• Hijack Update - Week ending 6th March
• Aids Conference Underway in Zimbabwe
• Mugabe Poll Poses Dilemma for MDC
• 'Go to hell' says Zimbabwe minister
• Australia expands Zimbabwe bans
• Probe targets ZUPCO
• Makamba ousted from Telecel
• Jitters as Wankie fires 10 senior managers, phases out some posts
• Cash-strapped Air Zim fails to recover US$4mln from Congolese airline
• Ex-trust Bank chief quizzed
• Fresh row over chefs' hunting safari leases
• Chiyangwa's bail conditions relaxed
• Tourism catches a fever as polls near
• The (un)holy alliance of tycoons, politicians
• Moyo's powers unreasonable, lawyer concedes
• ZCTU has lost it
• Project doomed as govt fails to raise US$10 mln
• Gloomy outlook for tobacco
• Street kid menace
• Politics of governance and transparency
• We don't find it funny at all, Cde Presidents
• Take action against unpatriotic politicians
• Forex Demand for Imports Outstrips Supply
• 25% Duty Hike Scuppers Lake Harvest's Plans to Enter S African Market
• Judgment in ANZ, MIC Cases Reserved
• Nurse spared jail term for fraud
• Aus safari gets green light

web

HARARE, - A conference on the scaling up of antiretroviral (ARV) therapy in
Southern Africa opened this week in Harare, Zimbabwe.

The first of its kind in the country, the event is being hosted by the
Pan-African Treatment Access Movement (PATAM), the Treatment Action
Campaign, Zimbabwe Activists on HIV and AIDS (ZAHA) and the Southern Africa
HIV/AIDS Information Dissemination Service (SAfAIDS).

Addressing journalists on Wednesday at the start of the conference, SAfAIDS
executive director, Lois Lunga, said the meeting could provide an
opportunity for countries to review some of the challenges faced in the
roll-out of ARVs.

He said the three-day conference, titled "Scaling up Treatment in Southern
Africa: A Way Forward", was also expected to focus on the need for more
public information on antiretroviral drug treatment.

"The conference would also focus on the World Health Organisation (WHO) 3 by
5 initiative, which is aimed at providing antiretroviral treatment to three
million people by 2005," Lunga was quoted as saying.

The WHO initiative could this month see Zimbabwe's major hospitals offering
ARVs to people living with HIV/AIDS under a partnership with UNAIDS and the
country's Ministry of Health and Child Welfare.

A representative of the clergy, Bishop Trevor Manhanga, said it was time
Africans discarded their perceived indifference towards the epidemic.

"This conference has to find out what is going wrong. Despite the suffering
and deaths of our compatriots, we continue as though nothing is wrong. If
debt-ridden bankrupt African countries can find the money to buy luxury
vehicles for their government ministers and political cronies, then why can
they not find the money to ease the suffering of their people infected by
HIV/AIDS with access to ARVs and other essential medicines," Manhanga said.

The Namibian (Windhoek)

March 4, 2004
Posted to the web March 4, 2004

Windhoek

ZIMBABWE's opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) is yet to decide
whether to boycott or take part in next year's parliamentary elections,
according to a senior aide of MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai.

William Bango, special adviser to, and spokesperson for, Tsvangirai,
suggested that elections would not be possible while the current political
and social situation continued in the troubled southern African nation,
"where democratic space has completely shrunk".

"This is the dilemma facing us...whether we should boycott and let them take
everything or, if we participate under the present circumstances and the
elections are rigged, what will be our claims," Bango told Namibian
journalists in Windhoek yesterday.

"The Zanu-PF (President Robert Mugabe's ruling party) would very much like
to have elections under the present situation where they can manipulate
everything because state institutions are basically dead."

Last month Mugabe was quoted as saying that a parliamentary election would
be held next March.

Bango stated that the MDC would decide whether to participate in that poll
only after debate within the party.

"We will not take a unilateral decision, that is why we took the matter to
all the party structures. We are mobilising a broad-based mass action," he
added.

Bango accused the ruling Zanu-PF of stalling all initiatives towards
dialogue that might have broken the country's political impasse.

"There has been nothing happening (as far as dialogue was concerned) since
June or July last year, contrary to claims by (South African President
Thabo) Mbeki that Zimbabweans are talking," he declared.

Earlier this year, Mbeki announced that Zimbabwe's two main political
parties had agreed to renew formal dialogue soon to resolve the country's
socio-economic and political crisis.

Bango, who is currently in Namibia to exchange views with the Congress of
Democrats, believes that this country can only play an important role in
pursuing a solution to his country's problems "once the government here
realises that the crisis in Zimbabwe is to do with governance, but has
nothing to with America or Britain".

Thursday March 04, 2004 15:15 - (SA)

HARARE - Zimbabwe's information minister has dismissed new US sanctions
which target him and other members of President Robert Mugabe's ruling
party, saying "imperialist" Washington could go to hell, a
newspaper said.

"These Americans who are pontificating about human rights and democracy
would not recognise these things even if they hit them on their faces. So go
and tell the imperialist to go to hell," Information Minister Jonathan Moyo
was quoted as saying in today's edition of the state-run Herald daily.

The United States on Tuesday said it was widening an existing sanctions
regime against Zimbabwe to include seven government-related businesses.

The State Department said the sanctions will apply to commercial farms
"seized" by Moyo; Zimbabwe Defence Industries, a state-owned arms maker and
M&S Syndicate, a holding group owned by the ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF).

Moyo denied that he owned three farms included among the blacklisted
Zimbabwe businesses, insisting he owned just one - but would not be selling
his produce to the US.

"I am flattered that these hamburger-eating imperialists are interested in
my tomatoes... but I am sending them to Mbare Musika," Moyo said, referring
to a popular produce market in the capital Harare.

On Wednesday, US President George W. Bush renewed sanctions he imposed on
Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe and other government officials one year ago
for allegedly undermining democracy in the
southern African country.

Bush said the Zimbabwe government was causing a breakdown of the rule of
law, economic instability, and fomenting politically motivated violence.

Meanwhile, Canberra on Thursday tightened its sanctions against the Mugabe
regime, barring managers of state businesses from visiting Australia.

There was no immediate reaction to the news by the Zimbabwe government.

Last month the EU extended sanctions it had imposed against Zimbabwe to
include an arms embargo as well as travel restrictions and a freeze on
possible overseas assets of 95 government officials, including Mugabe.

AFP

      'Look East'

      Players in the sector are now battling to eke out niche markets in the
Far East in line with President Mugabe's "look East" policy in the face of
Western pressure against his government over human rights issues.

      A couple of weeks before President Mugabe's announcement of the 2004
plebiscite, both ZANU PF and the MDC had launched their campaigns, raising
temperatures within the tourism industry, which is still battling to recover
from the damage caused by the June 2000 parliamentary ballot and the 2002
presidential election.

      Bulawayo-based chartered accountant Eric Bloch said irrespective of
the parliamentary election, there were little prospects of the industry
returning to its glamorous position of the early 1990s.

      Prospects

      Bloch said: "I can't see prospects of a recovery until we can convince
the world that there is law and order in Zimbabwe. People care about crime
rate and violence.

      "On top of that, they know of the shortages we have from time to time,
that is, fuel, and they see no point in coming to Zimbabwe."

      Ironically, Bloch is expected to head a team from the central bank
that will have the tough task of convincing Zimbabweans abroad to remit
their earnings through official channels.

      The Bulawayo-based analyst, however, said he saw a flicker of hope in
regional and domestic tourism, where Zimbabwe still enjoyed some confidence.

      Lulls

      He said the period preceding elections elsewhere had always been
accompanied by lulls in tourism and, for Zimbabwe, some players could even
fail to emerge from the slump.

      "For companies in this industry, some may collapse, but the main thing
is how much they can profit from regional tourism," he said.

      The impact would mostly be felt in the second half of the year,
traditionally the period in which companies rake in much of their profits,
he said.

      For the local tourism sector, it may not only be the elections that
could weigh down prospects of a quick turnaround.

      The industry is still to profit fully from the "look East" policy,
which has not been helped by the outbreak of the deadly bird flue virus in
Asia.

      Experts say the virus could be worse than the Severe Acute Respiratory
Syndrome, better known by its acronym SARS, which sent tremors in Zimbabwe
last year.

      A local analyst, Nyasha Chasakara, admitted there were a number of
other things that still overshadowed the tourism industry such as the
negative sentiment in the economy.

      Chasakara said the fact that there would be elections in South Africa,
Zimbabwe's largest trading partner, in April 2005 could mean that the whole
southern region could also be affected by a slump in tourism.

      Glitter

      But despite the setbacks, Chasakara said players within the industry
such as ZimSun Leisure and Rainbow Tourism Group, among others, had tried to
restore the industry's lost glitter.

      "When you look at the industry as a whole, it's not in their hands to
decide their destiny. But I would say the mood surrounding the elections
will determine where the industry will go. If they are good and there is no
violence, then the economy will benefit.

      "One gets the feeling that they are less than 12 months away already
and there hasn't been that much hype we have picked up about tourists who
are now sceptical about visiting Zimbabwe," said Chasakara. "The lifting of
travel bans is also encouraging."

      Monetary policy

      A leading tourism expert, Petros Chidziya of Travellers Information
Centre, said problems were mounting for the industry as it was now grappling
with the after-effects of the new monetary policy announced by the central
bank in December last year.

      The policy saw the near-collapse of some banks from the contagion
resulting from the closure of ENG Capital Asset Management.

      "The industry has been indirectly affected by this development as some
of our clients had invested in some of the affected financial institutions.
This spelt disaster for us as they had to readjust their travel budgets and
late payments were also witnessed.

      Brisk business

      "We also saw the introduction by the Reserve Bank of the foreign
exchange auction, which saw the firming of the Zimbabwe dollar against all
major currencies. We were doing brisk business with the Zimbabweans staying
abroad who were paying for air tickets for their relatives to visit or join
them.

      "They were getting a very favourable rate on the parallel market,
which made the fares affordable. With this new development, they are finding
it difficult and are holding back, hoping the dollar might lose again," said
Chidziya.

      "The road has not been easy since the announcement (of the new
monetary policy) by the governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe on the 18th
of December 2003.

      "The world just collapsed for both individuals and companies as a host
of malpractices were unearthed in the financial sector."

      In Zimbabwe, which has had its fair share of corruption, the twin
forces of cronyism and a deep-seated political patronage system have given
rise to sweetheart deals that are a product of influence-peddling and
back-scratching relationships for commercial convenience.

      But recent events in the economic sector, spawned by the government's
anti-graft crusade and which have seen the arrests of prominent business
people with strong links to the ruling ZANU PF, have raised debate on
whether political patronage pays.

      Costly

      Analysts said while it paid in the short term to associate with and
ride on the influence of politicians, such relationships could be costly in
the long term.

      They said those who survived on such links should not cry foul when
the tables were suddenly turned.

      The past three months have witnessed a clampdown on vice within the
financial sector - an initiative of the central bank that has roped in ZANU
PF lightweights but apparently turned a blind eye on the real culprits whose
hands are truly stuck in the till.

      Wheelers

      Political analyst Alois Masepe said business people aligned to
politicians were nothing more than wheelers and dealers without areas of
specialisation who jumped at every opportunity that came their way using
political protection and patronage.

      "Business persons attached to politics or politicians must realise
that politics can make or break them," Masepe said.

      "They are usually in business to benefit from political patronage. The
business people bypass procedures and win tenders to do this or that.

      "They harvest as much as they can under political protection, but they
must realise that there is an ultimate price to pay when the tables turn.
They will be used as sacrificial lambs," he added.

      Masepe cited prominent businessmen such as Mushandirapamwe and
Mwamuka - both now late - as shining examples of entrepreneurs who fought
hard and honestly to earn their keep.

      He said they had achieved fame and fortune under very harsh
conditions.

      "Those caught at the wrong end of the stick must now not complain.

      "They took advantage of their political links, getting rich using
short cuts and unsavoury means. Now they are the victims of the same
politics they so cherished," he said.

      Difficulties

      Another political analyst, Heneri Dzinotyiwei, said: "It's not really
beneficial in the long run because at some point, those business persons may
run into difficulties.

      "The business people should not be seen to be mixing with politicians
for the simple reason of wanting to benefit from the relationship and gain
some form of political clout. They should mingle with civil servants who
deal with the issues at hand."

      Dzinotyiwei, however, said there was nothing wrong with interacting
with politicians provided the business people did not change the way they
conducted their business.

      Commenting on the clampdown on white-collar crime, Dzinotyiwei said he
doubted the government's sincerity given that its past policies had been
supportive of the vice in the first place.

      Linked

      As the blitz on corruption unfolded, first to be dragged to the courts
were two youthful directors of ENG Asset Management, Gilbert Muponda and
Nyasha Watyoka, on allegations of squandering over $61 billion of investors'
money.

      The pair is reportedly linked to some ZANU PF heavyweights who
allegedly used the two as fronts to cut corners and accumulate wealth,
taking advantage of the economic chaos in the country.

      Then ZANU PF's chairman for Mashonaland West province, outspoken
businessman and Member of Parliament for Chinhoyi, Philip Chiyangwa, was
arrested on charges of contempt of court and perjury after he threatened to
deal with an investigating officer during a bail hearing in the magistrates
court.

      Chiyangwa later won his bail case in the Supreme Court.

      As the war against white-collar crime took its toll, prominent Trust
Bank executives William Nyemba, Chris Goromonzi and Nyevero Hlupo were
booted out of the financial house on allegations of mismanagement.

      Also nabbed

      Former ZANU PF Mashonaland West chairman and prominent businessman
James Makamba was next in line.

      He was arrested for allegedly externalising funds and his co-director
in mobile phone network Telecel Zimbabwe, Jane Mutasa, was also nabbed.

      Mutasa was convicted of externalising US$2 000.

      Makamba is reported to have close political links with former
Commander of the Defence Forces and now businessman Solomon Mujuru, former
Cabinet minister Chen Chimutengwende and Minister of State for National
Security in the President's Office Nicholas Goche.

      Support

      Mutasa, on the other hand, is said to enjoy a lot of support and
respect in the ZANU PF's Women's League.

      Constitutional law expert and chairman of the National Constitutional
Assembly, Lovemore Madhuku, said it was inevitable for business people to be
closely linked to politicians but added that political patronage was an
inherent business risk.

      "If you are operating in an environment where the rules are fair, you
don't need to be linked to anyone," Madhuku said.

      "But if you are in an environment where political clout can assist
your business, then the links are inevitable. Those being arrested must not
regret or cry foul. If you associate with a corrupt regime, you only have
yourself to blame when things go wrong."

      3/4/2004 7:33:43 AM (GMT +2)

      SINCE the departure of its former articulate leader, Morgan Tsvangirai
who, in the glow of his greatest triumph as a labour leader switched to
politics in 1999, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) has lost
contact with reality. The labour movement does not seem to have a strategic
clarity of thinking and a vision as to the path to be trodden in the fight
for the workers' cause.

      And indeed there is predictably a crisis of public confidence in the
union which does not seem to have sufficient leadership depth. In sharp
contrast to Tsvangirai, who it must be admitted, led the labour body with
some degree of distinction, the current leadership with a bloated opinion of
its importance is, for want of better words, a pathetic excuse for trade
unionists.

      And if nothing else, last week's failed industrial action, a major
blow which further damaged the ZCTU's reputation as a credible labour body
or what was left of it, only helped to underline the extent to which the
labour body no longer inspires confidence anymore.

      The labour movement increasingly appears to be out of its depth when
it comes to what their constituency, the workers, consider burning issues.
Unless the ZCTU leadership has a cruel and dry sense of humour, how could
they, in their wisdom, ever think that they could rally the workers to
demonstrate against such inconsequential and far-fetched issues as the
unceremonious exit of Lovemore Matombo from his job at Zimpost?

      Given the trauma, violence and well documented police brutality during
such incidents, who in their right mind would risk life and limb going into
the streets for such a worthless cause? Indeed, who would risk being locked
up for such an asinine reason in a situation where the police are
increasingly known to ensure public safety everywhere except the police
station? Please. Are these people serious? Is this the best that they can
do? Or are we missing something here?

      Don't we already have a plethora of vexing issues that need urgent
attention? For a start, scores of workers have been made redundant over the
past couple of years as companies moved to trim fat from their employment
rolls in the face of the economic meltdown but the ZCTU did not even twitch.
So what is so special about Matombo? Not only that but there is widespread
discontent over social deprivation resulting from economic mismanagement,
frequent and unjustifiable sensitive price increases and an insidious tax
regime among others. Even though these issues directly affect the workers,
they have at most provoked muted response from the ZCTU.

      Lest we are misunderstood, we have to point out that we totally agree
with the ZCTU that there is a compelling case against the National Social
Security Authority (NSSA). This is something that the labour body should
pursue with the zeal of the converted because there is need for a radical
push for transparency at the pension management institution, which is
currently run under a veil of secrecy. Workers who contribute to the
pay-as-you-go state pension offered by the authority indeed demand full
disclosure and they must get it! They have a genuine grievance against NSSA
but then why spoil and indeed trivialise it by lumping it together with
inconsequential and unrelated issues? The mind boggles. Or could there be
more to the ZCTU leadership's intentions than meets the eye?

      We feel, as indeed do most of the workers who bear the brunt of the
alleged mismanagement at NSSA, that some of the issues put down as the
reasons for the ill-fated job stayaway were too specious and spurious as to
be tangible. This explains why the ZCTU dismally failed to sway the people
towards the stayaway which incident will now go down in history as a
farcical episode in the history of trade unionism in Zimbabwe. In fact,
there is now a justified ill-feeling over the sincerity of the current ZCTU
leadership which, as surely as the sun rises from the east and sets in the
west, will soon switch trade unionism for politics. The general feeling is
that the ZCTU leadership is now using its position to stitch together a
political power base at the expense of real worker-related issues. How sad.

      3/4/2004 7:34:59 AM (GMT +2)

      Ever since the announcement of the 2004 National Budget and later the
Monetary Policy, there has been renewed interest in the subject of
governance and transparency both at the government level and at corporate
level.

      A lot of developments have taken place much to the surprise of the
public which was getting accustomed to a different way of doing business.

      These developments have seen laws being changed, new ministries being
established and influential people being questioned by the law enforcement
agents.

      Has the economy suddenly awaken to the need to promote good governance
and transparency? What are the potential benefits of such a paradigm shift
in our values as a nation?

      The following is the first part of a series of discussions on this
broad topic.

      The extreme capitalist ideology had given the wrong impression that
the economy can be left entirely to the market forces better known as 'the
invisible hand'. As Ann Florini puts it, 'the invisible hand of the market
depends heavily on the support of a thick glove of rules, norms, and
institutions, including governments. But too often the glove is opaque,
obscuring flows of information essential to the efficient and equitable
functioning of both markets and the national and international institutions
that regulate them'.

      In her 1999 article titled 'Does the Invisible Hand Need a Transparent
Glove? The Politics of Transparency', Florini noted that transparency was on
the rise being touted as the solution to such disparate problems as
financial volatility, environmental degradation, money laundering and
corruption.

      She was, however, quick to note that transparency faces much
opposition, particularly from those under scrutiny, who have strong
incentives to avoid providing information.

      The key to increasing transparency is thus to create incentives for
governments and corporations to provide information.

      As the world becomes more tightly integrated, many people are affected
by and thus want a say in what used to be other people's business.

      Consistent transparency can smoothen the operation of financial
markets, and it may attract investment that fosters growth. It provides the
means of detecting and thus correcting errors in the policies of
governmental and international institutions.

      As democratic norms spread, it is harder and harder to maintain
societal consensus on decision reached in secret by small elites.

      Publics have proved willing to accept painful reforms, but only when
they have been fully consulted and kept informed.

      Transparency has been defined in many different ways depending on
where it is being used.

      In politics, transparency refers to enabling citizens to learn what
their governments are up to by obtaining information provided by the
government.

      In economics and finance, transparency has been defined very broadly
as 'a process by which information about existing conditions and decisions
and actions is made accessible, visible and understandable' (IMF 1998).

      Both definitions agree that transparency is always closely connected
to accountability. Thus, the purpose for calls for transparency is to permit
citizens, markets, or governments to hold others accountable for their
policies and performance.

      Despite the benefits of transparency, increasing it is difficult.
Doing so often requires the power to induce disclosure, either by coercion
or by restructuring incentives, and the information thus revealed can shift
power from the former holders of secrets to the newly informed.

      It is, therefore, important to be pragmatic about when it is
worthwhile to push for transparency, because that push is often costly and
not always worth the cost.

      Transparency merely lets people see streams of facts. It neither
enables people to do anything about those facts nor conveys any
understanding of their meaning. Thus demand for transparency only makes
sense if two conditions are met i.e.:

      lthe targets for the call for transparency must be able and willing to
provide the requisite information; and

      lrecipients of the information must be able to use it to evaluate the
provider of the information according to some accepted standard of behavior.

      There has been a lot of talk about transparency in Zimbabwe with many
organisations having been formed to champion such a cause.

      It would, however, appear that the bulk of the work was focused on the
political definition and left little room for the corporate sector.

      Government transparency is meant to attract foreign direct investment
but their incentive not to be could hardly be more evident.

      As Alesina Perotti (1996) argues: 'the complexity of the budgets of
modern economies is partly artificial, created to help politician hide
taxes, over-emphasise the benefits of spending and conceal government
liabilities.

      'They present overly optimistic projections of growth and tax
revenues, which then result in "unexpected" deficits. They inflate baseline
projections making budgetary increases appear smaller than they actually are
etc.

      'With these and other tools of opacity at government's disposal, the
current and proposed standards for governmental disclosure clearly face
enormous obstacles.'

      The current thrust of fiscal and monetary policy in Zimbabwe is one of
addressing transparency and governance issues at both the political and the
corporate level.

      The problem that the nation was having is to do with lack of
incentives to be transparent. For a long time, the government has been
perceived as being so corrupt that there was no incentive for transparency.

      The cry for transparency has been heard from such organisations as
Transparency International Zimbabwe. This perception had been absorbed by
the market to the extent that not being transparent had also become a norm
even in business circles.

      The standards of governance had deteriorated so much that it was
impacting directly on the livelihoods of the general populace and in the
spirit of accountability to the electorate (ahead of elections), the
government has had to act to restore normalcy.

      The major incentive lies in what happens to the information that is
provided i.e. whether it is used to deter misbehavior or signal good
behavior.

      Shining a spotlight on miscreants can deter them from misbehaving if
they are convinced that misbehavior will be spotted and penalised. This is
where government plays a major part in ensuring that transparency exists not
only in government, but also within the corporate sector.

      On the side of corporates, there is always an incentive to be
transparent if the environment encourages you to do so. For instance, the
Basle Committee on Banking Supervision (1998) argues that the market
provides incentives for banks to want to be perceived as conducting their
business in an efficient and prudent manner.

      Well-run banks should, thus, welcome the opportunity to provide
reassurance through greater transparency. For banks that are not well run,
transparency could act as a deterrent; 'to the extent a bank's management
knows its activities and risk exposure will be transparent . . . investment
decisions and other business decisions (by market participants) can provide
a strong incentives for bank management to improve risk management practices
and internal controls'

      In the second part of these series, we will focus more on the recent
developments in the corporate governance and transparency front specifically
looking at the problem of criminality.

      We will seek to answer the question of what government has done to
respond to the culture of corruption that had gripped the nation, what
carrot and stick approaches have been put in place. How effective have these
instruments been? How sustainable are these?

        .. Moses Chundu is group economist of Century Holdings Limited and
a mem-ber of the Zimbabwe Economics Society

      3/4/2004 7:31:28 AM (GMT +2)

      SOUTH African president Thabo Mbeki allowed the world to get a glimpse
of a sense of humour that may be lurking beneath his usually stern public
persona at a meeting of the African Union in Maputo last year.

      Mbeki was relinquishing the chairmanship of the African Union and was
passing the leadership baton to his Mozambican counterpart, President
Joachim Chissano.

      At the appropriate historic moment Mbeki playfully brandished the
gavel menacingly at Chissano, signalling great displeasure and loathing at
having to give up power and preparedness, if necessary, to harm or kill his
successor.

      It was all friendly make-believe of course but the vignette, which I
watched on television spoke a thousand words.

      The Press commented at the time that most of Africa's self-proclaimed
de facto and aspiring "Life Presidents" in attendance were not amused by
Mbeki making light of an issue of utmost importance to them. For, as is well
known, staying in power at all costs is probably the only issue at the top
of the agendas of most continental dictators and autocrats.

      For me, Mbeki's podium humour was ironic because it was the
perennially tongue-tied South African leader's most eloquent acknowledgement
of the existence of a problem he has otherwise done his best to ignore.

      His reluctance to face this problem head-on is one of the reasons why
his widely deplored "quiet diplomacy" with regard to the situation in
Zimbabwe has led to a cul-de-sac.

      Mbeki's practical joke at the podium was in fact, shorthand for the
fact that most African leaders hold their own people to ransom by regarding
remaining in power for life as an end in itself, for which they are prepared
to commit the most unimaginable atrocities.

      It was even more ironic then, that at the same meeting a call was made
for women to play a more active role in promoting peace.

      How do women achieve this goal, I wondered then and I ask now, when
blame for most wars, conflicts, anarchy and civil strife raging in many
parts of Africa can be laid at the feet of greedy warlords or ruthless
dictator?

      To some of these mad men wars and civil strife are not only useful as
mechanisms to cow and distract their suffering people, they are also
lucrative business propositions facilitating the amassing of wealth through
the plunder of resources and looting of national treasuries.

      It goes without saying therefore that such rulers will not listen to
anyone, let alone a group of women advocating peace.

      In Zimbabwe, we have seen how impossible it has become for opposition
parties, civic groups or labour unions to organise any form of protest
against the repressive conditions prevailing in the country.

      It seems that the powers-that-be regard peaceful marches and
demonstrations as a greater threat to democracy and national security than
the unruly gangs of youth militias rampaging the countryside intimidating,
raping, maiming or even killing innocent people.

      An attempt by a women's group, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) to
spread a message of peace and love and to bring a bit of cheer to
beleaguered Zimbabweans by distributing roses on Valentine's Day was
high-handedly thwarted by the police.

      Two other groups organised marches to protest against escalating
violence and the rising incidence of rape in Harare but it's doubtful
whether our rulers pay any attention to such concerns.

      In other countries, these brave women would be regarded as an asset to
society and would enjoy protection under the law. But in Zimbabwe efforts to
remind the nation of universally accepted values that separate humans from
animals are at variance with an official agenda to prolong the mayhem and
chaos as a mechanism to remain in power.

      How can peace and love mean anything to a regime that regards
killings, torture, the raping of women and children and unrelenting violence
and aggression against a peaceful populace as useful election campaign
strategies?

      The ethos of human expendability has become so deeply ingrained in the
ruling elite that whether we like it or not, nothing can move or horrify
them as long as it serves their self-interest and ensures their
self-preservation.

      The ruling party's determination to remain in power at all costs has
resulted in it having its own absurd interpretation of universally
understood human values.

      For example, that most basic of facts, that a person is a person, is
not given as far as they are concerned. The value of a person's life depends
on whether he or she supports the ruling party. It is as simple and as grim
as that.

      And when is rape not rape? The answer is when it is used as a tool to
terrorise people into voting for the ruling party. Likewise, violence is not
violence if it is perpetrated against those perceived to be opponents of the
regime. The list is endless, but such is the perversity that now
characterises official policy.

      The point to be made is that in the face of such a callous disregard
for the sanctity of human life and flagrant violations of the rights of
Zimbabweans, people like Mbeki cannot justify their continued failure to
speak out. If such atrocities don't horrify him. What will?

      And why are we getting a thunderous silence from the AU's Chissano
when all attempts by Zimbabweans, including women, to reclaim their rights
and value systems are being mercilessly and brutally crushed?

      Comrade presidents, your little prank at the podium in Maputo may have
been amusing but your failure to take a clear, principled stand on the
tragic situation in Zimbabwe is not funny at all.

Take action against unpatriotic politicians

As the countdown to next year's general elections begins, the global
onslaught against the ruling Zanu PF Government is being revived, with the
international media and other organisations such as the European Union being
primed for another go at removing President Mugabe and his party from power.
The EU has already fired the warning shots with the continuation of
sanctions against senior Zanu PF officials, which was followed up by
opposition MDC pronouncements that it would boycott elections if there is no
dialogue and the BBC's regurgitation of the same old falsehood that youths
were being trained to kill for Zanu PF while others were being raped. The
British government was euphoric last week when it got the support of the EU
to continue with its sanctions regime even though there was no justifiable
basis for these. Building up on this success, the Tony Blair government,
which has heavily funded the BBC since the 2000 parliamentary elections to
intensify its coverage on Zimbabwe, has unfortunately run out of ammunition
and has resorted to regurgitating old stories that have absolutely no basis
in truth. The BBC ran a weekend story alleging that the National Youth
Service was being used to train young boys and girls to kill for the ruling
Zanu PF Government to stay in power. To spice up the story and hopefully
cause as much damage as possible, the television programme interviewed one
girl who claimed to have been raped over several months and some training
officer who allegedly confirmed that this was part of the training. The
story was primed to be picked up by other newspapers and news agencies
throughout the world that ran it with screaming headlines on the so-called
Zanu PF torture camps.

While the story was making headlines, the British-funded MDC was in South
Africa waxing lyrical about boycotting next year's elections if Zanu PF does
not agree to hold talks with them. Everybody back home knows that the
opposition party is deep in the middle of a campaign to contest the Zengeza
by-election and that its own campaign has been fraught with violence against
its own members for demanding democracy and transparency in the choosing of
candidates. Of course, the international media will ignore reports of
violence within the MDC or that it has not boycotted any elections as it
clearly knows that the electoral landscape is even, making it possible for
it to win the elections. The decision to make this announcement of
boycotting the polls in South Africa clearly demonstrates that this is part
of the revival of the international campaign to demonise not only the ruling
Zanu PF Government but also the country in general. This is what creates the
justification for Zimbabwe's imperial enemies to call for tougher sanctions
against the country and for other neutral countries to develop hostile
attitudes towards Zimbabwe. There should come a time to say enough is
enough. Those who campaign against their own country should be made to pay
for their callousness. We surely cannot have politicians who openly campaign
for sanctions against their own country and enjoy the comforts of that same
country at the same time without being made accountable for their misdeeds.

Financial Gazette (Harare)

March 4, 2004
Posted to the web March 4, 2004

Felix Njini
Harare

Analysts told The Financial Gazette this week that the foreign currency
auction must supply US$150 million every month, assuming that the government
takes care of 25 percent of the country's foreign currency requirements at
the official exchange rate.

But this is proving to be a tall order given that demand for hard currency
at the auction now stands at about US$18 million every week, against the
US$8 million allocated to bidders by the central bank.

The auction rates started at Z$4 196 to the greenback and subsequently
appreciated to Z$3 518 against the same unit in thin trading. The rate has
since depreciated to Z$4 086.

This has given exporters an effective blended rate of Z$3 233 compared to
Z$3 662 last November when the parallel market rate was Z$6 500.

Economist Anthony Hawkins said there has not been enough foreign currency to
satisfy all bids. Adverse investor sentiment, which has seen very little
offshore lending and continuing capital flight, has worsened the foreign
currency situation.

"This means that exporters are 12 percent worse off than they were last
year. After adjustment for inflation, the blend rate today is about 60
percent what it was in March 2003, when the local unit was devalued at $824.

"To get the same number of real dollars today that an exporter got in March
2003, an exporter needs a blend rate of Z$5 150 which is equivalent to an
auction rate of Z$6 660," said Hawkins.

"The Zimbabwean dollar will fall because of the supply and demand
imbalances, there is not enough foreign currency in the country, what with
the widening inflation differentials with trading partners and adverse
investor sentiments which have deprived the country of offshore lending," he
said.

The situation, according to analysts, has not been helped either by rising
import costs. The firmer South African rand was also leading to increased im
port expenses such as freight and transport costs among others.

Hawkins said the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) would need to impose higher
import duties to choke off foreign currency demand for non-essential goods.

"A mediocre agricultural season so far points to reduced farm exports this
year and erosion of auction inflows by parastatals demanding payment in hard
currency. This is putting increasing pressure on exporter viability unless
accommodated by currency devaluation," he said.

"If exporters are to survive, currency must depreciate, though the rate of
depreciation will slow when inflation differentials narrow, supply side
starts to recover and foreign capital inflows resume," Hawkins said.

Market analyst Nyasha Chasakara said exporters have no confidence in the
"artificial" exchange rate, which is not reflective of the supply and demand
situation.

"It is very likely that there are some people still holding on to their
foreign currency. The economy has not seen the worst. On the equities
market, investors are not buying shares. The overall position is that there
is no confidence in the market and there is no clear-cut view of where
things are going," said Chasakara.

Trust Holdings group economist, David Mupamhadzi, also noted that pressure
on the available foreign currency is expected to mount in the coming months.
He added that supply injection of foreign currency was key to the success of
the auction system.

"Demand for foreign currency is increasing and the big question is: will the
available foreign currency meet rising demand? If there is no supply
injection, the local unit is going to fall and worse still, the parallel
market has not disappeared as bidders who are failing to get allocations are
actively participating on the parallel market,' said Mupamhadzi.

"If they fail to get the money on the official market, they will opt for the
parallel market. There has to be a supply injection if the rate is to be
kept at around Z$4 000," noted Mupamhadzi.

Financial Gazette (Harare)

March 4, 2004
Posted to the web March 4, 2004

Harare

PLANS by fish processor Lake Harvest to penetrate the lucrative South
African market have been scuppered by a 25 percent duty increase slapped on
all fish products from Zimbabwe.

A senior company official, Garikai Munatsirei, said the duty increase has
made it difficult for Lake Harvest to compete with other players targeting
the same market.

"This has been brought to the relevant government ministry, which is
engaging the South African government to see if the duty can be scrapped,"
said Munatsirei.

He said the rising costs of fish feed, driven by increases in imported
inputs such as maize and soya cake, had made the industry less competitive.
Locally, the company has to contend with rising costs of packaging and
increased electricity tariffs.

The lost external market has, however, been partially offset by improved
domestic demand that has inspired Lake Harvest to consider upgrading its
freezing capacity.

Lake Harvest expects to process an average of 290 tonnes of whole fish per
month this year and gradually increase production to 360 tonnes per month in
2005 and 420 tonnes in 2006.

The continued availability of fish feed and a viable exchange rate would,
however, have a bearing on future production targets.

Lake Harvest exports to the European Union, the key markets being Holland,
Belgium, France, Germany, Austria, the United Kingdom and Spain.

Zambia, Botswana and Malawi are also important regional export markets
taking up to 10 percent of all export sales.

Lake Harvest also has plans, which are at an advanced stage, to set up
similar operations in countries like Malawi (in Lake Malawi) and Uganda (in
Lake Victoria).

The company employs 350 permanent employees and about 100 casual workers

The Herald (Harare)

March 4, 2004
Posted to the web March 4, 2004

Harare

The Supreme Court yesterday reserved judgment in three cases involving the
Associated Newspapers of Zimbabwe (ANZ), publishers of the Daily News and
the Daily News on Sunday and the Media and Information Commission (MIC).

ANZ has been locked in a protracted legal wrangle with the MIC over the
company's failure to register with the official media regulatory board and
the constitutionality of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy
Act.

The full bench of the superior court comprising Chief Justice Godfrey
Chidyausiku and Justices Misheck Cheda, Vernanda Ziyambi, Luke Malaba and
Elizabeth Gwaunza heard arguments by both parties.

The Supreme Court also heard two appeals by the MIC seeking to reverse
judgments issued by the Administrative Court ordering the ANZ to resume
operations last year.

The first appeal to be heard was against a judgment by retired
Administrative Court president Mr Michael Majuru, which ordered MIC to
register the ANZ.

This was followed by another appeal against the same court's ruling allowing
ANZ to execute the judgment of the court.

In his submission, in the first case, Mr Johannes Tomana argued that the
Administrative Court had no jurisdiction to order the MIC to register ANZ.

Mr Tomana said according to the powers conferred on the Administrative
Court, after hearing arguments from both ANZ and MIC lawyers, it should have
remitted the matter to MIC for reconsideration.

He said the powers of the Administrative Court were limited to remitting the
matter to the regulatory board in respect of whatever findings the court
would have made.

"The order that the respondent (ANZ) be licenced was accordingly void and
therefore of no force and effect," Mr Tomana said urging the court to set
aside the lower court's decision.

Mr Tomana said the refusal by the MIC to register ANZ should be upheld.

He questioned the logic of the Administrative Court in ordering the Minister
of State for Information and Publicity, Professor Jonathan Moyo to
constitute a " proper" board, when he said was not party to the proceedings
in the case.

Prof Moyo, he said, was not afforded the chance to defend his appointments
to the commission and yet he was ordered to appoint a new board.

"The minister is not legally bound by the said decision of the
Administrative Court in as much as he is not legally able to challenge the
same decision to which he was not party," he said.

Mr Tomana urged the court to set aside the decision against the appointing
authority saying the lower court had seriously misdirected itself, when it
ruled that the commission was improperly constituted.

On the decision by the Administrative Court to force the MIC to register
ANZ, Mr Tomana said the court erred as the newspaper group could not be
registered in terms of the law.

Mr Tomana said the disqualification of MIC chairman Dr Tafataona Mahoso on
account of bias, could not have invalidated the commission's decision in
terms of the provisions of the AIPPA.

On the second appeal against the Administrative Court's decision to enforce
its judgment, Mr Tomana said it had no powers to do so.

Once it disposed of the matter brought before it, it could not enforce its
judgment, in terms of the law.

In his response Advocate Eric Matinenga who represented ANZ in the appeal
cases said the Administrative Court properly decided the ANZ case in terms
of the powers vested on it.

He said the finding of the court that one member of the commission was
biased was sufficient to vitiate the entire proceedings.

Adv Matinenga argued that since the Administrative Court had the
jurisdiction to hear the case, it also had the power to enforce its
judgment.

Earlier on the court heard the ANZ application challenging sections 39, 40,
41, 65, 66, 69, 70 and 71 of AIPPA.

ANZ lawyer Advocate Chris Andersen, in his submissions, told the court that
the newspaper group had now complied with the order made by the court, in
September last year that they should register with MIC before challenging
the constitutionality of AIPPA.

He said those sections of AIPPA, breached the rights guaranteed in the
Constitution.

Adv Andersen argued that the MIC was irregularly constituted, as the
Minister of State for Information and Publicity Professor Jonathan Moyo
appointed members of the commission.

The minister could suspend the members and therefore, the regulatory board
was not an independent entity, Adv Andersen said.

This, he said, was unfavourable to ANZ as it amounted to being "subjected to
discipline by a hostile minister".

In his response Mr Tomana argued that the law was entirely reasonable in a
democratic society.

The constitutional court heard the arguments as a consolidated case
encompassing the ANZ constitutional challenge and the two appeals by the MIC
against the rulings of the Administrative Court.

Mr Tomana told the court that among all media service providers in Zimbabwe,
only the ANZ chose to disrespect the law by deliberately refraining from
applying for registration as prescribed because it unilaterally resolved
that it could not, in its alleged conscience, obey such a law.

"Applicant admits that it chose not to apply for registration because in its
view, the provisions requiring registration of mass media services are not
constitutional.

"With due respect, it is not for the applicant to judge any law of this land
as unconstitutional but this honourable court."

AIPPA, he said, was one such law of the country that deserved to be
respected and to be obeyed by the applicant but from the point of view of
the constitution, the ANZ's attitude could not be condoned because it was
contrary to its purpose.

"Infact, applicant's disobedience is demonstrative not only of disrespect
for the law but for the constitution itself.

"The applicant has made no secret of this attitude which lacks moral
obliquity and therefore fitting within the doctrine of dirty hands to
warrant the sanction by this honourable court to refuse to entertain its
challenge.

"The challenge sounds no more than a request to endorse an unlawful position
already taken by it," said Mr Tomana.

Mr Tomana said AIPPA was unequivocally there to enhance the right to freedom
of expression, to protect the private interest or rights of other people
besides providing other practical measures to achieve clear objectives.

The court, however, proceeded to hear the merits of the constitutional case
after Mr Tomana made concessions that ANZ had complied with the law.

ANZ refused to register its publications with the MIC and instead challenged
AIPPA at the Supreme Court arguing that the law was unconstitutional.

But the superior court refused to hear its application challenging the
validity of the law saying the newspaper group had approached it with "dirty
hands" as it was not registered with the MIC.

The company has been publishing its newspapers intermittently since the end
of last year following various court judgements, which it interpreted to
mean that it could continue publishing.

      Money repaid

      Honorary Recorder Judge Richard Cole told Tapera she had committed
"very serious" offences.

      But he spared her a prison sentence after hearing how the nurse, from
Stockingford, Nuneaton, Warwickshire, had repaid the full amount of money
taken.

      Judge Cole also took into account the needs of her second son, who was
born three weeks premature.

      "I have come to the conclusion that the interests of justice will be
better served by the ordering of the sentence to be suspended in its
entirety for two years," he said.

      The court heard how Tapera joined a "bank" scheme of nurses employed
to cover shifts by Warwickshire Primary Care NHS Trust.

      The Zimbabwean-born 27-year-old's two-year fraud campaign began when
her time sheets were mislaid.

      She was asked to fill them in again and, when she was later paid
twice, the nurse realised there was no system in place for cross-checking
her declared hours of work.

      The fraud netted her £45,346.88 gross until it was exposed last
September.

      Sick mother

      Tapera told police on arrest: "I just realised there was a flaw in the
system and I just took advantage of it."

      Tapera admitted 20 counts of obtaining money by deception and asked
for a further 83 to be taken into account at a previous hearing before
Coventry masgistrates.

      Jabeen Akhtar, defending, said her client had not spent the money on a
lavish lifestyle, but sent £25,000 to her elderly mother in Zimbabwe for
urgent medical treatment.

      Tapera was sentenced to 18 months on all counts to run concurrently.

      The court heard that a new computerised system has since been
introduced at the Walsgrave in an effort to prevent similar frauds.

      An Australian delegation has this week visited Zimbabwe to inspect
both the facilities that will be used and the security measures that will be
in place to ensure the safety of the Australian team.

      "There's no doubt we're coming, unless something drastic was to happen
just before the tour. We were coming anyhow but we had to make all the
necessary security checks ahead of the tour," Bernard told AFP.

      "We would want to stress that the pre-checks we are conducting are not
only for Zimbabwe but we have had security checks in Sri Lanka and the West
Indies where our teams have played before," he said.

      Australia played a World Cup match in Zimbabwe last year despite being
urged not to because of security concerns and the regime of President Robert
Mugabe, while England refused to travel there, and may also cancel a
proposed tour later this year.