resource
which was confirmed by Mines Minister Obert Mpofu last month.

In a statement Thursday Zimplats chief executive, Alex Mhembere, said:
“Further to the announcement regarding the proposed compulsory acquisition
of land, Zimplats confirms that (it) lodged an objection on 27 March to the
preliminary notice … with regard to the President’s intention to acquire
compulsorily 27,948 hectares of land held by Zimplats”,

Zimplats – listed in Australia and majority-owned by South Africa-based
Impala Platinum (Implats) - holds a special mining lease over two areas in
the country totalling 48,535ha in extent.

But in February Mpofu said the government had "repossessed" 27,948ha of the
land "with immediate effect" without compensation adding the mineral
resource would be offered to other investors.

"Zimbabwe has not realised significant value from the platinum sector beyond
the traditional statutory payments. We can no longer continue having our
minerals refined outside the country," said Mpofu.

"You can only compensate for land that has been bought. The ground belongs
to Zimbabwe and there cannot be talks of compensation when the land belongs
to you."

The company was given 30 days to appeal the move and management immediately
indicated they would challenge the development.
“Implats and Zimplats are taking legal advice in order to protect their
rights and, in addition, remain in consultation with the relevant government
authorities,” the company said at the time.

The land seizure adds to the uncertainty clouding Zimplats's operations in
teh country following allegations of possible irregularities in the company’s
indigenisation compliance programme.

Implats signed a conditional, non-binding term sheet for the transfer of 20%
of Zimplats to employee and community trusts and 31% to a state-run National
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Fund.

The deal is expected to see the company comply with laws requiring foreign
companies to transfer at least 51 percent of their Zimbabwe operations to
locals but sharp differences have emerged in government over the transaction
amid allegations of possible irregularities.

Implats, which is implementing a US$450 million expansion programme at
Zimplats, however says it is committed to the country despite the
uncertainty.

Zimplats is the biggest mining investor in Zimbabwe with management saying
the company employs nearly 10,000 people in the Mhondoro-Ngezi area, where
its operations are situated.

Zimbabwe's platinum output puts it in third place, behind world leader South
Africa, and second-place Russia.

“Miracle Votes” – An analysis of the March 2013 Referendum

http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe

 

AUTHOR:

SOKWANELE

DATE:

MAR 28, 2013

COMMENTS:

0

This text comprises extracts from the ERC report, available for download in PDF format here:

 

This report by the ERC is an attempt to interrogate and analyse the voter behavior that influenced the relatively ‘high voter turnout’ in this poll. What could have driven Zimbabweans to come out and vote in such unprecedented large numbers, what is the comparative analysis? Could the numbers have been tampered with? And what does this mean for the coming crucial elections in Zimbabwe?

 

A glance at the results shows that whilst there had been reports of voter apathy, comparatively; Zimbabweans came out in their large numbers to cast their votes.  The March 16 poll recorded the biggest voter turnout since 1980.  Interestingly, there has been a marked increase in each province for this referendum in comparison with the March 2008 elections.

 

Unpacking the Miracle Votes:  The Implications

 

The recent flurry of votes in the just ended referendum has left more answers than questions, with various suggesstions being made to explain the rise in voter turnout. The reasons have varied from vote rigging to an increased interest in the electoral process.  In this section, the Election Resource Centre (ERC) unpacks some of the reasons which could have led to the comparatively high voter turnout.

 

• Relaxed voting requirements: The requirements for casting a vote in a referendum were not as stringent as those in an election. Voters were only required to use their national IDs in the absence of a voter’s roll which enabled a number of unregistered, but ineligible voters to cast their votes. This included almost 3 generations of voter grandaunts who turned 18 years between 2008 and 2013.
• The Voting procedure was less complex as compared to an actual election, exemplified by the average 3 minutes that voters took to complete voting
• The relatively prevailing peaceful political engagements could have revitalized confidence in the electoral processes.
• Political party canvassing manifested in the tussle for numbers between the two main political parties ZANU PF and MDC-T.
• The utilization of social media as a platform for public debate increased the interest in the Referendum. The social media platforms that wer widely used especially by the young people included facebook and twitter.
• A new generation of first time voters that voted.
• Effectiveness of voter awareness programmes speaheaded by both civil society and the main political formations who are party to the GPA
• The swirling desire to end the transitional period, it might be that most Zimbabweans have grown weary of the tripartite governance framework and they believe that since the constitutional reform exercise was one of the major obstacles, ensuring its passage would

 

Where the “Yes” could have come from?

 

• Core supporters of the three parties in the GPA.
• Forced voters.
• Women (who constitute the majority of voters). There was consensus amongst women from all wlaks of life that this consitution is a good document for women hence the massive mobilization by women’s groups and women politicians to endorse the draft.
• The youth vote, although more still needs to be done to ensure that young people participate in electoral processes

 

Where the “No” could have come from?

 

• Core members of the National Constitutional Assembly and its consortium (ISO, PTUZ and MDC-99).
• Some MDC members whose voting was not polluted by group action and party opinion leaders. They retained their freedom of choice.
• There was a clique in ZANU PF which found expression through Jonathan Moyo, which at some point vehemently opposed the completion of the constitution making exercise. There is no telling that this clique could have made a sudden about turn to endorse this draft given how vigorously they campaigned for the disbandment of COPAC and the holding of elections under the Lancaster House Constitution.
• Some ZANU PF members who at some point were told about the ‘toxic’ issues in the proposed constitution. For instance, those who once were told that the COPAC draft would allow gay LGBTI rights (gay and lesbian rights) – at some point ZANU PF embarked on a campaign against the draft which spread to most areas like Gokwe Chireya. However, following their ultimate agreement ZANU PF could have failed to effectively reach some of its members who already had embarked on a campaign against the draft to re-orient them on the party’s new position.

 

Zimbabwe's Upcoming Elections and the Political Reforms That Never Were

http://thinkafricapress.com/

Without political and electoral reforms, it seems Zimbabwe's upcoming
elections will be played out on an uneven political playing field once
again.

ARTICLE | 27 MARCH 2013 - 11:35AM | BY SIMUKAI TINHU

With the new constitution having been overwhelmingly approved in a popular
referendum, Zimbabwe can start to prepare for fresh elections – the first
since the fateful polls in 2008.

Back then, Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC-T) won the first round to set up a run-off against
incumbent Robert Mugabe of the ruling ZANU-PF party. Citing violence and
intimidation against supporters, however, Tsvangirai pulled out of the
second round allowing Mugabe to emerge victorious.

Amidst international condemnation and instability following the disputed
elections, however, ZANU-PF held mediated talks with the MDC-T and MDC-M – a
breakaway faction of the MDC then led by Arthur Mutambara – resulting in a
power-sharing government under the provisions of the Global Political
Agreement (GPA). Mugabe stayed as president, Tsvangirai became prime
minister, and government ministries were shared out between the three main
parties.

Now, with the coalition government’s mandate to end on 29 June – and
elections to be held by 29 August 2013 according to the GPA – Zimbabwe faces
the prospect of elections again. Yet crucial questions remain about whether
it is ready. The European Union (EU), which recently eased sanctions
purportedly as a reward for political progress, appears to think so. Many
also appear to have been encouraged by the broadly peaceful referendum on
the new constitution. But unfortunately, this optimism does not stand up to
scrutiny.

A history of violence
From its inception, the coalition government has squabbled over how much
reform is necessary before satisfactory elections can take place. ZANU-PF
has insisted that there is no need for reform – not surprising given its
chances of retaining power rest on maintaining status quo – while opposition
and civil society insist extensive reforms are crucial.

Past Zimbabwean elections have often been characterised by ZANU-PF violence
against opposition. Before the 1985 parliamentary elections, the Mugabe
regime had been unleashing the infamous Gukurahundi policy against the
supporters of Zimbabwe African People’s Union-Patriotic Front (ZAPU-PF),
resulting in the deaths of thousands; in 1990, Zimbabwe Unity Movement
(ZUM), a party that provided a formidable challenge to ZANU-PF, faced
widespread intimidation and violence; and in the 1996 elections, the two
main opposition parties, Abel Muzorewa’s United Parties (UP) and Ndabaningi
Sithole’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU-Ndonga), withdrew citing
irregularities and intimidation of supporters.

When the MDC emerged in 1999 and seemed to have a genuine chance of
unseating ZANU-PF, the ruling party again resorted to physical force. The
presidential elections of 2002 and 2008 in particular were marred by
violence and the deaths of hundreds.

Will 2013 be any different?
Many are hoping that 2013’s election will break with this history of
violence. But despite a new constitution, the political landscape is far
from reformed.

Firstly, while there have been repeated calls for peace by government
leaders, there is still widespread state-sponsored political violence
directed at civil society, human rights defenders, journalists, and
political activists. Indeed, there has been an upsurge in political violence
and repression lately.

Secondly, groups of liberation war veterans and ZANU-PF youths, who were
responsible for much of the torture and abuse perpetrated against civilians
in the run-up to the last two elections, remain intact. These groups also
contributed to the infringement of rights to freedoms of expression,
assembly and association.

Thirdly, the media in Zimbabwe remains muzzled. There are very few
privately-owned newspapers and radio stations. This has meant that public
information remains under the firm grip of ZANU–PF, which continues to use
state-owned media to manipulate public opinion.

Fourthly, and most significantly, the security sector is still deeply
involved in the political affairs of the country. Despite Article XIII of
the GPA clearly stipulating that “state organs and institutions do not
belong to any political party and should be impartial in the discharge of
their duties”, ZANU-PF has retained control of the security apparatus, the
ultimate line of defence of its dominance.

This raises fears that this year’s elections could lead to a repeat of 2008’s
when ZANU-PF, in partnership with the “securocrats”, thwarted a democratic
transfer of power. Senior military personnel have been quoted on several
occasions openly supporting Mugabe and ZANU-PF, and vowing to enable it to
stay in power, flouting the GPA and the codes of conduct of their own
establishments. Meanwhile, the Southern Africa Development Community’s
(SADC) calls to reform the military, police services, state intelligence
services and other critical arms of the security sector have fallen on deaf
ears. At its December 2009 party congress, ZANU-PF boasted that it would not
allow security forces to be subject to reforms.

Last but not least, it appears the coalition government has also failed to
make any changes to repressive laws such as the Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act, the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the
Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act. These laws have been used to
severely curtail basic rights through vague defamation clauses and draconian
penalties.

In the few cases where there have been reforms, the quality and extent of
those reforms have been minimal. For example, the newly created Zimbabwe
Human Rights Commission could help improve the condition of human rights,
but its mandate is limited to investigating and reporting on human rights
abuses committed after the unity government was formed in February 2009,
thus excluding the widespread electoral violence of 2008. The draft
constitution has also been criticised as flawed and as not going far enough
in its curbing of presidential powers and bolstering of human rights.

A not-so-united unity government
The answer as to why the coalition has failed to put into effect political
and electoral reforms lies partly in the distribution of power within the
unity government. Unlike Kenya’s transitional government in which executive
power was shared between President Mwai Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila
Odinga, allowing some key reforms to be undertaken, in Zimbabwe, Mugabe
never relinquished executive power and has thus been able to block required
reforms. Additionally, securocrats have used their positions and symbiotic
relationship with Mugabe to veto change.

ZANU-PF’s triumph has also been aided by the opposition’s poor strategising
and various miscalculations. For example, the opposition went into the
coalition government without a plan to ensure reforms would be made. This
was a product of their failure to calculate the limitations of their power
within the power-sharing agreement. They also mistakenly counted on ZANU-PF
as a reliable partner that they could do business with.

Finally, President Mugabe has also shrewdly manipulated the issue of
sanctions as a way of frustrating possible progress. In response to human
rights and election-related abuses perpetrated between 2001 and 2008, the US
and EU imposed targeted sanctions as a way to push reform. ZANU-PF, however,
turned this pressure on its head – leading to a stalemate – by saying
reforms would only be undertaken once the sanctions are removed.

Election without reforms
When ZANU-PF went into the coalition government, its priority was to retain
political power. Its strategy was to use the power-sharing agreement to
entrench its hegemonic status without frightening those in the international
community. The opposition meanwhile seemed to enter Zimbabwe’s brutal
political scene without a strategy, but armed with unrealistic political
notions, such as its preoccupation with legality.

The result of these divergent interests has been perpetual political dispute
that rendered the coalition government unable to introduce reforms that
would have created a level political playing field. Having been unable to
secure reforms in the last four years, it might be too late to expect any
meaningful change before elections if they are indeed to be held in June. It
thus appears the elections will have to be fought on an unequal
battleground.

Though this might sound like bad news for the opposition, and worse for
democracy-loving Zimbabweans, it does not have to be. Attaining democracy in
Zimbabwe is still possible, but requires a new approach that has less to do
with the currently impossible task of political reform. Once the opposition
acknowledges the reality – that for the moment attaining political reforms
is a dream – they can let go of the notion that the political playing field
will be evel come the elections. Once they have accepted this, they can be
liberated from complacency and launch a harder and more direct campaign. As
it is, resounding electoral victory, to the extent President Mugabe’s
ZANU-PF cannot cover it up, is now the only way to power.