The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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The Telegraph

Mugabe's dirty tricks
(Filed: 04/03/2005)

Zimbabwe ostensibly conforms to democratic practice by holding regular
elections. The next one, to the House of Assembly, is due on March 31. But
since the shock of defeat in a referendum on a new constitution in 2000,
President Robert Mugabe has used every trick in the tyrant's trade to
prevent a repetition.

Despite this, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) ran
Zanu-PF close in parliamentary elections later that year, the president
securing a comfortable majority for his party through 30 non-contested
seats. By the presidential poll of 2002, the levels of electoral fraud and
voter intimidation had increased, resulting in a 14-point margin of victory
for Mr Mugabe over the MDC candidate, Morgan Tsvangirai. This time the
president, who was 81 last week, is aiming for a two-thirds majority in
parliament. This will enable him to amend the constitution so that he can
appoint a successor to complete his six-year term, rather than holding
elections within 90 days of his stepping down.

If this month's poll were free and fair, he would lose. The economy has been
wrecked, causing millions to flee the country. Land reform, on which Mr
Mugabe has previously campaigned, has largely failed. Unemployment is
widespread; people can afford neither the food in the shops nor agricultural
equipment; education and health services have deteriorated. So the president
will once again have recourse to rigging voters' lists and stuffing ballot
boxes, having made sure that election observers come only from friendly
countries. His bogeyman this time will be "the latter-day British
imperialist", Tony Blair, rather than the white farmer.

Zimbabwe's collapse is a tragedy for the whole of southern Africa. Yet the
region's leading figure, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa, persists in
the lie that "quiet diplomacy" is paying dividends: on Wednesday he
expressed confidence that the March 31 poll would be free and fair. The
Congress of South African Trade Unions, which is planning a series of
demonstrations against Mr Mugabe's thuggery, has a firmer grasp of reality.
The courageous opposition in Zimbabwe may yet surprise us. But the odds are
crushingly stacked against it.
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Cape Times

Smoke and mirrors
March 4, 2005

by The Editor

For some time now President Thabo Mbeki's approach to the Zimbabwean
situation has cast him in an unfortunate light.

As perhaps the most powerful leader in Africa, his apparent reluctance
to act decisively against the despotic Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe
has given rise to all sorts of negative perceptions.

Critics of the South African government strategy have suggested that
it is based more on loyalty than logic and have even questioned the
country's commitment to human rights on the continent.

Arising from this are broader concerns about Africa's commitment to
the ideals outlined in the founding principles and constitution of the
African Union.

Just as worrying has been the potential effect of such perceptions on
the ambitious New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad), largely
conceptualised by Mbeki and which links aid to good governance.

Up to now many may have been willing to give Mbeki's approach the
benefit of the doubt, even in the absence of any visible reward.

But the president's comments on Wednesday on the forthcoming
Zimbabwean election are completely baffling.

He expressed confidence that the election would be free and fair, and
cited several steps Mugabe had taken which he (Mbeki) is convinced would
ensure this.

This surely does not correspond with reality. The respected
International Bar Association, for example, has pointed out that Zimbabwe
"is nowhere near complying with regional guidelines for free and fair
elections".

And who could possibly suggest that the conduct of Mugabe's goons in
recent months, weeks and days would ensure a level playing field come
election day?

Mbeki's bewildering comments seem to indicate an inability or
unwillingness to read the writing on Zimbabwe's wall. And, ultimately, they
have the real potential to undermine his legacy.

All of which prompt the question: why?

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Borrowed time

Douglas Rogers' mother and father sleep with a shotgun by their bed. Most of
their friends have emigrated and they face expulsion from their home. But
with parliamentary elections looming, he returns to the land of his birth to
find his parents refusing to leave their 'Orwellian nightmare'

Friday March 4, 2005
The Guardian

The dogs come in from the east: snarling, bone-thin mongrels the size of
terriers, their howls echoing down the valley to the farmhouse. Following
behind them, hacking their way through the bush with sticks and metal
slashers, come their owners, six men usually, squatters from the
neighbouring farm who are ready to beat off the hounds after they have run
down a zebra, bush buck or impala.
Three years ago at the height of the land invasions, when my father first
heard the dogs, he hauled out his shotgun and drove to the western edge of
his property. He fired two shots in the air and the animals fled, their
owners in hot pursuit. These days when he hears the dogs, he just shrugs.
The game he stocked his farm with has all been slaughtered in the past few
years or has fled through holes cut in the fence by squatters. The gun is
now just a small measure of protection for himself and my mother, should
they be attacked by thieves or bandits who periodically roam their land.

It was with some trepidation that I returned to Zimbabwe last month, the
country in which I was born and spent the first 22 years of my life. I was
last here a year ago and even at that time my parents were - in my father's
words - "in the shit". They had just received a Section Five: notice that
the government intended to compulsorily acquire their 730-acre game farm
"for resettlement". They had not yet received a Section Eight, their final
marching orders, but their prospects looked bleak. For the first time since
the Liberation War more than 25 years ago they slept with a gun by their
bed, and my mother had taken to hiding her diamond ring in a window pelmet.
Via intermittent emails my father had sent in the interim, I gathered things
had got worse: most of their remaining friends had emigrated, their
housekeeper had died of Aids; the next-door farm, one of the most productive
in the country, had been trashed by police and the youth militia, and its
4,000 workers and their families had been made homeless. The bush was
rapidly closing in on my parents.

But I was just as nervous about returning for myself as I was for them. I
have "writer" stamped in my Zimbabwean passport (a document locals now call
"the green mamba" after a poisonous snake), and with the imminent
parliamentary elections at the end of this month, it was not a good time to
be a journalist. So I decided to enter the country of my birth on the UK
passport I recently qualified for. Not that being British would help:
"Britain wants to turn us into a colony, slaves of whites in our own
country," the president likes to say at political rallies. When I paid the
US$70 entry visa at Harare's sleek chrome-and-glass airport the immigration
officer smiled. "Have a good holiday."

My parents' farm is in the Eastern Highlands, four hours east of Harare,
close to the Mozambique border. It is not agricultural land and never has
been. They bought it in 1990, 10 years after independence, having got a
certificate from the government stating it had no interest in using the land
for resettlement. Back then there was nothing here but rock and bush on a
range of steep hills, but my parents had a plan: they erected a game fence,
brought in herds of zebra and antelope and built cottages, chalets and a
restaurant for budget tourists. For 10 years they ran a thriving business.
In the past four years, though, tourism to Zimbabwe has collapsed; my
parent's chalets and restaurant stand empty, most of their staff laid-off.

It was early evening, under a blood-red sunset, when I arrived, and my
parents were locking their front gate. There were uniformed guards on the
perimeter, and I saw the fence around their house had been electrified in
the past year. "We've just been to a farewell," my mother laughed. "Soon
we'll be the only ones left!" She meant the only whites left, although
leaving Zimbabwe goes both ways these days: three million of us now live
outside the country; more than a million in the UK. In Harare they call
London "Harare North".

My parents refuse to leave - "We are Zimbabweans, this is our country," they
say. My mother was born in Zimbabwe and my father, a South African of many
generations, moved there in the 60s. And even if they wanted to go they
could not afford it. Everything they own is invested in the farm. But they
no longer rail against those who do leave. In the early 1980s, when 150,000
whites fled the country, I recall them having stand-up rows with whites for
selling out. "We don't do that now," said my mother. "We can't blame anyone
for going." At dinner my mother showed me a note sent to her by the "new
farmers" - genuine, resettled peasants who now occupy the land across the
road. "Open your gates," it read, "we come in peace." Apart from trashing
their game fence and killing their animals, they've been true to their word.

In typical Zimbabwean fashion, my parents find humour in the absurdity
around them. While their own house is safe, they say, their rental cottages
are routinely burgled; entire lounge suites and fridges dragged away through
the bush at night. When my mother phoned the police about one robbery the
officer in charge barely stirred: "I have no car," he said, "Can you come
and pick me up?" When my mother found a well-fed stray goat in her garden a
week later and reported it, the same policeman drove around in minutes. "I
refused to hand it over," she said. "He obviously wanted to eat it." That's
Zimbabwe: just when you think it's Orwellian nightmare, it turns into Evelyn
Waugh farce.

It is hard to imagine that just a few years ago Zimbabweans stood strong in
the face of the political corruption of Robert Mugabe's government. Even
during the height of the violence between 2001 to 2003, the opposition party
Movement for Democratic Change was ascendant; people really believed change
was coming. The 2002 presidential elections felt as momentous as South
Africa's in 1994. Despite threats and intimidation, people lined up in their
millions to vote, and for the first time in 22 years whites - my father
included - moved out from behind their high walls and sports clubs and got
involved in the campaign. They volunteered for the opposition, donated money
and voted. They became Zimbabweans. But the election was lost by the MDC -
or, more accurately, "stolen" by President Mugabe through widespread
vote-rigging in and intimidation - and the backlash was swift and brutal.
The opposition has been virtually silent since, its leaders beaten, tortured
and jailed. Four newspapers have been closed since 2002, a dozen journalists
expelled, including the Guardian's correspondent. Four thousand of the
country's 4,500 white farmers, overwhelmingly MDC supporters, have lost
their land. There are now fewer than 50,000 whites in the whole country (in
the 70s there were 250,000), out of a total population of 12 million, and
alarming numbers continue to leave. So I asked my father if he would
volunteer again this time around. "No way," he said. "We'll keep our heads
down. We realise now that you can't be too committed to thinking this is
your home. We are expected to live as expats in this country and that is
what we'll do."

The MDC is no more hopeful. The week I arrived it reluctantly agreed to
contest the March 31 vote, but insisted it will be unfair. I call Davison, a
25-year-old activist from a nearby township, whom I met a year ago: "We're
ready for change," he said. "From the bread basket to the begging bowl -
this will end!" "Really?" I asked. "Well, maybe," he replied, suddenly
downcast. And then he railed against the MDC for not being prepared to go
further, to consider violence, to go to war. I saw his point. Less
legitimate insurgencies around the world get all manner of sympathy when
they start killing people.

He also suspects the party has been infiltrated by spies, he said. He could
be right here, too. Spying is a growth industry in Zimbabwe. The government,
desperate for money, encourages citizens to inform on people it suspects are
dealing in foreign currency (for which they are paid in foreign currency). I
heard of one white businessman who, suspecting employees were spying on him,
hired two new workers - spies to spy on the spies.

To see the true extent of the paranoia, one only has to read the state-owned
press. My father refuses to buy the state-owned Herald newspaper but I got
it one morning. The lead story had a ruling party official responding to
criticism of the Zimbabwe government by Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Tutu is an
"embittered vassal of imperialism" the official ranted. "He should pray to
the real God and not his false Gods - Tony Blair and George Bush." Another
article quoted the president: "Western nations are meddling in Zimbabwean
affairs. What do they want here? Do they want to take away our wives?" Then
I bought the Worker, the independent monthly paper of the Zimbabwe labour
movement. It had a small story about an assassination attempt on Raymond
Majongwe, a protest-singer and leader of the Progressive Teachers Union. It
mentions, matter-of-factly, that this is the fourth attempt on his life in
three years.

I drove to Mutare, the city where I grew up, to visit Michael, my only
childhood friend still left there. The owner of a construction company, he
has taken to making headstones. "Three thousand people are dying from Aids a
week," he said. "It was a good business for a while." Why for a while? "Oh,
everyone's making them now."

I said goodbye to my parents one Friday morning and head west towards
Harare, the capital. As I drove I realised it was wrong to say there were no
crops being planted in Zimbabwe, but the maize and tobacco I saw on the
roadside looked scrappy, stunted. Some of these fields belong to genuine new
farmers who have neither the money nor equipment to cultivate it properly.
But most belong to "telephone farmers" - fat cats from the cities who helped
themselves to farms in the land grab and now use them for weekend barbecue
getaways. With 1.5 million Zimbabweans in urgent need of food aid and the
government spending US$8m on imported maize in the run-up to the elections,
even the president has started to speak out against "telephone farmers". He
might start close to home: his wife is one of those who owns a large farm.

Reaching the capital, though, a strange thing happened: I felt as if I had
been parachuted into a vibrant, prosperous African city. True, many of the
traffic lights didn't work and the roads were more potholed than I
remembered, but there was no shortage of new Mercs on the street, many
driven by glamorous black women with cell phones to their ears, the wives
and girlfriends of the political elite. Chaos always has its cash cow. I
drove through the grounds of my old state high school, Prince Edward, also
the alma mater of England cricketer Graeme Hick. The grounds were immaculate
and the pupils a model of multiracial harmony. Inflation is at 133% but
there is, bizarrely enough, a property boom; in the suburbs of Borrowdale,
Helensvale and Chisipite houses are being snapped up, many by the diasporans
waiting quietly in exile for change to come.

On my final night, my sister threw a dinner party for me, all friends and
family, and all who are sticking around, just like my parents. There is a
calm resilience to them as they insist that they are Zimbabweans, this is
still their home. It made me feel a little guilty for not sticking around
too. But were they really that confident about the future? "Sure," said one.
"If you can avoid getting sick, being arrested, losing your house or your
farm, you can still live a really good life here." He wasn't joking. I
realised how far my safe western life has got from theirs; I realised, too,
the reserves people find to get by. Stephen, an old school friend, told me
his story. In 1997 he bought a 600-acre farm right next door to where his
parents ran one of the most successful tobacco farms in the country. He is
still on his land, but he no longer owns it. "I lease my own farm back from
a war veteran," he said. "I get on with him, I pay him rent, I get to stay,
and I have a good crop this year." I tell him the Cosa Nostra worked the
same way. He says: "Doug, I'm a farmer. I do what I can to survive."

I then asked him about his parents and his mood darkened. He told me they
were evicted last year by a family who now live in their old home. Is the
new family farming the land? "They're trying but their crop is terrible. I
asked them why it was so bad and they said: 'Stephen, this farm has no good
water. But your farm, your farm...'" And they looked longingly from the
house they recently acquired to Stephen's farm across the way.
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USA Today

Mbeki angers democracy groups in Zimbabwe
JOHANNESBURG, South Africa (AP) - Advocates for democracy in Zimbabwe
believe South African President Thabo Mbeki has betrayed them by endorsing
an upcoming presidential election, in spite of arrests of opposition
politicians and laws that put the army in charge of polling stations.
The criticism Thursday came a day after Mbeki said Zimbabwe had complied
with regional protocols ensuring fairness in its March 31 parliamentary
vote.

"I have no reason to think that anybody in Zimbabwe will act in a way that
will militate against elections being free and fair," Mbeki said.

Arnold Tsunga, the director of Lawyers for Human Rights in Zimbabwe, said in
a telephone interview that Mbeki's comments "disregard the suffering of
ordinary Zimbabweans in the face of a dictatorship."

Tsunga said Zimbabweans who endured hardships and sacrificed as Zimbabwe
helped finance the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa now feel betrayed
by South Africa.

Mbeki has said he is pursuing a policy of "quiet diplomacy" to push
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's increasingly isolated regime toward
reforms.

Lovemore Madhuku, the leader the National Constitutional Assembly, a
Zimbabwean civil society group, said Zimbabweans believe Mbeki's objective
has always been to give legitimacy to Mugabe's harsh but stable
dictatorship.

"He wants to assure that Mugabe gets an electoral victory that is seen as
legitimate in the eyes of the world," Madhuku said in a telephone interview.

The election law has many critics. The State Department, human rights groups
and African analysts have all condemned Zimbabwe's election practices.

Opposition candidates do not have equal access to state media, and voter
registration lists have as many as 2 million illegitimate names, analysts
said. The army and the police will provide election officials and decide
where polling stations will be located. The State Department has accused the
government's youth militia, the Green Bombers, of beating up and torturing
opposition politicians.

However, Mbeki spokesman's, Bheki Khumalo, said the South African president
stood by his comments and would work with the people of Zimbabwe to help
find a solution to the political crisis.

Last month, South African Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma told
reporters she was satisfied Zimbabwe was taking steps to ensure free and
fair parliamentary elections and said she had seen signs campaigning has
been less violent than in previous years.
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BBC

HIV 'set to infect 90m Africans'

Nearly 90 million Africans could be infected by the HIV virus in the
next 20 years if more is not done to combat the epidemic, the UN has warned.
Some 25 million Africans have HIV, the virus that causes Aids, at
present.

The world body estimates the next two decades could see 89 million new
cases of the disease in Africa - or up to 10% of the continent's population.

The UN recommends a committed campaign against HIV/Aids - and $200bn
(105bn) of investment - to stem its spread.

At best, taking more action against Aids could save 16 million people
from dying of the disease and a further 43 million people from contracting
it, the UN says.

Dramatic impact

The UN report concludes that if millions of Africans are still being
infected by the HIV virus by 2025, "it will not be because there was no
choice".

"It will be because, collectively, there was insufficient political
will to change behaviour at all levels... and halt the forces driving the
Aids epidemic in Africa."

The study, entitled Aids in Africa, was compiled over two years using
more than 150 experts.

According to the BBC's UN correspondent, Suzy Price, it demonstrates
the dramatic impact government policies could have on the spread of HIV and
Aids in Africa.

Epidemic threat

The report offers three different models of how the disease could
affect the continent in 20 years, based on how much money and effort is
invested in fighting it.

The worst-case scenario, in which funding and policies stay as they
are now, foresees a fourfold increase in the total number of people dying
from Aids.

The report also looks at two more positive outcomes.

In the best-case scenario, international aid flows to Africa are
doubled, investment in health systems is increased and agriculture and
education and treatment is dramatically improved.

The report says that even in this case the total number of deaths
would continue to rise.

According to our correspondent, the UN offers hope that the effective
use of resources could eventually end the Aids epidemic in Africa.

At the same time, it warns that current levels of action could see the
disease bring the entire continent to its knees.
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Cape Times

Mbeki opens his mouth and puts both feet in it to defend Zimbabwe
polls
March 4, 2005

By Tony Weaver

I have great respect for President Thabo Mbeki. Under his leadership,
South Africa's second miracle, the economic miracle, is taking place, we are
becoming a major force for peace and democracy in Africa, crime levels have
stabilised and in many areas are dropping, and generally, the country is
doing very nicely indeed.

So why oh why does he have such an incredible, unfathomable, bizarre
blind spot about Zimbabwe?

It really is beyond comprehension. And don't come out with that old
myth that it is because the ANC and Zanu-PF have revolutionary fraternal
ties going back for decades.

The truth is that the ANC was close to Joshua Nkomo's Zapu, and had
little to do with Robert Mugabe's Zanu.

For months now, Mbeki has kept relatively quiet about Zimbabwe. Then,
on Wednesday he opened his mouth and put both feet in it.

Perhaps it was because he was standing next to Namibia's Sam Nujoma,
who never seems to think before speaking. Or perhaps it was just to remind
Cosatu who's the boss.

To remind you: Mbeki said that "I have no reason to think that anybody
in Zimbabwe will act in a way that will militate against elections being
free and fair".

He went on to say that there had been no violations of the SADC
protocol and "as far as I know, things like an independent electoral
commission, access to the public media, the absence of violence and
intimidation ... those matters have been addressed."

I am not sure what planet the president is currently inhabiting if he
really believes that stuff. Even a cursory reading of recent headlines gives
the lie to any belief that the elections could by any stretch of the
imagination be free and fair.

Just yesterday, Zimbabwe's Public Service minister Paul Mangwana said
the government was to close down 30 NGOs because they were suspected of
funding the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, MDC.

They were guilty of "anti-government activities, in the name of
democratisation", and were "actively working to undermine the ruling party",
thus there was a need to "monitor their activities".

Also yesterday, Andrew Moyse, the co-ordinator of Zimbabwe's Media
Monitoring Project was quoted as saying "an atmosphere of fear pervades the
whole country" when asked what the chances were for free and fair elections.

This follows the closure by the state of the independent Weekly Times,
and the decision by three veteran foreign correspondents - two of them
Zimbabwean by birth - to flee the country.

Last week, Jan Raath, Brian Latham and Angus Shaw, three of the last
remaining independent foreign correspondents in Zimbabwe skipped the border
after being warned that they were in imminent danger of arrest.

We are not talking about lightweights here. They reported on a
freelance basis for, among others, the Associated Press, The Times of
London, Bloomberg, the Independent Group, which includes the Cape Times,
702/Cape Talk, and the Guardian.

Also this week, it was reported that the Zimbabwean military was
conducting sweeps through MDC strongholds in the Eastern Highlands, home to
the Nyanga and Chimanimani Mountains, and press-ganging youths into the
notorious National Youth Militia, or "Green Bombers".

Over 100 youngsters had been grabbed and forced into what is
euphemistically termed "military and ideological training".

I grow weary of this: simply listing all the evidence would take 10 or
more columns. It seems like an exercise in futility.

Mbeki has declared that the elections will be free and fair, despite
the fact that candidates' deposit fees have been increased 20-fold;

that Mugabe has awarded civil servants, traditional leaders and others
1 400% pay increases; that the MDC has been banned from campaigning in army
barracks;

that the Mugabe regime has hand-picked who may and who may not observe
the elections and hand-picked the make-up of its own electoral commission
... need I continue?

President Mbeki, an election, like a revolution, is a process, not an
event. The process has been unfolding for months and years now, the actual
event is but one miniscule part of that process. Please get real.
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From: "Trudy Stevenson"
Sent: Friday, March 04, 2005 4:27 PM
Subject: Harare North Polling Stations

Please note that our constituency boundaries have changed, so half of
Mabelreign is now in Dzivarasekwa Constituency and cannot vote in Harare
North but must go to a polling station in Dzivarasekwa - eg Haig Park,
Sanganayi Inn. I still have a request in for more polling stations, in view
of the one-day voting, however this is what we have as of now.

Note also that there will be 3 queues at every polling station, one for
surnames beginning A-L, one entirely for surnames beginning M, and one for
surnames beginning N-Z. This should speed things up, in theory. The ink
will not be invisible, this time, but coloured indelible ink, so you can see
if someone has already voted.

Polling is supposed to be completed in ONE DAY, and verification and
counting will start IMMEDIATELY after close of the poll. The ballot boxes
should be translucent, so you can see the level of ballots, but not what is
written on them.

.....................................
Harare North Polling Stations - 31 March 2005

Alfred Beit Primary
Mabelreign Girls High
Ellis Robins Boys High
Hallingbury Primary
Avonlea Primary
Westgate Masaisai Primary (crnr Lorraine Dr/Neill Way)
New Marlborough Katsande Broken Arrow Shops
Marlborough District Office
Marlborough High
Marlborough Primary
St Johns High
Emerald Hill School for the Deaf
Mt Pleasant High
North Park Primary
Groombridge Primary
Vainona High
Vainona Primary
Hatcliffe Extension Zambuko Primary
Hatcliffe ZRP Boarding School
Hatcliffe 1 Primary
Hatcliffe 2 Primary
Hatcliffe High
Hatcliffe District Office

Command Post MT PLEASANT HALL
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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE OPEN LETTER FORUM, 3rd March 2005 OLF No. 343

Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Internet: www.justiceforagriculture.com

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to:
jag@mango.zw with subject line "For: Open Letter Forum".

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

Thought of the Day:

"When the tyrant has disposed of foreign enemies by conquest or treaty, and
there is nothing to fear from them, then he is always sturring up some war
or other, in order that the people may require a leader ."

Plato.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

- RE: MF Wright's comments in Farmer - Canaan
- RE: The Late Major Andrew Fuller - Peter Bellingham

---------------------------------------------------------------------------

LETTER 1: RE: MF WRIGHT'S COMMENTS IN FARMER, received 3.3.2005

by Canaan

Dear Jag

With regard to comments made by Wright of Massey Ferguson, I refer to 2
statements in the Farmer magazine article which deserve comment:

1) Respected international agricultural machinery and implement
manufacturers, Massey Ferguson.......

2) The anger has also spread to many farmers in neighbouring countries who
sympathise with the evicted farmers.

Lets look at the word "Respected" - it almost sounds like the article was
written by the previous junior minister of Information. Has he just been
employed by the farmer magazine?

Secondly, what a huge assumption to say "anger has spread........ who
sympathise with evicted farmers." That's a ruse. ALL farmers with half a
brain in Southern Africa are angry because Mr Wright said "We can safely
say that Zimbabwe's agriculture is in safe hands," and they know that
agriculture is NOT in good hands. President Mugabe admitted it this week.
It seems that every time MF says anything , it gets them deeper in the
dwang. This second statement infers that only farmers who sympathise with
evicted farmers are angry. That's not true. ALL farmer I speak to are
angry, even if they don't sympathise with the evicted farmers. Get it right
Massey Ferguson.

When this article is published , it is going to get a response and this
response and the entire background will be transmitted globally to all
farmer organisations for them to pass on to their members.

What is quite obvious to all is that MF's Wright should either step down,
clarify very clearly to the farming community what he meant or retract what
he has said.

If he doesn't, MF will not only lose respect, they will probably lose a lot
more. This problem is not going to go away. It's just the beginning.

My last message is to JAG. Keep up the good work, we're all proud of what
you are doing and what you stand for.

Canaan

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LETTER 2: RE: The Late Major Andrew Fuller, received 2.3.2005

by Peter Bellingham

Dear JAG

One of your subscribers who responded to my request for information
regarding the late Andrew Fuller was Jill Merrelle. The lady who first
raised the query as to his whereabouts was a Mrs. Beryl Hulbert from
Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire, and her request was relayed to me by my
sister-in-law, Mrs. Anthea Bellingham.

I passed on all the replies that you so kindly sent to me to Anthea who in
turn passed them on to Beryl. Beryl would like to write to Jill Merrelle,
and asks if I can obtain Jill's address for her.

Can you ask Jill if she is prepared to release her address to Beryl?

Beryl and her husband Jack visited Andrew Fuller when he was well and
stayed with him at his farm some years ago. Jack Hulbert knew Andrew when
Jack lived in Winchester where Andrew's father was his family doctor.

Once again, many thanks for assistance and your rapid response to my
original query.

Sincerely, Peter Bellingham

---------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE JAG TEAM

JAG Hotlines:
+263 (011) 205 374 If you are in trouble or need advice,
please don't hesitate to contact us -
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JUSTICE FOR AGRICULTURE JOB OPPORTUNITIES, 3rd March 2005

Please send any adverts for publication in the JAG Job Opportunities
newsletter to: jag@mango.zw with subject line "Job Opportunities".

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- Employment OFFERED

- Employment SOUGHT
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1. EMPLOYMENT OFFERED

1.1 VACANCY: ZAMBIA FARM MANAGER, received 17.2.2005

Manager Required for mixed farming enterprise in Mkushi, Zambia growing 550
ha grain crops and 150 ha tobacco in summer and 400 ha wheat in winter.
Mechanical knowledge would be an advantage as would experience in all of
the above crops. Good basic salary and bonus, dependent on experience. The
incumbent would be required to commence duties in April 2005.

Please reply in the first instance with CV's to:

Pam
P O Box 810052
Kapiri Mposhi
Zambia
Ph: +260 5 362233
email muloba2003@yahoo.com

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1.2 VACANCY: CATERER, received 24.2.2005

A Retirement Complex requires a caterer.

Contac:
The Administrator
email redants@zol.co.zw

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1.3 VACANCY: DAIRY FARM-SITTER, received 28.3.2005

Looking for an Energetic Person/Couple On A large Dairy farm in Gweru
To Dairy Farm Sit for about 5 weeks while away on holiday End March
/April/May

Contact: Mrs J.Van Helsdingen
011-210351
054 21961
email jpjc@adtech.co.zw>

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1.4 VACANCY: KENYA: BUSHCAMP MANAGER, received 28.2.2005

Wanted, a well educated, management couple for a small, upmarket lodge in
Kenya near the Masai Mara. The camp has 16 beds and is situated in the
Loita Hills over looking the Masai Mara but in its own private concession
which means that guests can go on game drives and also walk, go on night
drives, picnics etc. The camp has a very homely atmosphere, good game and
wonderful climate (1950metres No Malaria).

This is not a hotel but an upmarket and very personal lodge. It is the
second home to the owner as well as being and exclusive lodge taking paying
international guests. This would not suit a couple with small children, the
right people would be between 25 and 50 years old.

This position would suit an ex farming couple or a couple with experience
in the tourism industry.

Contact:
Please reply to Steve and Annabelle Carey, email carey@access350.co.ke

Please note, do not send any large attachments or photographs as this is a
bush email and cannot receive large attachments.

Original advert is much longer. For further details please contact:
lizcarey@zol.co.zw or the above address.

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1.5 VACANCY: NURSERY TEACHER, received 28.2.2005

A well-established Nursery School in the northern suburbs is looking for an
energetic and creative school teacher to start second term. A Degree or
Diploma in either primary teaching and/or early childhood education is
essential plus experience in a similar role. English as a first language
is required. Competitive salary offered to the right person.

Please deliver CV's to 44 Princess Drive, Newlands or email
pjb@africaonline.co.zw by latest the 12th March 2005.

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1.6 VACANCY: ZAMBIA: TOBACCO BUYER, received 28.2.2005

A contract for 6 months hasbeen created for a mature bachelor or married
couple with no children at Lundazi in the north east of Zambia. The
positino is to supervise the collection, purchase, and recording of mainly
Burley tobacco at eight different outlets for a prominent Tobacco company.
Tobacco experience need not be a necessity.

This contract could become a permanent position to a suitable applicatn.

For details, contact:
Keith Nicloson in Zambia: (260) 6480051
email keithnic@zamnet.zm
Fiona CFU Harare 04-309800

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2. EMPLOYMENT SOUGHT

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2.1 POSITION SOUGHT, received 21.2.2005

Man, aged 41, experience in Production,Engineering, Security, and
Furniture, seeks position.

Available Immediately.

Contact
Rob Hardy on 091949625
04-305440(phone/fax).

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Zim Online

45 Daily News journalists to face trial
Fri 4 March 2005
HARARE - The Zimbabwe government is reviving cases against more than
45 journalists of the banned Daily News it accuses of having illegally
worked for the paper without being registered with its Media and Information
Commission.

A senior official at the Attorney General's office, who did not want
to be named, told ZimOnline yesterday that the journalists would be dragged
to court "anytime after the elections" as part of an onslaught on
independent journalists and foreign correspondents in the country.

"Instructions from above are that the journalists should not be let
free," the official said. He added: "They should be prosecuted and we are
now finalising preparations for a trial. They will be charged under AIPPA
(Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act) for working as
journalists without accreditation."

A lawyer for the journalists, Beatrice Mtetwa, said the police had
told her that the matter against the journalists was being revived and that
they could possibly be tried in June.

She said: "I have been told that the journalists will now be
prosecuted. I was told by the police that a trial date has been set and it
would be in June. But I have not yet received official communication on the
exact trial date. I am still waiting for that."

The journalists were initially charged in September 2003 when the
newspaper was forcibly shut down and its equipment seized by the government
after a ruling by the Supreme Court that it was operating outside the law
because it was not registered with the state commission.

At the time, the journalists argued that they had applied to the
government commission for registration but the state media watchdog had not
responded to their applications.

The matter however appeared to have died a natural death after the
state never followed up the issue.

Several of the journalists have since left the country. The official
from the AG's office said those who were no longer in the country and could
not be brought to court would be tried in absentia.

Under AIPPA journalists and media companies must register with the
state commission to operate in Zimbabwe. Companies publishing newspapers
without being registered will be shut down and their equipment seized while
journalists practising without a licence will be jailed for up to two
years. - ZimOnline

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Zim Online

Moyo steps up attacks on former pay-masters
Fri 4 March 2005

HARARE - Former government propaganda chief Jonathan Moyo stepped up
attacks against his former employer accusing President Robert Mugabe of
surrounding himself with "politically insecure" sycophants.

Without naming names, Moyo, himself a former close confidante of
Mugabe, claimed that the people calling the shots in ZANU PF and the
government were a small, selfish clique some of them with strong ties to
powerful forces hostile to Zimbabwe.

Moyo said: "The clique calling the shots is very politically insecure
because most of its key players have no mandate from the people and can
never have such mandate but happen to occupy key positions in the party and
some of them have strong links with powerful forces that are hostile to
Zimbabwe."

Moyo, dismissed as information minister by Mugabe two weeks ago after
opting to stand as an independent in the upcoming parliamentary election,
also vowed to surprise Mugabe and ZANU PF by winning the Tsholotsho
constituency where he is standing.

He said: "The campaign is on. I did not start campaigning there after
18 November 2004. People are saying because I am not wearing a ZANU PF
jacket I am not going to win. The people of Tsholotsho have never voted for
jackets but for substance.

"The people of Tsholotsho and the rest of Matabeleland have no time
for jackets, they always vote with their consciences. Once they have made
their minds, no one can beat them into submission. It is important for all
who care to listen that people in Tsholotsho and the region have certain
jackets that they really dislike. Let the election come and all will see."

Moyo ran a crude propaganda campaign in defence of Mugabe and his
government before the two fell out after he attempted to block the
appointment of Joyce Mujuru as second vice-president of ZANU PF and
Zimbabwe.

Mugabe backed Mujuru, now vice-president, for the key post seen by
many as a key stepping stone to the top job. - ZimOnline
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Zim Online

No freedom yet for jailed mercenaries
Fri 4 March 2005

HARARE - Sixty-two mercenaries jailed at Chikurubi near Harare were
still in prison yesterday, a day after the High Court ordered their release
because immigration officials had not finished processing documents for them
to leave the country.

Department of Immigration officials told ZimOnline late last night
that the department had applied for further detention of the mercenaries
until their travel documents were in order. The officials, who did not want
to be named, did not say when the documents would be ready.

The mercenaries, most of whom were traveling on South African
passports, are citizens of South Africa, Angola, and Namibia. They were
arrested at Harare International Airport in March last year en route to
Equatorial Guinea where Harare said they wanted to topple that country's
government.

Two pilots flying the plane that brought the men to Harare were
sentenced to 16 months in jail each while the rest of the plane's passengers
were each given 12 months in prison.

The sentences were however reduced by the High Court on review with
the pilots getting an effective 12 months in jail while the passengers'
sentences were slashed to 8 months each.

Under Zimbabwe's Prisons Act, inmates who behave well are entitled to
remission of two thirds of their sentences meaning the mercenaries who were
imprisoned last September were due for release after five months and 10 days
on account of good behaviour. - ZimOnline

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