Mukoko and 12 other political detainees granted bail

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Violet Gonda
2 March 2009

13 MDC and civic activists, who had been abducted between the months of
October and December last year, have finally been granted bail. The bulk of
the activists were granted bail last Friday, but Jestina Mukoko, the
Director of the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP), was granted bail on Monday.
Lawyer Alex Muchadehama said a group of 16 people had been in police custody
on allegations relating to plots of banditry and terrorism. 13 were granted
bail and three are still appealing for bail in the High Court. Those three
are MDC Security Officer Chris Dlamini, Morgan Tsvangirai's former aide
Gandhi Mudzingwa and photo-journalist Shadreck Anderson Manyere.
Muchadehama said of the 13 only seven have been able to meet the stringent
bail conditions and are therefore free, while the remaining six are still in
police custody as they have not been able to fulfill the bail conditions.
The lawyer said they were ordered to provide title deeds of US$20 000,
surrender their passports, pay a bail fee of US$600 and report to the police
twice a week.
So far only Mukoko, Broderick Takawira (also from the ZPP), Fidelis Chiramba
and four others have been able to meet these bail conditions. He said the
other six either don't have travel documents or title deeds worth US$20 000.
Muchadehama said for the last few months the police have denied knowing the
whereabouts of about 10 other missing persons. But they have now said they
will release these missing persons if the defence team drops court
applications asking police to release them. This makes no sense but is
apparently what the police are insisting upon.
"If you withdraw applications seeking to identify where they are, they
(police) were also prepared to release those people unconditionally. Without
taking them to court, without charging them - notwithstanding whatever
number they are, they said they are prepared to release them." Muchadehama
added.
He said the public prosecutor indicated to them that the Joint Monitoring
and Implementation Committee and the President had directed the Attorney
General to release the detainees. He said this is clear proof that there had
never been any substance to the allegations of terrorism by the State but
pure 'political gamesmanship'. Muchadehama said: "This is not the rule of
law, this is not justice. It's politics taken to the wrong forum."
Those granted bail on Friday were: Concillia Chinanzavana, Manuel
Chinanzvavana, Fidelis Chiramba, Violet Mupfuranhewe, Colin Mutemagawu,
Pieta Kaseke, Audrice Mbudzana, Broderick Takawira, Zacharia Nkomo, Chinoto
Zulu, Regis Mujeyi and Mapfumo Gautsa, while Mukoko was granted bail on
Monday.
Meanwhile the MDC Deputy Minister of Agriculture designate Roy Bennett
remains in jail.

Elderly farm couple severely beaten as farm invasions continue

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Alex Bell
02 March 2009

An elderly couple are being treated for serious injuries after they were
attacked by a gang of thugs who invaded their smallholding outside Harare on
Saturday night - this is according to the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) who
has expressed fears about the continued onslaught against the country's
remaining white farmers.

The couple are the latest victims in the renewed campaign to force farmers
off their land, which has seen many of the remaining farmers being forced
into hiding.  The fresh wave of invasions has already seen almost 80 farms
being seized and more than 100 farmers facing prosecution. At the same time
at least 50 farms are confirmed to be under siege by lawless thugs - with
the farm owners facing possible violent eviction.  The threats by police
have also continued with police officers 'visiting' at least two farms over
the weekend, including the farm of Digby Nesbitt who is already 'sharing' a
house with Bulawayo's Deputy Police Chief Veterai.

The campaign against the farmers confirms that ethnic cleansing is underway,
as the invasions are "the forcible removal of an ethnically defined
population from a given territory." The action meanwhile is not only
violating the unity deal between the country's political role players, but
is also being openly supported by Robert Mugabe who over the weekend said
the farm invasions would continue.

Mugabe, who addressed his supporters at a lavish celebration to mark his
85th birthday, called on the remaining farmers to leave, saying they were
not welcome.

"Land distribution will continue. It will not stop," Mugabe said. "The few
remaining white farmers should quickly vacate their farms as they have no
place there."

Mugabe's comments leave little doubt that the dictator is heading the
campaign, despite reports that the action is being coordindated ZANU PF
'hardliners', bent on undermining the unity deal - which is daily being
proved as worth very little. Mugabe's disregard for rulings by the Southern
African Development Community (SADC) meanwhile were also made clear during
his birthday speech, with Mugabe saying SADC had no right to interfere on
Zimbabwean land matters.

"Some farmers went to the SADC... but that's nonsense, absolute nonsense,
no-one will follow that," Mugabe said. "We have courts here in this country,
that can determine the rights of people. Our land issues are not subject to
the SADC tribunal."

In November last year the tribunal ruled that Zimbabwe's plans to seize
dozens of white-owned farms were illegal under international law and should
be halted immediately.

8 MDC activists granted bail on Sunday

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Own Correspondent Monday 02 March 2009

JOHANNESBURG - A Zimbabwean magistrate on Sunday granted bail to eight
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) activists after months in prison, their
lawyer said.

"The court granted eight bail, and two are already out," defence
lawyer Alec Muchadehama told reporters.

Two activists, including Fidelis Chiramba, a 72-year-old villager who
has been detained for more than 100 days, were released on bail after paying
$600 each and surrendering their passports and the other six remained in
custody as prosecutors want to verify whether they have no travel documents,
Muchadehama said.

The eight are part of about 30 opposition MDC activists languishing in
jail for more than three months after they were abducted from their homes or
work places in Harare, Chinhoyi and Banket on terrorism-related charges.

Local rights groups accuse the police and state security agents of
severely torturing the activists during their detention.

The continued detention of activists coupled with that of MDC
treasurer Roy Bennett, who was arrested as Zimbabwe's new unity government
was being sworn in, is seen as undermining the new unity government between
President Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai, which analysts say is the
only viable option to rescue Zimbabweans from an unprecedented economic and
humanitarian crisis.

The MDC said it wanted everyone detained on political charges freed,
including Roy Bennett who was arrested three weeks ago just before the new
Cabinet was sworn in.

"Our position remains the same. All the detained, including our
party's treasurer-general, Mr Roy Bennett, must be released from custody
because they are facing trumped up charges," MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa
said.

Bennett was granted bail by the High Court last Tuesday, but the state
has appealed against it. - ZimOnline

NCA spokesman Madock Chivasa & 5 activists released on bail

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
2 March 2009

Madock Chivasa, the Youth Forum board chairperson and National
Constitutional Assembly spokesperson, was released on free bail on Saturday,
after spending two days in police cells.

Chivasa and five other Youth Forum activists were arrested Thursday last
week, following a meeting he addressed in Masvingo. Police accused Chivasa
of using his presentation to incite violence among the 300 strong youths who
attended the meeting.

Soon after the presentation police officers swooped on Chivasa and arrested
him in front of the crowd. This sparked a mass brawl involving the police
and youth members.

Wellington Zindove, a Youth Forum coordinator, told us the police action was
unjustified and was responsible for the outbreak of the disturbances.
He said the five youth members were picked up for allegedly blocking the
police from arresting Chivasa, who was charged with resisting arrest.

'Between Thursday and the day he was released police kept changing the
charges against Chivasa. They first charged him with public violence, then
changed it to obstructing the course of justice and finally settled with
resisting lawful arrest,' Zindove said.

After a series of consultations between the police and Chivasa's lawyer,
Phillip Shumba, the authorities decided to release the six on free bail.

'If police want to press any charges or make a follow up they will do so by
way of summons. Otherwise there is no case against our members who were
targeted for taking a stance against brutal tendencies by the state,'
Zindove said.

Tsvangirai, Mugabe & Mutambara meet to finalise appointments

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
2 March 2009

Party principals to the Global Political Agreement met in Harare on Monday
and agreed on a process that would see the appointments of permanent
secretaries, provincial governors and ambassadors in the next two weeks.

Robert Mugabe, Morgan Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara all agreed on a
process that would see an equitable distribution of all senior government
positions. That process is being overseen by the Prime Minister, with help
from his deputies, Thokozani Khupe and Mutambara.

James Maridadi, the Prime Minister's spokesman, confirmed the process of
identifying potential candidates for all senior government posts has
started. It is believed Tsvangirai will consult with Mugabe on the final
list before the new appointments are made public.

In the spirit of the GPA, the principals agreed also to revisit the issue of
the Reserve Bank Governor, Gideon Gono and Attorney General Johannes Tomana.

A source told us the Prime Minister requested from the public service
commission all curriculum vitae's of current permanent secretaries and those
that were appointed last week, but whose appointments have now been
nullified. Members from the MDC have also sent in their CV's to be
considered for the senior positions.

Another source told us a formula that is likely to be used by the principals
is that where a minister is from ZANU PF, a permanent secretary will also be
appointed from within ZANU PF ranks. If the minister is from the MDC, then
the permanent secretary will also be MDC.
It is believed the Prime Minister has also requested information regarding
the procedures used when appointing ambassadors and junior diplomatic
postings.

Newsreel is reliably informed that the Prime Minister wrote a letter to
Foreign Affairs Minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi last week, asking about the
number of diplomats posted outside the country.

A source in the Foreign Affairs Ministry told us the minister was tasked to
give a detailed report on how long each ambassador has been posted abroad,
when they are due back home and how many times each diplomat had been posted
outside since joining the ministry.

Mugabe vetoes resignations by service chiefs: think-tank

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=19120&Itemid=103

Sunday, 01 March 2009

Resignation would have opened way fro Tsvangirai sympathisers

Zimbabwe's embattled President Robert Mugabe has vetoed mass resignations by
the country's

service chiefs unhappy about last month's appointment of opposition leader
Morgan Tsvangirai as Prime Minister, an international think-tank has
revealed.

London-based think-tank Africa Confidential said in its latest report
released last Monday that Mugabe, 85 and facing a revolt in his Zanu (PF)
party over his decision to form a coalition government with Tsvangirai,
refused to accept the resignations of the commanders of the security forces
amid fears of infiltration by people sympathetic to the opposition.

Zimbabwe's powerful service chiefs, led by commander of the Zimbabwe Defence
Forces, General Constantine Chiwengwa, boycotted the February 11 swearing in
of Tsvangirai and the

subsequent launch of a unity government involving Zanu (PF) and the two
factions of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

The service chiefs are understood to have offered to resign soon after the
unity government launch rather than face the humiliation of saluting
Tsvangirai.

Besides Chiwengwa, the country's security top brass also includes Zimbabwe
National Army commander Philip Sibanda, police Commissioner General
Augustine Chihuri, Air Force of Zimbabwe commander Perence Shiri, Central
Intelligence Organisation director Happyton Bonyongwe and Zimbabwe Prison
Service commissioner Paradzai Zimondi.

"Resignations were vetoed by Mugabe as they would open vacancies for people
acceptable to the coalition partners and risk giving the MDC leverage over
security," said the Africa Confidential report.

Zimbabwe's military generals and security chiefs have twice, in 2002 and
2009, vowed on the eve of crucial polls that they would never salute anyone
without liberation war credentials, in reference to Tsvangirai who has
offered the fiercest challenge to Mugabe's 28-year reign over the former
British colony.

The utterances by the generals were viewed as veiled threats to stage a coup
in the event that Tsvangirai won the elections.

The Zimbabwean On Sunday reported last week that Chiwengwa had told military
colleagues that he would have "difficulties" recognising Tsvangirai as
Zimbabwe's prime minister.

According to Africa Confidential, a mass resignation by the defence forces
top brass would have created an opportunity for the main MDC faction headed
by Tsvangirai to reopen negotiations for a reallocation of the key security
ministries.

The think-tank said the boycott of the unity government by the army generals
also "offered tacit support" for the Zanu (PF) faction led by retired
general Solomon Mujuru, which is barely represented in the inclusive
government.

Mujuru, husband to Zimbabwe Vice President Joice Mujuru, is waging an
internal Zanu (PF) war to wrestle control of the party from a faction headed
by Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa.

The Mnangagwa faction appears to have been richly rewarded with key
positions in the unity government for its support of Mugabe.

Zimbabwe minister says owners of acquired farms be allowed to wind down operations

http://www.apanews.net/apa.php?page=show_article_eng&id_article=90381

Zimbabwe's state media reported here Sunday that white farmers with farms
acquired by the government for resettlement of landless people would be
allowed to harvest their crops this year before they are removed from the
properties.

The state-run Sunday Mail quoted Lands and Resettlement Minister Herbert
Murerwa as saying newly resettled farmers would not be allowed to disrupt
activities on white-owned farms until the current agricultural season ends.

Zimbabwe's farming season runs from October to April.

Murerwa said the newly resettled farmers would be accompanied by officials
from his ministry and the police when they eventually move onto the acquired
farms in order to ensure a smooth handover-takeover process.

"Those who have been granted offer letters should be assisted by officials
from the ministry and the whole process should be done in an orderly manner
without any violence being perpetrated," Murerwa told the newspaper.

The minister spoke as the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), an umbrella body
for the country's white farmers, reported an upsurge in the illegal
occupation of farms by government officials and other supporters of
President Robert Mugabe's ZANU PF party.

The CFU said last week that at least 100 farms owned by its members had been
invaded by senior army officers and ZANU PF activists.

Mugabe on Saturday ordered white farmers with farms designated for
acquisition under the government's land reform programme to vacate their
properties or risk prosecution.

JN/daj/APA

2009-03-01

Britain orders Kunonga assets to be frozen

http://www.religiousintelligence.co.uk/news/?NewsID=4009


Monday, 2nd March 2009. 12:39pm

By: George Conger.

The British Treasury has ordered British banks to freeze any funds or
assets held by the former Bishop of Harare, Dr Nolbert Kunonga.

On Jan 27, the government released a "Financial Sanctions
 Notification" stating that in conjunction with European Commission
Regulation No 77/2009 "all funds or economic resources belonging" to 27
individuals and 36 corporations tied to the regime of Zimbabwe strongman
Robert Mugabe "must be frozen."

Number 13 on the list is Dr Kunonga, whom the Treasury describes as a
"self-appointed Anglican Bishop" whose "followers have been backed by the
police in committing acts of violence."

In 2002 the US State Department and the EU ordered a ban on Dr Kunonga's
movements, forbidding his entry into Europe or the US. The 2009 Treasury
circular stated that "no funds or economic resources are to be made
available, directly or indirectly, to or for the benefit" of Dr Kunonga or
the list of banned regime supporters.

"Financial institutions and other bodies and persons in the UK are
required to check whether they maintain any accounts or otherwise hold any
funds or economic resources for the persons named and, if so, they should
report to the Treasury details of all funds or economic resources that they
have frozen in accordance with Article 6 of Regulation 314/2004," the
circular stated.

A long-time ally of the regime, Dr Kunonga is the only clergyman
sanctioned by the EU or the US for his complicity with the crimes of the
Mugabe regime. In a 2004 report the US State Department said that the Mugabe
regime had "bypassed canonical law to install" Dr Kunonga as Bishop of
Harare and had rewarded him for his loyalty to the regime. "In October 2003,
Kunonga seized a formerly white-owned farm 10 miles from Harare and evicted
50 black workers to make way for his own staff."

On Feb 12 Dr Kunonga gave the invocation at the swearing-in of the
country's new government. Reading from Ezekiel Chapter 37, Dr. Kunonga
likened the fragile coalition of President Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and the
opposition MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to the "valley of dry
bones."

The coalition government was "the work of God to make Zimbabweans
speak with one voice and govern and control their own destiny," Dr Kunonga
told the small audience at Harare's State House.

"Zimbabweans today are being called to create a situation that is
tolerable and acceptable to us all," Dr Kunonga said to the new leaders in
the service broadcast to the nation. "The leaders have no choice but to make
things work. It's time to bury the past and continue with what is
progressive and beneficial to us all."

Zimbabwe's blood diamonds

http://appablog.wordpress.com

World Diamond Regulators Flounder / UN Action
Required

HARARE, Zimbabwe, March 2, 2009/African Press Organization (APO)/ - Diamonds
have become a major factor in Robert Mugabe's desperate attempt to retain
power in Zimbabwe. Diamond smuggling has become rampant and dozens of
diamond miners have been murdered by the military, which now controls the
country's main diamond fields.

The horrors behind Zimbabwe's diamonds are the subject of a new report
released today by Partnership Africa Canada (PAC): Zimbabwe, Diamonds and
the Wrong Side of History. The PAC report describes the role that diamonds
are playing in Zimbabwe's growing misery, and says that the Kimberley
Process, the 45-government international diamond regulatory body created to
end conflict diamonds, is unwilling and unable to deal with the problem.

Under Zimbabwe's new "Unity Government", the mining portfolio and the
military remain firmly under the control of Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF
cronies, all of whom are subject to asset seizure laws and travel
restrictions in the European Union and the United States.

PAC is calling on the United Nations Security Council to step in, as it did
with blood diamonds in Angola, Sierra Leone, Liberia and Côte d'Ivoire, and
to place an embargo on Zimbabwean diamonds until they are under legitimate
and competent governance.

The PAC report says that Kimberley Process debates about how to respond have
been "sluggish, timid and wholly inadequate".

"The almost desperate insistence by some governments that the Kimberley
Process has nothing to do with human rights is disgraceful," said Ian
Smillie, PAC's Research Coordinator. "That is why our report is addressed to
the UN Security Council. In the Kimberley Process there is no appetite for
effective action.

The PAC report warns that "Consumer confidence in the purity of diamonds
will only be maintained if the Kimberley Process is willing to take vigorous
action to prevent tainted diamonds from entering the world's diamond stream.
In the case of Zimbabwe, the KP is currently failing the test."

In addition to its appeal to the United Nations, Partnership Africa Canada
asks that the KP suspend Zimbabwe's membership until its diamonds are
properly managed, and until it can be established that a stockpile of more
than 1.3 million carats has not been sold off illegally or bartered by the
government. PAC also repeats a growing demand that the Kimberley Process
develop a clear and actionable protocol on gross human rights abuse in the
management of diamonds resources.

SOURCE : Partnership Africa Canada (PAC)

Roy Bennett heartened by the release of Jestiona Mukoko

http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/3488

Via MDC Press Release - MDC Treasurer General, and deputy Minister of
Agriculture designate, Roy Bennett is heartened by the release, on bail, of
renowned human rights activist, Jestina Mukoko. (See our previous post
here).

Roy Bennett's lawyers will appear in the Harare High Court at 1400hrs
tomorrow, Tuesday 3rd of March, to oppose the state's appeal against an
earlier decision of the High Court to grant Roy Bennett bail. We maitain our
well considered view that the charges against Roy Bennett have no basis in
law, and are driven by vindictive and malicious political motives.

Roy Bennett has indicated that the conditions in the prison are appalling
and deplorable. The prison is not fit for human habitation. Further,
prisoners are failing to access medical attention, including a South African
who was arrested in October 2008, but is yet to be taken to court and
charged. At the time of his arrest, he had a broken arm. For the five months
or so he has been in prison, he has not received medical attention, and his
fellow inmate, Roy Bennett is worried that gangrene may have set in. Roy
Bennett has become an activist for his fellow inmates and has raised the
plight of the South African with the prison authorities.

The National Executive of the MDC, which met on Friday 27th February 2009,
re-emphasised the demand that all political prisoners must be released
immediately, unconditionally and unharmed in the spirit and letter of the
Global Political Agreement. The position has not changed. While we welcome
the release of Jestina Mukoko, a fine daughter of the Zimbabwean people, we
demand the immediate release of Roy Bennett and all other political
prisoners unconditionally and unharmed. Those that require medical attention
must be allowed unhindered access to same.

MDC Press Release

This entry was posted by Sokwanele on Monday, March 2nd

Zimbabwe's food security eases

Photo: Abdullah Shaheen/IRIN

Food aid

JOHANNESBURG, 2 March 2009 (IRIN) - Imports of about 750,000mt of cereal by commercial and humanitarian agencies is easing Zimbabwe's dire food shortages, the Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWSNET) said in its February update.

About 7 million Zimbabweans require food aid ahead of the main harvest April, although initial indications are that the yield will bring only a brief respite from the country's food security concerns.

The quantity of cereals imported so far is about 64 percent of the required amount, but food security has also been improved by foreign currency payments to public service employees, the country's largest employer, FEWSNET said.

Cereal rations have been reduced from 10kg per person to 5kg due to funding shortfalls, and the ZimVAC urban assessment of the food situation in January 2009 found 33 percent of the assessed households were food insecure, compared to 24 percent in November 2006, FEWSNET said.

Daily cholera update and alerts, 01 Mar 2009

Source: Government of Zimbabwe; World Health Organization (WHO)

Date: 01 Mar 2009

 Full_Report (pdf* format - 96.8 Kbytes)

* Please note that daily information collection is a challenge due to communication and staff constraints. On-going data cleaning may result in an increase or decrease in the numbers. Any change will then be explained.

** Daily information on new deaths should not imply that these deaths occurred in cases reported that day. Therefore daily CFRs >100% may occasionally result

A. Highlights of the day:

- 151 cases and 3 deaths added today (in comparison 397 cases and 3 deaths yesterday)

- 35.6 % of the districts affected have reported today (21 out of 59 affected districts)

- 90.3 % of districts reported to be affected (56 districts/62)

- Cumulative Institutional Case Fatality Rate 1.8.%

- Daily Institutional Case Fatality Rate 0.7 %

Lord Malloch-Brown discusses Zimbabwe

http://www.fco.gov.uk/en/newsroom/latest-news/?view=Speech&id=14285752

(01/03/2009)

DATE 01/03/2009

Minister for Africa, Lord Malloch-Brown, spoke on BBC Radio 4's World at One
on Sunday 1 March 2009 about the future of Zimbabwe.

Read the transcript

Presenter: Well Britain's Africa Minister, Lord Malloch Brown, listened to
that and I started by asking Mark Malloch Brown will President Zuma in South
Africa make any difference in Zimbabwe and can power sharing between Robert
Mugabe and the opposition MDC really work?

Lord Malloch Brown: If the MDC members of the new Government start to be
able to get a grip on the economy and on the social ministries then I think
the thing will start working on its own. If they can't I hope President Zuma
will live up to the implications of his remarks here and will, indeed, start
to exert greater pressure.

Presenter: A very mixed message I think from Jacob Zuma wasn't it, very
defensive of President Mbeki, hinting that South Africa might apply greater
pressure but just as much to Morgan Tsvangirai and certainly not to try to
dislodge President Mugabe?

LMB: This has been the problem throughout that in the interests of even
handedness South African policy is tilted much to much towards President
Mugabe and turned a blind eye to the fact that he no longer enjoyed a
democratic mandate, was in office by force and terror tactics and
negotiating with someone like that is not easy. But, you know, South Africa
has made this deal, it's made the bed if you like and it's got to lie in it
with the two parties to the deal and, you know, South Africa has impressed
on us that they want to give it a chance of working and, you know, we're
reluctantly, cautiously, willing to go along with that.

There may come a moment where this even handedness which is implicitly pro
Mugabe really has to stop for the sake of Zimbabwe's survival.

Presenter: Morgan Tsvangirai is, of course, going out looking for money,
desperately needed money, simply to run the country but Britain is refusing
to give that sort of support.

LMB: Yes we are holding back from general budget support to the Government
because we just don't have the confidence that the people who write the
cheques and control the central bank are honest people who we could safely
trust with British tax payers' money.

Presenter: Some people say you're deliberately holding back on spending, not
just on budget aid but also on humanitarian aid. Some agencies we've spoken
to in the area say that they're seriously underfunded, the International
Federation of the Red Cross says it may even have to stop its operations in
Zimbabwe and pull out for lack of funding. And yet you say you're committed
to humanitarian aid, you've got to come up with more money haven't you?

LMB: Well I, I think if these are cases and I will certainly pass on that
feedback to DfID, the development Ministry in the UK Government, because,
you know, they have been working very, very hard.

You know we'll take a look at it and despite, frankly, the incredibly
difficult budget situation that our aid programme is facing globally at the
moment with a lot of demands on it because of the economic crisis that is
hitting a lot of poor countries.

Presenter: One senior Western diplomat has told us that, really, Zimbabwe
has two months to make power sharing work or it's dead, is that right?

LMB: I don't know the exact time but I think it, it's a short period of
time. This situation is not one which is sustainable for very long.

Presenter: And if it doesn't work, which is certainly your feeling that it
probably won't, what follows after that?

LMB: You know my feeling is it probably won't but my hope is it will and I
certainly don't want to, in a sense, write its obituary already but all I'm
saying is our support to power sharing will rest on power sharing being just
that, that Morgan Tsvangirai really can be an effective Prime Minister. If
he can't all bets are off.

Presenter: And if all bets are off and it doesn't work does Britain then
come in behind something much more radical, perhaps some form of
international intervention, responsibility to protect the people of
Zimbabwe?

LMB: Well Robert Mugabe would love to hear a British Minister say if this
doesn't work there's going to be an intervention, that's probably worth
several political rallies to him and I, I'm not going to say that because we've
long since ruled out an international intervention, even a strengthened set
of economic steps against the regime couldn't secure Security Council
approval earlier in the year, there just isn't the basis for that
international intervention and your interview with Jacob Zuma, you know,
showed that very, very clearly.

I think South Africa will have to take a much tougher stand and we would
support South Africa in doing that.

Passport fees - a denial of rights

The Sunday Mail

2009 03 01

By Augustine Moyo

MIGRATION is considered one of the most defining global issues of the early
21st century, as more people are on the move today than at any other point
in human history.

Statistics show that there are now about 192 million people living outside
their places of birth.

This represents about 3 percent of the world's population.

Annually, hundreds of Zimbabweans risk everything as they wade through
crocodile-infested waters of the Limpopo River into neighbouring South
Africa in search of greener pastures, yet it is also their sincerest desire
to own a passport and travel legally.

However, the punitive fees of applying for a passport and the bureaucracy
involved leave many with no choice but to illegally cross into other
countries.

Zimbabwe's passport fee of US$ 675 is the most expensive in the world.

On some days South Africa Police Services (SAPS) deports up to 500 border
jumpers.

According to the International Office for Migration (IOM) by February last
month that figure had dropped to 100 border jumpers a day, but represented
just a proportion of Zimbabweans expelled from South Africa daily.

The IOM, which runs a reception centre for deportees at the Zimbabwean
border town of Beitbridge, helps around 10 000 people each month.

This figure does not include those who decline the assistance, preferring to
attempt another border jump immediately.

Is this really necessary when the Government can come up with cost-recovery
fees, in foreign currency, to process passports for its citizens, many ask.

In many other countries in the world, fees for documents like passports,
birth certificates, and national registration cards are subsidised by
governments while some are issued out at no cost.

While the standard cost of processing a passport in Zimbabwe is at a
punitive US$ 675, an adult passport with 48 pages in Canada is US$ 73 and
the standard processing time is two weeks.

A Canadian passport for children aged between three years and 15 years for a
48-paged passport is US$ 31 while a passport for children under the age of
three for a similar passport is US$ 19.

An urgent passport in Canada, which is processed within 24 hours, comes with
a US$ 56 fee plus the standard fee for whatever category of passport being
applied.

The Canadian passport also gives its citizens an option to choose to apply
for 24-page passport and a lesser or alternatively a 48-page passport.

In South Africa, the most expensive passport costs R352.

Experts argue that there have been decades of tradition and belief that the
issue and withdrawal of a passport is the prerogative of the government,
therefore making a passport a privilege and not a right, hence the
"ill-advised" decision to charge high fees to process a passport.

Experts further argue that a passport is connected with the right to freedom
of movement, including the right to leave and enter the country of one's
nationality, therefore making it a right and not a privilege.

Constitutional law expert Dr Lovemore Madhuku said freedom of movement
cannot be a privilege but is a right.

"A passport is not a privilege but a constitutional right as provided for by
Section 22 of the Constitution that protects the freedom of movement.

This also entails providing your citizens with the legal documents to travel
in and out of the country anytime they so wish, such as a passport.

"Making the application fee for a passport expensive and out of the reach of
your citizens is simply denying them that right and undermining that right.
There is no such thing as a fair fee that should be charged for birth
certificates, national IDs and even the passports.

"It's a free right and these by right should actually be availed to a
country's citizens for free," explained Dr Madhuku.

However, one cannot get a passport without a valid birth certificate, which
is every citizen's right.

While Government maintains that the cost of a birth certificate is US$ 50 or
R500, staff from the Registrar-General's Office with the help of
fly-by-night middlemen are making a fortune by pouncing on desperate
clients.

For 52-year-old Mrs Sharon Musayinwa, who wanted to change her short birth
certificate to a long one at Makombe Building last week, being told to pay
US$ 50 or R500 for a birth certificate was financial suicide, taking into
consideration that she was not earning that much.

However, a middleman came to her rescue and he got it on her behalf at less
than half the price in one of the offices at Makombe Building.

"I was only asked to pay R200 or US$ 20 to have my birth certificate changed
to a long one. I instantly got it. Surprisingly, all the resources used were
from the RG's Office," she told The Sunday Mail.

Human greed is so insatiable and human ingenuity so profound such that
people will beat any system no matter how tight the regulations.

The current fee structure at the RG's Office has only served to enrich only
a few employees within the RG's Office at the expense of the fiscus and
taxpayers as they charge "lower fees" than those gazetted by Government
while at the same time using Government stationery.

According to recent global estimates by Unicef, 36 percent of all births are
not registered, leaving more than 48 million children each year without
legal identity.

Children's right to be registered at birth and their right to a name and
identity are formally recognised by the Convention on the Rights of the
Child and Zimbabwe is a signatory to a number of UN Conventions.

The onus is upon the Government to ensure that every citizen has a right to
a birth certificate.

Birth registration is instrumental in safeguarding other human rights
because it provides the official "proof" of a child's existence.

Articles 7 and 8 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child outline the
obligations of state parties in making birth registration available to all
children.

The current US$ 50 regime at the RG's Office just for applying for a birth
certificate is also making it seemingly difficult for many families looking
after orphaned and vulnerable children to access birth certificates for
them.

Home Affairs co-Minister Kembo Mohadi said the nation should not panic about
the issue of fees being charged for services at the Registrar-General's
Office.

He hinted that all statutory fees at the RG's Office are presently under
review.

"This is a subject that Government is seriously looking into and we will be
issuing a public statement soon. I am working very closely with the relevant
authorities with the view to revising all fees presently being charged for
services at the Registrar-General's Office."

Without birth registration, children's access to basic social services such
as education and health care may be at risk.

The importance of a birth certificate continues throughout the life of an
individual, for activities ranging from education, employment and marriage
to obtaining a passport, voting and opening a bank account.

African Union's Shortcomings Limit African Solutions

http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com:80/article.aspx?id=3377

African Union's Shortcomings Limit African Solutions

Innocent Madawo

02 Mar 2009

World Politics Review

The African Union wants to be taken seriously. Its leaders seek the same
respect accorded to its Western counterparts, particularly the European
Union. And how better to earn that respect than to show that Africa can take
care of its own?

Hence the ASFAP doctrine - African Solutions for African Problems. As
expressions of political egos go, the doctrine is a macho response to the
bullies of the West. More broadly, it is meant to show the world that Africa
is mature enough to unite and rally together.

The Government of National Unity cobbled together in Kenya after the deadly
post-election violence in early 2008 was the test case for the doctrine and
the recently installed coalition government in Zimbabwe is supposed to be
its poster child.

The Kenya experiment is largely working, despite a bumpy start. The Zimbabwe
case might be expected to do even better. However, by all indications,
African solutions will not work in that country.

The two cases have conspired to reveal the shortcomings of the doctrine's
core assumption: that because African problems are steeped in tribal
tradition, conflicts can be solved by bringing everybody together under the
biggest tree in the village, to butt heads and later shake hands over a
gourd of the local brew, living together afterwards like the brothers they
ought to be.

The Kenya case fits the mold perfectly. After all, what began as a
democratic contest ended in a tribal conflict that killed more than 1,500
people. The violence was quelled by the big chiefs of the continent
descending on Nairobi to knock some sense into Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga.
And voilà, the doctrine was proven right.

But the Zimbabwe case does not fit into the doctrine's traditional
assumptions. The country faces a classic problem of an authoritarian regime
that can be best understood and solved at a universal, not an African,
level. As a problem, it is no different from that of North Korea.

The economic plunder, political impropriety and human rights abuses are so
blatant and widespread that their consequences go beyond the dimensions of
Kenya's family dispute. Zimbabwe is under Western sanctions; an estimated
one-third of its population is exiled, both in neighboring countries as well
as outside of Africa; its once foreign-driven economy is in a shambles; and
its citizens are persecuted by a regime that fears none other on the
continent.

The African Union already has a failing record in Somalia, Ethiopia/Eritrea,
Darfur and other regional crises. How then can it claim to solve a problem
whose tentacles reach beyond the continent's borders?

The AU cannot solve Africa's problems because of two important shortcomings.

First, unlike leaders in other regions whose socio-economic policies and
even political ideologies largely aim for one regional goal, African leaders
lack cohesion in almost everything. Whereas Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi
wants the continent to transform itself into a United States of Africa, his
fellow North African leaders would rather enjoy the luxury of being African
when it suits them and Middle Eastern when that offers more advantages.

While former South African president Thabo Mbeki promoted the New
Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) as a form of African
renaissance, West African leaders would rather enjoy their favored economic
relations with Europe.

Zimbabwe finds itself right in the middle of that discord. A united and
effective effort to solve its problems would mean the revival of an economic
giant that could suck all the investment air right out of the other
countries' lungs.

So instead, they pretend to solve the country's problems by putting in place
a coalition government that resembles a mix of oil and water, and then
hoping for the best.

The AU's second shortcoming is its lack of capacity to develop, fund and
implement the instruments to guarantee and monitor any of its grand
continental schemes. That is why its peace missions in Somalia and Darfur
have largely failed and why its experiment in Zimbabwe will as well.

As it is, within weeks of its implementation, the new Zimbabwe government
has actually seen an increase in invasions of white-owned farms, political
violence, political detentions and other forms of misrule that are all too
familiar to the world. It is the year 2000 all over again.

This, and not the sought-after respect, is the legacy so far of the AU's
African Solutions for African Problems.

Innocent Madawo is a Zimbabwean journalist based in Toronto, where he writes
columns for the Toronto Sun. Currently studying International Relations at
York University, he has reported and commented on African politics for
almost 20 years.

Zimbabwe Business Watch : Week 10

http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/3474

Amid the growing confusion as to who is actually in charge of the country's
affairs, business has had to grapple with ongoing economic problems.

Whilst there are indications that some relief is on its way, other problems
associated with the part dollarisation of the business environment are
surfacing: some large operations are now not able to find sufficient forex
cash with which to pay their staff and workers.

This is in an environment where there is only a cash economy funded by
exiles. It is estimated that up to USD 100 million enters the country in
cash form each month. However, this is not enough to meet requirements as no
other form of transaction is available such as credit cards, cheques and
bank transfers.

Until significant aid in the form of USD dollar support for the country's
financial sector materializes, these challenges will remain.

As it stands, this will not be forthcoming until a clear transfer of power
to the office of the PM is evident and there is a return to the rule of law,
repeal of repressive legislation and media freedom.

This entry was posted by Sokwanele on Monday, March 2nd, 2009 at 11:30 am

Opening up Zimbabwe's airwaves

TRANSPORT-ZIMBABWE: Your Money And Your Life

http://www.ipsnews.net

By Ignatius Banda

BULAWAYO, Mar 2 (IPS) - Despite the crater-sized potholes that fill Bulawayo
roads, Desmond Hikwa is not slowed down as he speeds across this city of
more than two million transporting commuters from sunrise to sunset.

The gears churn, and smoke fills the interior of the vehicle, sending
passengers into a coughing frenzy. Desmond Hikwa flays his arms to clear the
smoke hissing through the dash board without slackening speed.

"I have been driving on these roads for more than ten years now," Hikwa says
proudly, steering his 16-seater around the crater-sized potholes that fill
Bulawayo roads.

In Bulawayo, where the state-owned Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO)
has virtually disappeared from the streets, Hikwa has become one of many
operators who fill the need for public transport with 16-seater vehicles
known as kombis, albeit with passengers complaining of poor or no public
relations skills.

"We have to contend with very bad roads and of course police officers who
always demand bribes even when our papers are in order," Hikwa told IPS.

Behind him, a quarrel breaks out between a passenger and the tout.

"I am about to get off, just give me my change. I don't want any stories.
Asiyo problem yami ukuthi ngibhadale ngemali yamanye amazwe. (It's not my
problem that I paid using foreign currency)" fumes the passenger in
isiNdebele.

"Manje mina ufuna ngiyiththathe ngaphi? (Where will i get change?)" the tout
replies. "I have already told you I will give you when I have it," the tout
replies.

"Where are we expected to get change for that kind of money?" Hikwa demands,
and the passenger falls silent.

The tout's pocket of fares is filled with an assortment of dirty banknotes -
South African Rands, Botswana Pula and U.S. dollars - that have become the
complicated daily currency in Zimbabwe.

Making change has become a headache for public transport operators, who
longer accept Zim dollars - hardly anyone does in a country that boasts
world record inflation.

Local historians believe Bulawayo pioneered the use of the 16-seater
vehicles known as kombis after locals working in neighbouring South Africa
repatriated the vehicles in the early 1990s to set up a lucrative public
transport sector.

The government deregulated the transport sector to allow private operators
in the early 1990s, when under the guidance of the World Bank the country
introduced economic reforms that sharply reduced public spending.

Industry officials and members of the public say that with the
liberalisation of the transport sector came chaos on the roads as touts and
drivers did away with the care and courtesy commuters had been accustomed to
since the country's early independence years.

But Temba Ncube of the kombi-owners assocation the Bulawayo Public Transport
Association (BUPTA) says standards only began deteriorating at the onset of
the country's recession more than a decade ago when operators failed to
source spare parts for their aging vehicles.

"As you have seen, most of these vehicles are not roadworthy as we cannot
afford to service them because of the prohibitive costs involved," Ncube
told IPS.

"But this has not stopped us from plying the whole of Bulawayo, as commuters
would have no other means to travel as the state-owned buses are no longer
available," he added.

According to BUPTA statistics, over a thousand kombis were plying routes
scattered around Bulawayo's low and high density suburbs in 2006, but Ncube
says the numbers have been depleted by failure by operators to keep the
vehicles in good shape.

Operators struggle to keep vehicles on the road, with drivers often
resorting to paying hefty bribes to keep their vehicles from being seized by
the Vehicle Inspection Department.

"That is why there is a lot corruption with traffic police taking bribes so
that these vehicles are not impounded," Ncube said.

So the vehicles stay on the roads, but service has deteriorated immensely.

"We have taken more than enough insults and abuse from these chaps," Simon
Bhebhe, a regular passenger told IPS.

"They have no respect for elders and the language they use is not the type
they would use on their own parents," complains Bhebhe.

In January 2009, police launched a countrywide crackdown on touts, accusing
them of harassing customers and charging fares in foreign currency, but for
24-four year old Zenzele Chuma, a tout who says he grew up in these streets
after he dropped out from school, the police are fighting a losing battle.

"It is the passengers themselves who tend to stereotype us," says Chuma, who
works as a tout with Desmond Hikwa.

"It is always difficult working with the public. We are called rude only
because we refuse to take the insults from the passengers lying down. They
say we are not educated when they complain about our behaviour, and other
passengers actually want to bring their offices in our vehicles where they
want to boss us around," Chuma defended.

"See, we are still around," he said as he continued to call out to potential
passengers right in the heart of the city's busy central business district.

Tinashe Moyo, The Zimbabwe dollar is not only worthless but unavailable

Photo: Gnerk/Flickr

Money changers out of job

HARARE, 2 March 2009 (IRIN) - The government's sanctioning of foreign currency for everyday use in Zimbabwe has collapsed the once flourishing - and illegal - currency dealing industry.

Tinashe Moyo, 25, used to work as a money-changer in the capital, Harare, but the dollarization of the economy, allowing people to conduct transactions in US dollars, Botswana pula or South African rands at supermarkets and retail outlets, has ended a once lucrative source of income for him and tens of thousands of others, overnight.

Moyo, who is single but helps his two younger siblings with food, accommodation and educational costs, told IRIN his story.

"The trading of money had become one of the largest employers, as tens of thousands of people throughout the country saw it as the only viable source of income.

"Many people in that trade made a lot of money, which they used to buy houses, vehicles, and as seed money to start business operations. Those who made wise investments when the going was good are sitting pretty and enjoying the fruits of their labour.

"The majority of people who were money changers were shocked by the huge profits which they were reaping - most had previously done menial jobs as gardeners, maids, informal traders and even prostitutes.

The temptation to live large was overwhelming for many, who changed their lifestyles to be flashy

"The temptation to live large was overwhelming for many, who changed their lifestyles to be flashy. They spent money on trinkets, entertainment and renting luxury apartments.

"When our fortunes changed, many of our members went to South Africa and Botswana to look for work. Some of the former prostitutes are back working the bars and the streets again. I invested my earnings through buying three minibuses, which now generate money for me.

"The Zimbabwe dollar is not only worthless but unavailable, so nobody wants to trade using that currency.

"We now do what is called 'cross rates'. There are many Zimbabweans who travel to South Africa for shopping, and many prefer to convert their US dollars into South African rands.

"For a small fee we can provide that service, although the profits are not as attractive as the ones we enjoyed a few weeks ago." 

Statement by the Heads of Denominations on new govt

http://www.swradioafrica.com

HEADS OF CHRISTIAN DENOMINATIONS IN ZIMBABWE

"I came that they may have life and have it abundantly, (John 10:10)"

POBox CY 578 Causeway, Harare Tel: 263 4 705368

PRESS STATEMENT BY THE HEADS OF CHRISTIAN DENOMINATIONS (HOCD) ON THE
CURRENT POLITICAL SITUATION IN ZIMBABWE

WE WELCOME THE NKW DISPENSATION
We the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishop's Conference (ZCBC), Evangelical Fellowship
of Zimbabwe (EFZ) and the Zimbabwe Council Churches (ZCC), warmly welcome
the promulgation of the allinclusive Government of Zimbabwe. As the nation
of Zimbabwe enters this new dispensation, we wish to assure our new
Government that we will assist where possible for Zimbabwe to be fully
restored to its rightful place among the nations of the world.

NEW GOVERNMENT HAS A LOT TO DO
We wish to remind the new Government that it is taking office at a very
special time and under very special circumstances in our history. The
special circumstances include a clearly defined and limited lifespan of the
Government during which it must present to the nation some specific
deliverables which include the following:

· facilitating the development and promulgation of a people-driven national
constitution as a
foundation for democratic governance;
. opening up space for people's democratic participation, freedom of
expression and personal
freedoms;
· enacting legislation and mechanisms for people's free participation in the
national elections . .. that will mark the end of the life of the current
all-inclusive Government;
· re-vamping the national economy in order to create jobs, reduce hunger,
poverty, disease and restoring public and social services, particularly
those related to health and education; · Addressing all outstanding issues
that include the release of persons detained on political
grounds, fair distribution of land and equitable distribution of relief and
aid to those who need it.

STOP THE VIOLENCE
In addition, political party leaders should work to ensure that the unity
they have achieved at their level cascades down to their supporters. The
resurgence of politically-motivated acts of violence

that the country is witnessing following the inauguration of the new
Government, whatever its cause, is morally wrong, unacceptable and should be
condemned and stopped.

COUNTRY NEEDS RECONCILIATION AND HEALING The country needs reconciliation
and healing. The Church in Zimbabwe has made plans to partner with other
stakeholders and work towards national reconciliation and the healing of
persons and communities at all levels as an important and essential first
step into our new dispensation. This will be a process to address past hurts
and permit a climate for reconstruction.

For national reconciliation and healing to take place, however, we need to
break the culture of violence that has come to characterize how we resolve
conflicts in our communities. We urge Church leaders, political leaders and
opinion leaders to go back to communities and address national (not
political party) rallies to promote the message of unity, to repeat again
and again that timeless message from Scripture: "Behold how good and
pleasant it is when brethren live together in unity."

MEDIA HAS AN IMPORTANT ROLE TO PLAY
The media should join other sectors in promoting unity in our new
dispensation by dropping hate language and biased reporting, encouraging
diversity and free flow of opinions and vigilantly and constructively
probing issues of national importance.

TIME FOR ALL OF US TO LOOK FORWARD
We believe this is the moment in our history when we must all be
forward-looking and doing all we can from our various and diverse vantage
points to restore our nation.

May the Almighty God guide and bless Zimbabwe

We remain God's humble servants

Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops' Conference (ZCBC)

Evangelical
Fellowship of Zimbabwe (EFZ)

Zimbabwe's fuel scam

http://www.swradioafrica.com

LONDON (Africa Confidential) - Share transfers can provide a means to export
foreign exchange from Zimbabwe, as long as you get permission.

Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono and Harare businessman Mohammed I.
Mohammed are using a British company to siphon tens of millions of US
dollars out of Zimbabwe to buy fuel and for their personal profit.

Gono has helped Mohammed, who runs Remo Investment Brokers in Harare, to
move millions of US dollars to Britain through Ravenscourt Corporation,
which operates an account at Habib Bank in the City of London. Remo runs
Ravenscourt Corporation in Zimbabwe.

Africa Confidential was told the company is registered in London, but there
are no records of its operations at Britain's Companies House. Ravenscourt
has won a lucrative permit to import fuel into Zimbabwe, alongside the
state-owned National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (NOCZIM).

Other private companies in Zimbabwe are barred from directly importing fuel
and compelled to use NOCZIM under an arrangement which government said was
to promote transparency. Ravenscourt is excluded from this arrangement.

In January, Gono said Ravenscourt was providing oil to Zimbabwe under
'friendly terms'. Last year, Gono helped broker a deal under which
Ravenscourt was the exclusive supplier to Total (Zimbabwe) which distributed
the oil nationally. Total (Zimbabwe) took over Mobil Oil (Zimbabwe) in
December 2005.

Total (Zimbabwe) now controls 45 percent of Zimbabwe's petroleum business.
It has the biggest storage capacity in the country, making Ravenscourt's
agreement one of the most profitable.

"Total (Zimbabwe) had the capacity to import fuel on its own, but there were
political considerations to the deal and it was a question of protecting our
operations locally," said a senior Total executive.

Known as one of the biggest foreign currency buyers on Zimbabwe's parallel
market, Mohammed has transferred millions of dollars of Old Mutual shares to
Britain from Zimbabwe through Remo. Such transfers (AC Vol 49 No 23) are one
of the few remaining ways to export foreign exchange from Zimbabwe but
require the permission of Gono.

In the UK Mohammed sells the shares in British pounds and uses the money to
buy fuel for Zimbabwe. Mohammed and Gono have transferred over 8 million
shares to Britain from Zimbabwe in the past year alone, Harare stockbrokers
said.

In early November, Remo sold so many shares that it forced down the Zimbabwe
Stock Exchange's index. Remo sold shares in Econet Wireless Holdings, a
telecommunications company, Dawn Properties, Bindura Nickel Corporation,
Hwange Colliery Company, Delta and AICO Limited, formerly the Cotton Company
of Zimbabwe (Cottco). Brokers said the money raised from the local sale of
the shares was used to buy foreign currency on the parallel market.

"The Reserve Bank is the biggest mover on the stock market. They bought
shares aggressively last year, including a 6 percent shareholding in Delta
Corporation. The Reserve Bank also bought a 20 percent stake in Cottco and
this was part of what it sold this month," a central bank source said.

Remo Investment Brokers has also bought - on behalf the Reserve Bank - over
67 million shares in DZH Limited; that is a 21.3 percent stake in the
company. We hear that the stock bought on behalf of the Reserve Bank is held
under nominee companies.

Stock market rules bar banks from buying and holding equities; the Reserve
Bank has broken these rules and is now a significant player on the bourse.
But who benefits?

Certainly, it is highly profitable for Remo and Ravenscourt. Last year,
Ravenscourt imported 49.4 million litres of diesel for the resettled
farmers. This was in addition to the petrol and diesel imported by NOCZIM
and arranged by Ravenscourt with IPG of Kuwait.

Of the more than 900 million litres of diesel and 730 million litres of
petrol a year that Zimbabwe needs, Ravenscourt is importing an increasingly
lucrative share, helped by its state-sanctioned partnership with Total
(Zimbabwe).

Mohammed I. Mohammed did not respond to a detailed set of questions sent to
him by Africa Confidential.

No unconditional aid to Zimbabwe - DA

Externalization revisited

http://www.swradioafrica.com

Mutumwa Mawere
1 March 2009

A property in an exclusive residential complex in Hong Kong came to light
during a Sunday Times investigation into President Mugabe's external assets.

The identity of the property only became public during the recent visit of
the President's wife, Grace, in which a scuffle allegedly occurred with a
photographer of the newspaper outside a hotel near the university where
their daughter, Bona, has been studying under a different name.

Until February 27, 2009, when President Mugabe clarified during an interview
that he did not own the property, it was widely reported that he had
purchased the house. He, however, confirmed that he was simply renting the
property for his daughter.

President Mugabe said: "We are paying rent. After they finish we will have
nothing to do with that property at all. What do I do with a house in Hong
Kong, really? We just want accommodation for our daughter and her friends."

It is significant that President Mugabe confirmed that his daughter was
studying in a foreign country and that a house had been secured for her and
a bodyguard with all expenses payable in foreign currency. President Mugabe
is a servant of the people of Zimbabwe and has been employed in the same
position for the last 29 years. His income like that of the majority of
Zimbabweans until recently was paid in local currency.

Residents like President Mugabe were restricted in how much foreign currency
they could externalize and all dealings in foreign currency had to be
processed through authorized dealers.

When Gono was appointed as Governor in December 2003, a new crime called
externalization was introduced into the Zimbabwean statutes. It was
President Mugabe who in February 2004 after the arrest of Mr. James Makamba
on allegations of externalization that issued a decree allowing for the
detention of suspects without bail for up to four weeks for political and
economic offenses. The decree was promulgated without the knowledge of
parliament using the state of emergency powers.

The decree whose first victim was Makamba was officially aimed at fighting
corruption, money laundering and other economic offenses. President Mugabe's
order gave the police the power to detain suspects for seven days without
evidence of a crime and a further 21 days after showing enough proof to
justify court proceedings.

Mr. Makamba was arrested on February 7, 2004 for alleged illegal currency
deals and the High Court refused him bail under the decree. Minister
Chinamasa justified the decree at the time by saying that it was aimed at
helping police save time and frequent court appearances in connection with a
growing number of economic crimes.

Makamba was charged with 22 counts of externalizing foreign currency and if
President Mugabe were an ordinary citizen he no doubt would have been
suspect by merely admitting that he had foreign rental obligations without
showing the source of funds.

In response to the questions about the arrest, acquittal and re-arrest of
Makamba on allegations of externalization, Mr. Wayne Bvudzijena of the
Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) had this to say about the attitude of the
police to economic crimes: "The police would like to assure the public that
the force is determined to ruthlessly deal with all forms of economic
deviancy and we continue to appeal to the public to supply us with
information as regards such crimes."

Mr. Muderedi, a businessman, was also arrested on similar charges. The
former Minister of Finance, Dr. Chris Kuruneri, also became a victim of the
same law when like the case with President Mugabe; properties owned by Dr.
Kuruneri in Cape Town were exposed in the media.

He was arrested in April 2004 and faced counts of breaching Zimbabwe
Exchange Control laws by allegedly transferring US$500,000, 37,000 British
pounds, 30,000 euros and 1.2 million South African to buy and renovate an
eight-bedroomed house.

President Mugabe has confirmed that he has been paying the rent for his
daughter's house and, therefore, such confirmation would constitute an
admission of guilt under the laws of Zimbabwe. One would assume that the
source of funds for the rent is income earned in Zimbabwe in lieu of the
services rendered by the President to the government.

Kuruneri like many businessmen was arrested at the height of the government's
anti-corruption crusade. Kuruneri was acquitted after spending more than a
year in a remand jail and 10 appeals for bail.

The revelation by the President that he has external obligations would
ordinarily raise a host of legal and political issues about equal treatment
under the law. However, the law that applies to other people, for example,
Makamba, Kuruneri and etc apparently do not apply to President Mugabe.

The accidental discovery of President Mugabe's financial links with Hong
Kong should open a new conversation on the absurdity and hypocrisy of Gono's
selective targeting of people on allegations of externalization fully
knowing that the same conduct is the order of business for other state
actors.

In the interests of transparency and good governance, I do hope that the
inclusive government will put in place measures to compel state actors to
disclose their assets and liabilities.

The separation of powers doctrine revisited

http://www.swradioafrica.com

Mutumwa Mawere
1 March 2009

The Prime Minister has been under fire for writing to the High Court
offering himself as surety in Roy Bennett's bail application who is facing
charges of possession of firearms.

The fire came from even the most unlikely sources that believe that he erred
in intervening in the matter and his actions represent a serious
infringement on the separation of powers doctrine.

Tsvangirai is now a member of the executive and people who hold the view
that he should not have used the words: "it is imperative that Bennett is
granted bail.." believe that this sets a bad precedent for a person that has
won world acclaim for challenging the undemocratic post-colonial order.

The Jestina Mukoko, Mudzingwa and Bennett cases have provided ZANU-PF and
President Mugabe with a unique opportunity to test the democratic
credentials of the new players in the executive branch. The allegations
against MDC activities are purely political and relate to alleged conduct of
the accused in the pursuit of the change agenda.

As expected, President Mugabe has refused to intervene in these cases
arguing that it would be irregular for the executive to interfere in matters
that can be adjudicated competently by the courts. In holding this view,
President Mugabe relies on the doctrine of the separation of powers that
divides the institutions of government into three branches i.e. legislative,
executive and judicial with the legislature responsible for making laws, the
judiciary for interpreting the laws and the executive for putting the laws
into action.

After 29 years of independence, it has been widely accepted that the
doctrine had no application to Zimbabwe's post-colonial experience. The
state and ruling party were so embedded together that it was not possible
for power to be divided. The expected independence between the three
branches of the government has not been realized and, if anything, the
manner in which the recent constitutional amendments have been negotiated
and processed exposes the lack of checks and balances in the constitutional
order.

The inter-party talks were held in secrecy and yet when agreements were
reached, it was possible for the legislation to be railroaded through
parliament with little or no amendments. The critics of Tsvangirai's
intervention were silent when the resolution of the political crisis was
taken out of the very institutions that are charged with protecting the
constitutional order. One would idealistically have rationally argued that
it was up to the Zimbabwean courts to resolve the political differences and
the disputes that arose from the elections. However, all the contesting
political actors came to the realization that extra-judicial interventions
were necessary given the politicization of the state institutions.

There is no single judge who sits on the bench today who was not appointed
by the ruling party starting with the current Chief Justice who was an
active member of the party as well as a former member of the executive
branch of government. At independence, it was accepted that crimes of a
political nature required political solutions.

In the case of the MDC prisoners, it must be accepted that the recent
changes in the composition of the cabinet has not changed the character and
orientation of the police, judges, and the prosecuting authorities to give
confidence to anyone that justice will prevail.

With respect to Bennett, the decision to go back to Zimbabwe must have been
a difficult one and there is no doubt that behind the scenes there were
assurances given that he would be safe.

The decision to nominate Bennett as a Deputy Minister in President Mugabe
fully knowing his position on the land issue appears to have precipitated
his arrest. If Tsvangirai was involved in persuading Bennett to return to
Zimbabwe then one can understand his predicament.

By offering himself as surety, I have no doubt that Tsvangirai must have
applied his mind on the consequences. What should Tsvangirai have done? He
has no power to have the prisoners released. President Mugabe's position on
Bennett and the other prisoners is already known. He also believes that a
regime change plan was in place with Bennett as one of the key participants.

President Mugabe must have known from the day Bennett's name was put forward
as Deputy Minister of a sensitive ministry like agriculture that preemptive
action had to be taken and in so doing force the hand of Tsvangirai to act.
Tsvangirai had essentially two options i.e. one to decide to withdraw from
the inclusive government until the release of the prisoners or request the
intervention of SADC in the matter. He chose to ask President of South
Africa to intervene to no avail.

If Tsvangirai were not in government, the choice would have been clear in
terms of responding to Bennett's bail application. By placing Tsvangirai in
an invidious position, President Mugabe has managed to expose him as acting
in a manner that any ZANU-PF actor would ordinarily act.

By using Bennett as a test case, President Mugabe must have relished the
prospect of exposing the link between white farmers and MDC. It was not
surprising; therefore, that President Mugabe used his birthday celebrations
yesterday as an opportunity to send the message that if by appointing
Bennett as Deputy Minister of Agriculture, any notion of a policy reversal
on land reform was misplaced and mischievous.

To President Mugabe, the Bennett issue has little to do with the actual
charge sheet but with what he perceives to be the bigger agenda of the West
to use the MDC in the context of the inclusive government to reverse the
gains of independence. Until Tsvangirai publicly embraces the land reform
program and commits to its irreversibility, it is unlikely that any white
friend of MDC will ever be allowed back into agriculture.

Some have accused Tsvangirai of putting his personal interests ahead of
national interest. However, Bennett's case is more complex in that he is a
senior member of the party and he has been targeted precisely because of his
political activities. For the last 10 years, ZANU-PF and MDC have been
political contestants for state power and, therefore, the nature and content
of the conflict did not amount to actions against the state especially if
the question of political legitimacy that has dogged the government over the
same period is taken into account.

If one accepts that the state has been Zanufied in its entirety, then it is
important that the actions of Tsvangirai are understood in context in as
much as it has been accepted that the inclusive government if properly
understood poses a more significant threat to the democratic constitutional
order than Tsvangirai's actions. However, it has been generally accepted
that the inclusive government with all its imperfections and contradictions
does provide an exit route to the crisis.

On 2 October 2006, I wrote an article entitled: "The making of an Imperial
President" www.mmawere.com/article/2 in which I argued that Zimbabwe, unlike
many African countries, is lucky in that the founding fathers of a
post-colonial state are still in power and they can still be subjected to
the democracy test having endured in one lifetime the undemocratic practices
of a colonial state and privileged to lead the formerly disenfranchised into
what was expected to be a democratic dispensation. It is never too late to
have a conversation with President Mugabe about what kind of Zimbabwe he
wanted to see after 29 years in power.

Is he satisfied that the Zimbabwe of today that would lead a Prime Minister
of a post-colonial state to act in the manner he did is what he fought to
create? Who really should be accountable for Tsvangirai's conduct? Should
Tsvangirai quit the inclusive government until the conditions are ripe for
taking the country forward?

I think it is important for the MDC to remain engaged in the inclusive
government and if it means embarrassing the government through letters to
the judiciary then so be it.

In conclusion, I cannot but help to quote again Supreme Court Justice
William O. Douglas of the US who said: "As nightfall does not come all at
once, neither does oppression. In both instances, there is a twilight when
everything remains seemingly unchanged. And it is such twilight that we all
must be most aware of change in the air - however slight - lest we become
unwitting victims of the darkness."

The beginning of the end may be confusing after a long period of oppression
but we must be aware that change is already in the air and it is
irreversible. The hungry stomachs in Zimbabwe could care less about the hand
that produces the maize than the availability of food. At this defining
hour, it will not advance the Zimbabwean cause to talk about the
irreversibility of land reform while accepting that the reforms have failed
to deliver the goods.

Mugabe brand breeds corruption

http://www.dailytrojan.com/opinion/mugabe_brand_breeds_corruption-1.1590351

Rosaleen O'Sullivan

Published: Monday, March 2, 2009

Economic woes have been making the headlines of newspapers around the globe
in the past year. But Zimbabwe, the country with the highest inflation and
greatest food shortages in the world, has spent that same period of time
focused more intently on politics than the widespread unemployment and
poverty plaguing the nearly failed state.

In March of 2008, President Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe African National
Union party were seriously challenged for the first time in their 25-year
reign of power by opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for
Democratic Change. Tsvangirai won the election despite the violence and
fraud instigated against him by the incumbent.

Since then, Tsvangirai and his colleagues have struggled to gain control of
the government with little success. Then, in September 2008, the South
African Development Community broke the stalemate. In a groundbreaking deal,
a unity government was formed with Tsvangirai as prime minister and Mugabe
retaining his position as president despite internal dissent within the
Movement for Democratic Change. Many felt that this was the only way
Tsvangirai would ever see any level of power.

The deal was met with joy in the streets of Harare, but much of the world
has yet to be convinced that the power-sharing settlement will mark a break
from politics as usual in the corrupt nation. Potential aid donors have
refused to transfer funds until significant improvements are made. The
European Union has viewed the arrangement with cautious approval, but is
also unwilling to remove sanctions until the world sees results.

President Mugabe has done little to assuage their fears. After marking his
85th birthday last week with an extravagant $ 250,000 party in the
northwestern town of Chinhoyi, Mugabe addressed his supporters, saying that
outside powers would have no influence on the country's internal affairs. He
went on to state that land reform was in the state's hands alone, a blatant
signal to the world that there will be no reprimand for the gangs that have
taken over approximately 150 white-owned farms in the past month. Many of
these "squatters" were reportedly wearing ZANU-PF T-shirts.

Tsvangirai clearly has a tough fight ahead of him, as Mugabe's obsession
with power has led him far beyond any normal sense of pragmatism or
morality. The World Health Organization reports that there have been 3,894
deaths due to cholera in Zimbabwe since August 2008. With no money to keep
hospitals up and running or to repair faulty sewage systems, that number is
set to increase.

Many impoverished nations have sensibly pursued foreign direct investment as
a positive way to improve development and the economy. But Mugabe is still
functioning under an archaic colonial model, rejecting any incoming
foreigners (or established whites) and instead pursuing majority Zimbabwean
control over business. This ambitious plan could have been successfully
employed by improving rural education and pursuing affirmative action in the
business world and politics, as many other formerly colonial states have
done.

Instead, Mugabe has given uneducated people who are ill-prepared to run a
farm or business the power to steal the property of others under the guise
of "land reform." Nevertheless, the president has no problem demanding aid
from the outside world, requesting $ 2 billion to stimulate the economy just
before his lavish birthday bash. Unfortunately, the world is both unwilling
and unable to dole out such huge sums for the sake of pipe dreams when the
global economy is in tatters.

Refugees who attempt to find a new life in neighboring countries are often
met with discrimination and disdain. While the unity government might well
lead to some improvements, the fact remains that until Mugabe is ousted for
good, his iron grip over the nation will continue to breed tragedy for
Zimbabweans.

Rosaleen O'Sullivan is a sophomore majoring in English and international
relations.