KEYNOTE ADDRESS BY THE PRIME
MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE, THE RIGHT HONOURABLE M.R. TSVANGIRAI AT
THE EURO MONEY INVESTMENT CONFERENCE,
HARARE 8-9 MARCH 2011
Deputy Prime Ministers
Professor Mutambara and Hon Khupe
Government ministers here
present
Your Worship, the Mayor of
Harare, Mr.M. Masunda
Senior Government
Offcials
Distinguished Guests and
Invited Dignitaries
Ladies and Gentlemen
I would like to extend my
appreciation to the Euro Money Conference organisers, the Minister of Economic
Planning and Investment Promotion and the Minister of Finance in organising this
Conference and inviting us to be part of the proceedings.
Ladies and Gentlemen, this
conference is happening against a background of renewed economic confidence and
revival as indicated by the increasing number of business and foreign
delegations that are visiting the country to explore business opportunities. The
recent visits by the Chinese and German delegations are a case in
point.
I am informed that the
objective of the Zimbabwe Investment Conference is to expose to the
international investment community and local business people the vast investment
opportunities that exist in our country and the reforms that have been enacted
to improve the doing business environment.
Investment has a significant
impact on economic growth. East Asian countries such as Malaysia, Thailand and
Singapore registered sustained economic growth rates largely due to substantial
foreign investment flows.
Zimbabwe can attain the same levels of growth if we put in place
competitive policies to attract investment and we are globally compliant in the
manner that we conduct business.
As a nation we cannot do it
alone but we should put in place best international practices which bode well
for attracting foreign direct investment.
This is the stark reality in
view of the fact that FDI tends to be timid – it goes where it is needed and
welcomed most. Very good foreign relations make an economic turnaround easier
and quicker than a do-it-alone approach.
Ladies and Gentlemen, the
formation of the inclusive government gave us the much needed political
stability to bring back business confidence and investor interest in the
country. It is important at a political level to support business by creating
and introducing reforms that are essential for the growth of this
country.
So much has been said of the
abundant natural resources that our country is bestowed with as well as its hard
working citizens. Unfortunately this has not translated into desired levels of
economic growth and investment inflows largely due to policy inconsistencies and
unpredictability.
Zimbabwe’s diamond wealth could translate to billions of dollars
per year if this valuable asset is exploited transparently in line with regional
best practices.
So far, about $300 million
worth of diamonds has been sold and as a government, and in pursuit of
transparency, we have asked the Minister of Finance and the Minister of Mines to
reconcile their figures and come clean on the proceeds arising from the sale of
these national resources.
I strongly believe that this
could go a long way in solving our liquidity crisis, clearing part of our
external debt of around US$7 billion and inducing increased capacity utilisation
in the manufacturing sector amongst a host of other economic challanges that
exist.
I therefore call on all of us
to work in unison in our policy formulation strategies. Otherwise the glaring
policy inconsistencies and mixed messages from the inclusive government will
turn investors away or they will simply adopt a wait-and-see attitude when in
fact time is not on our side.
Ladies and gentlemen, I am glad
to note that there has been a marked improvement in the doing business
environment in Zimbabwe with the launch of the One Stop Shop Investment Centre
by the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion in December last
year.
This launch marked a giant step
towards realising our shared vision of continually reforming the investment
climate for the benefit of the would-be investor as well as keeping pace with
international best practice.
On our part, we need to make
sure that we consolidate the good things we have done so far to make ourselves
an attractive investment destination. It behoves upon us to ensure that Zimbabwe
is peaceful and free from violence; that we maintain peace and stability; that
we respect the rule of law and that we respect and honour the BIPPAS we have
signed.
A peaceful country without
violence and without policy inconsistencies is a natural destination for
investment. We will strive to ensure that our beloved country remains a firm
favourite for serious investors so that we can create jobs and prosper the
nation and its people.
During my recent visit to Davos
for the World Economic Forum, I attended a session on Mines and minerals chaired
by the esteemed chairperson of Anglo American plc, Cynthia Carroll. I was keen
to find out what factors they considered before making multi-million dollar
investments.
She told me that they
considered political stability and policy predictability as key determinants
ahead of any investment decision.
I think that there has been
some movement in the restoration of political stability since the formation of
the inclusive government in 2009. But over the last six months, there has been a
lot of mixed messages and hype arising out of misplaced election talk.
I want to assure you that we
will ensure that before we hold that election, there is a clear roadmap with
clearly defined benchmarks to ensure a free and fair election.
I am glad that the President,
the region and I, are all agreed that we have to follow the GPA processes to
ensure a credible poll. This means there is no need for anxiety among both
Zimbabweans and investors about being ambushed with an election that has no
preconditions and that is not in line with the dictates of the GPA.
On policy predictability, we
have said that we should not criminalise investment. The Indigenisation
programme has caused so much consternation amongst investors. But there is no
government policy to nationalise or to expropriate.
All we want is that ordinary
Zimbabweans should be empowered and not a few elite. While 51 percent is
aspirational, we have agreed that there should be thresholds for each sector so
that we balance between the business interests of investors and the need to
empower and ensure that ordinary Zimbabweans participate in the mainstream
economy.
As a government, we also want
to normalise relations with the international community. There has been
speculation on my position as Prime Minister on the issue of sanctions.
We should not attempt to score
cheap political points over issues that are clear. We agreed in the GPA that we
would all work towards normalisation of relations between Zimbabwe and the rest
of the world.
For the record, I was the first
person to engage Europe and the United States, at the expense of my political
reputation at home and abroad, to convince them that Zimbabwe had turned the
corner since the formation of the inclusive government. I tried to assure them
that we would stick to our own agreement and that the culture of violence and
impunity had long gone.
I was later to find out that I
was wrong and that while we all wanted the sanctions lifted, some did not want
to let go of the culture of violence that had brought these measures in the
first place.
The US and the EU were
sceptical and had concerns over continued human rights abuses and
non-implementation of the GPA.
Suffice to say that while some
of us were working hard to normalise relations, there was a deliberate effort by
some players to ensure that we failed to implement other agreed obligations as
enshrined in the GPA on matters such as the cessation of hate speech, State
sponsored violence, media reforms and the culture of impunity, among
others.
This made it difficult for
those of us who were working towards normalisation of relations. It is difficult
to convince the world that you have turned the corner when others are
perpetuating the same culture of violence in the countryside; the same culture
and behaviour that brought us where we are.
Our own Minister of Tourism,
Hon Walter Mzembi, can testify to the difficulty of convincing a sceptic world
when others are stabbing your effort in the back. In January this year, Hon
Mzembi was in Madrid, Spain, marketing Zimbabwe as a safe tourist destination
when reports were splashed all over the world that thugs had violently invaded a
lakeside resort near Harare.
In short, no section in the GPA
is more important than the other and we must invest the same effort on sanctions
as we invest in other important issues such as media reforms, non-violence and
respect for the rule of law if we are to build a safe environment for business
and investment.
Ladies and gentlemen, it is
common knowledge that our industry is operating below capacity, infrastructure
needs upgrading and energy output levels cannot sustain projected economic
growth. I consider these gaps as opportunities for new investors to
exploit.
I am encouraged
by the scope of discussions to be held during this Conference and look forward
to new business partnerships being created in order to move our economy
forward.
Finally we take pride as a
nation to be able to hold such a prestigious Conference graced by renowned
international guests and current and potential investors.
I declare the conference open
and wish you well in your deliberations.
I thank you.
--
Politburo
to endorse company seizures
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Guthrie Munyuki, Deputy News
Editor
Tuesday, 08 March 2011 18:52
HARARE - The Zanu PF supreme
decision making body, the Politburo, will
convene a special meeting on
Wednesday to officially endorse the
anti-sanctions campaign which seeks to
seize companies owned by Europeans
and Americans.
President
Robert Mugabe is expected to chair the extra-ordinary session
which comes at
a time the country is hosting a two-day investment conference
involving
prospective European investors.
“We will hold an extra-ordinary session
of the Politburo at the party
headquarters to see how best we can respond to
his Excellency’ speech at
last week’s rally,” a senior Zanu PF official told
the Daily News.
“The session will give members of the Politburo an
opportunity to assess and
respond to the measures that the party wants
implemented in retaliation to
the sanctions imposed by the European Union
and the United States.”
The extra-ordinary session comes hard on the
heels of a massive rally in
Harare last week at which Mugabe launched the
campaign against sanctions by
the US and the EU.
The anti- sanctions
drive has targeted two million signatures in all the 10
provinces to give
the liberation movement the momentum to annex the
foreign-owned
firms.
Mugabe was left seething with anger by the EU’s decision to extend
an asset
freeze, economic embargo and travel bans against his allies in
February.
The EU extended by another 12 months personal sanctions against
the Zanu PF
leader and his colleagues.
It lifted restrictions against
35 people, mainly spouses of the party’s
bigwigs in a move which left Mugabe
in a rage.
Both the EU and the US said they imposed sanctions to force
Zanu PF to
respect the rule of law, human rights and end political violence
against
opponents.
“After the escalation of political violence
related to the elections in
2002, the EU decided to introduce measures
against Zimbabwe’s ruling Zanu PF
party as a means to put pressure on those
considered responsible. These
measures have been renewed each year since
2002,” the EU said.
“The establishment of a Government of National Unity
in 2009 triggered a
re-engagement process between the Government of Zimbabwe
and the EU,” the EU
said on Sunday.
Zim Euromoney Conference - no time for mixed messages
By Clifford Chitupa
Mashiri, Political Analyst, London 08/03/11
How Zimbabwe will manage to
lure investors at the Euromoney Conference which
opened in Harare Tuesday, a
day after Zanu-Pf youths reportedly seized a
South African company’s
project, EasiPark is mind-boggling.
With the country short of US$10
billion for capital quick turn-around, it
would be a big wasted opportunity
if the distinguished 300 delegates
expected to attend were to be subjected
to mixed messages by their
Zimbabwean hosts.
This is not the time to
play cheap partisan politics. Neither is it an
occasion for orchestrating
false national unity for the cameras then ‘we are
back on each other’s
throat’ once the visitors have gone. There has to be an
admission of the
ongoing debate on the format which economic empowerment
should take in
Zimbabwe than to mislead the conference with false assurances
or scare them
with ‘indigenisation’.
It is also vital to remind ourselves about the
rationale of affirmative
action which in the 21st century should be
colour-blind as opposed to
‘indigenisation’ which deliberately discriminates
against non-blacks,
thereby creating understandable resentment. The basic
social science view of
affirmative action was spelt out by the US President
Johnson when he said:
“Men and women of all races are born with the same
range of abilities. But
ability is not just the product of birth. Ability is
stretched or stunted by
the family that you live with, and the neighbourhood
you live in – by the
school you go to and the poverty or the richness of
your surroundings. It is
the product of a hundred unseen forces playing upon
the little infant, the
child, and finally the man” (or woman) my own
emphasis (wikipedia.org).
Although empowerment or affirmative action
programmes are by nature very
controversial the world over, in Zimbabwe it
is the perceived deliberate
attempts by the former ruling party to hijack a
sound national programme for
partisan and short-term gain ahead of
elections. Even in South Africa
affirmative action has been criticised for
“enriching a minority of ‘black
diamonds’ loyal to the governing African
National Congress and driving away
white businessmen” (The Guardian.co.uk,
31/07/09).
It remains to be seen how Robert Mugabe of Zanu-pf will lead
the push for
foreign investment when recently to mark his 87th birthday he
was
threatening to take over South African owned mining giant Zimplats
accusing
them it of externalising profits.
“Nestle refused to buy
milk from Gushungo dairies,” Mugabe told a crowd of
Zanu-pf supporters,
adding, “I told Kasukuwere (Indigenisation Minister) to
begin with them and
tell them he was sent by Gushungo. We should deal with
them; let them get
out of the country” (Zimbabwe Standard, 26/02/11).
Of course, it is
undeniable that Zimbabwe needs to redress the economic
imbalances inherited
at independence 31 years ago. Obviously, it would not
be empowerment if
Nestle is nationalised because of a personal grudge with
the leader of
Zanu-pf. However, it is how the re-dressing is done which is
debatable and
not whether empowerment is necessary at all. The key point of
this paper is
doing away withy the race label.
Attempts by some Zimbabwean politicians
to duplicate South Africa’s Black
Economic Empowerment (BEE) legislation by
using a score-card or
alternatively copying the Bafokeng empowerment model
are likely to run into
difficulties because of different scenarios and
possible resistance from
within the power elite.
A good observation
by the Financial Gazette (17/02/11) is that ‘the Bafokeng
nation first
forged a deal with mining firms in its territory in Rustenburg
in which it
was paid mining royalties . The mining royalties were later in
the 1990’s
converted into shareholding for the Bafokeng community.’
A variance of
that in Zimbabwe would be for example, for the Chiadzwa
community in Marange
communal area to get mining royalties from Mbada,
Canadile, ZMDC and the
Chinese joint venture companies which are mining
their precious diamond
deposits and eventually convert the royalties into
shareholding. While a
very noble proposition, its likely to be a hardsell to
some of the players
already involved in Chiadzwa’s diamond mining amidst
human rights
abuses.
Another observation worth making is that the BEE programme, while
admittedly
potentially a disincentive to investors, could have a greater
chance of
success in South Africa than in Zimbabwe without causing serious
damage to
the economy. While Pretoria has a strong and highly advanced
industrial base
as well as diverse financial resources, the case is not the
same with Harare
where some listed companies like Gulliver and Cairns have
halted some of
their operations due to adverse trading
conditions.
Zimbabwe, should scrap its current reckless indigenisation
claim of 51%
ownership of shares even in a family business or sole trade
worth US$500,000
because the policy is flawed, partisan, racist, open to
abuse and
unsustainable. A better alternative to the controversial
indigenisation law
would be the use of fiscal and institutional measures to
promote empowerment
of disadvantaged youths regardless of race, colour,
ethnicity, gender,
disability, political affiliation and so on.
Such
a mechanism would entail building an Empowerment Fund that is managed
transparently by Treasury through a progress empowerment levy e.g. 5% on
profits charged to multi-million dollar corporations in Zimbabwe for a
duration of up to 10 years subject to a nationwide consultation
exercise.
The Fund would be disbursed by Treasury to targeted
disadvantaged youths
between 18 and 30 years of age (no old men or women) on
a means test basis
as well as production of a bankable business plan with
repayment of capital
only and agreeing to a joint venture with a government
mentor until the
project shows evidence of being self-sustainable. You don’t
give a trainee
air pilot the controls until you feel confident that it’s
safe to do so!
The advantages of the proposed option to indigenisation is
that it is colour
blind, transparent, non-partisan, sustainable,
non-discriminatory except on
merit, not corrupt or open to abuse like the
current system which is plainly
vindictive against an ethnic minority purely
for narrow political reasons.
This is the only way to pull the
indigenisation rug from under the feet of
prophets of partisan
politics.
Conclusion:
Zimbabwe needs investors more than investors
need Zimbabwe, so there is no
point in ‘sabre rattling’. Empowerment of
disadvantaged youths should be
colour blind like that done by the Prince’s
Trust in the UK. In order to
build Zimbabwe, there is need for
reconciliation, compromise, diplomacy and
magnanimity. People want to see a
consistent application of policy
regardless of political
persuasion.
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com
Zimbabwe's
Two MDCs Seeking Court Relief From Police Ban on Meetings
http://www.voanews.com/
Spokesman
Kurauone Chihwayi of the MDC wing led by Welshman Ncube said the
officer in
charge of Bulawayo province told his party should not hold any
rallies as
this was likely to lead to violence
Patience Rusere & Sithandekile
Mhlanga | Washington 07 March 2011
Both main formations of
Zimbabwe's former opposition Movement for Democratic
Change are seeking
relief in the country's High Court citing a pattern of
interference by local
police blocking their political meetings and rallies
in a pre-electoral
environment.
Tabitha Khumalo, a spokeswoman for the MDC formation of
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, said her party submitted a brief to
Bulawayo High Court
today.
Spokesman Kurauone Chihwayi of the MDC
wing led by Welshman Ncube said the
party will also submit papers to the
High Court this week.
Chihwayi said the Ncube MDC meantime will go ahead
with a rally in the
Makokoba section of Bulawayo set for Saturday, saying it
is the party’s
right.
VOA was unable to obtain comment from the
Zimbabwe Republic Police.
But Chihwayi said his party received a letter
yesterday from the officer in
charge of Bulawayo province, Steve Mutamba,
saying the formation should not
hold any rallies as this was likely to lead
to violence.
Meetings called by the Tsvangirai MDC in Bulawayo and other
locations
including Kadoma, Mashonaland West province, were similarly barred
by the
police.
Police have also stopped the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions from holding
a march to commemorate International Womens Day on
Tuesday.
Tsvangirai MDC spokeswoman Tabitha Khumalo told VOA Studio 7
reporter
Patience Rusere that Section 25 of the Public Order and Security
Act says
police clearance is required for public gatherings, not private
party
meetings in offices.
Ncube MDC spokesman Nhlanhla Dube told
Sithandekile Mhlanga that Saturday’s
rally will go ahead as planned. He said
the law merely requires police be
notified.
MDC
accused of not doing more to end political violence
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
08
March 2011
The MDC has been accused of not doing more as part of the
unity government,
to end political violence and seek justice for violence
victims in Zimbabwe.
In a report by Human Rights Watch, ‘Perpetual Fear:
Impunity and Cycles of
Violence in Zimbabwe’, the MDC is accused of
“prioritising” the survival of
the unity government, above all
else.
“The MDC has not forcefully insisted on justice and accountability
for human
rights abuses, nor has it attempted to bring the perpetrators of
those
abuses to book,” the report reads.
The report’s author, senior
Human Rights Watch researcher Tiseke Kasambala,
told SW Radio Africa’s
Diaspora Diaries programme that the MDC clearly are
not equal partners in
the unity government. But she said it was
“disappointing that they appear to
have swept issues of retributive justice
under the rug.”
Kasambala’s
reports details the stories of many victims of the 2008
political violence
who are still waiting for some form of justice, with no
sign of any
investigation into the brutal killings and torture of MDC
supporters. Many
of these victims have been left physically and emotionally
damaged, with
some living in South Africa, choosing poverty there over life
in Zimbabwe.
Kasambala explained how one of the victims, whose parents were
murdered by
known ZANU PF thugs during the 2008 election period, described
living in
“perpetual fear because the perpetrators of the violence and
murder live
next door and are walking free.”
“The power-sharing government should
take the lead in ending abuses and
impunity by putting in place mechanisms
to ensure that those who have
committed abuses in the past and those who
continue to do so, are held to
account for their crimes,” Kasambala
said.
She added that if the impunity is allowed to continue “we will
likely see a
repeat of this level of violence in future
elections.”
The full report can be read by following this link:
http://www.hrw.org/node/96946
Mutambara
undermining the judiciary
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
08/03/2011 00:00:00
by Qhubani
Moyo
THAT Arthur Mutambara is a dangerous element to our democracy is
no longer
an assumption but a statement of fact backed by evidence of his
nefarious
deeds of violating the Global Political Agreement (GPA) and
undermining the
judiciary.
His deliberate undermining of the
judiciary and the people of Zimbabwe makes
him a very dishonest politician
who cannot be trusted to be in the
leadership of any public office in this
country. It has emerged that he is a
power hungry man who would not stop at
anything to safeguard personal
interests -- even if it is against the
national interest.
Mutambara, who came into the political fray as a
champion of democracy and
rule of law, has proven beyond anyone’s doubt that
he is a dangerous element
to our nascent democracy and should be checked
before he becomes a cancer.
In the interest of public debate, it is
important to highlight some of the
major dangerous political activities of
Mutambara that show that he
undermines both the judiciary and the people of
Zimbabwe.
The first major issue that Mutambara dangerously plays around
with is the
issue of ‘principal’ in the Global Political Agreement. The
arguments by
Mutambara, cooked up by Lovemore Madhuku, are meant to mislead
the nation,
create confusion and disrupt the smooth operations of the
government. The
arguments forwarded are that Mutambara is principal by
virtue of being a
signatory of the GPA and also by being Deputy Prime
Minister (DPM) of the
Republic.
While I will not spend much time in
the second argument, I will dedicate
some space to deal with the first
argument. The position of DPM does not
make one a principal, that is a
government position which is why Thokozani
Khupe is DPM but not a
principal.
The argument that Mutambara is a principal by virtue of being
a signatory to
the GPA falls flat because it presupposes that he signed the
GPA in his
personal capacity, yet he signed on behalf of the MDC. This is a
vacuous
argument that is deliberately designed to confuse the nation and
should not
be allowed to go unchallenged.
The truth of the matter
that both Mutambara and Madhuku know is that the GPA
was signed by the three
party presidents in their representative capacities.
Robert Mugabe signed
representing Zanu PF, Morgan Tsvangirai signed
representing the MDC-T and
Arthur Mutambara signed representing the MDC,
witnessed by the SADC
facilitator Thabo Mbeki. So, clearly, the three signed
representing their
parties not some substructure that Mutambara and Madhuku
are
imagining.
Just for the record, Article 1 section one of the GPA makes
the following
pronouncements: “The agreement shall mean this written
agreement signed by
the representatives of Zanu PF and the two MDC
formations”. It further goes
on to pronounce that the “parties referred to
shall mean Zanu PF and the two
MDC formations led by Arthur Mutambara and
Morgan Tsvangirai respectively”.
So Mutambara and Madhuku cannot suddenly
pretend that there is a GPA
principal who is not a leader of a political
party.
The other confusion peddled by Mutambara and Madhuku is that there
is a
legal term called ‘principal’ in the GPA. For those who have gone
through
the whole GPA, they will tell you that there is nowhere in the GPA
where it
mentions the term principal. This just refers to leaders of the
political
parties represented in government. The term principal, from what I
know, was
coined by the negotiators in collective reference to their leaders
and the
media ran to town with it. It then became a common name in reference
to
Mugabe, Mutambara and Tsvangirai in their threesome.
The correct
legal position, therefore, as enunciated in amendment 19 of the
constitution
of the country is that the three party presidents signed the
GPA in their
representative capacities and not as individuals. Simply put,
the GPA was
signed by the three parties that were represented in the hung
7th parliament
of Zimbabwe.
The above position is well known not only by Mutambara but
also by President
Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, yet in clear
violation of the
GPA and undermining of the judiciary, the two invited and
allowed Mutambara
to attend a meeting of principals (presidents of parties
represented in
government). They did this despite the full knowledge that
the High Court of
Zimbabwe had granted the MDC a provisional order
interdicting Mutambara to
stop masquerading as the MDC president, and
therefore principal of the same.
Commenting on Mutambara’s attendance of
the meeting, Madhuku, who is the
Herald’s most trusted legal expert on this
matter alone, blatantly tries to
confuse the nation by making ridiculous
claims that he had a right to attend
the meeting as GPA principal and not as
MDC president. Such abuse of the
public media by a self-proclaimed human
rights activist is a serious
embarrassment.
While many Zimbabweans
have known that Madhuku’s understanding of the law is
very skewed since he
is not a practicing lawyer due to known reasons, very
few ever imagined that
he would stoop so low as to try and confuse the
nation on an issue that is
in black and white. The act of attending the
meeting of principals is a
clear contempt of the High Court ruling and a
clear sign of undermining of
the judiciary. This is particularity sad coming
from someone who has always
claimed to be champion of democracy and human
rights.
Mutambara
raises some absurd claims that the court is infringing on the
concept of
separation of powers because the judiciary pronouncement is bound
to disrupt
the operation of the executive arm of government. This
pronouncement, which
is also deliberately planted to create confusion in the
country, is a total
falsehood. The truth of the matter is that the court
issued an interdict
restraining Mutambara from masquerading as party
president, it did not make
any mention of his work as DPM. So where is the
interference?
Madhuku
should stop misleading the robotics professor. While they can be
forgiven
for their wrong interpretation of the law on this one, they cannot
be
forgiven for undermining the judiciary by claiming that the MDC filed
their
court application in the Bulawayo High Court because it was “forum
shopping”. Forum shopping refers to looking for someone who sympathises with
you.
So for Mutambara, the judges in Bulawayo did not make a judgment
based on
points of law and the facts presented but on the basis of sympathy
and
favour. This is a very dangerous assault on the judiciary by a member of
the
executive in that it is loaded with strong undercurrents that do not
only
border on insinuating that the judges in Bulawayo are corrupt but has a
dangerous insinuation that the judges are sympathetic to Welshman Ncube
because they share with him a particular language and culture. I hope this
was not the meaning of his claim of “forum shopping”. I challenge him to
come out and explain to the nation what he meant about this.
In the
absence of a meaningful explanation, for me the statement is in
contempt of
the courts. It is strange that a whole professor with hairy
armpits clinging
to the position of DPM by ginya does no appreciate that
Zimbabweans are
allowed to file their High Court applications in any part of
the country
because the High Court is a national institution. The
jurisdiction of the
High Court is national, and even Madhuku knows this.
Mutambara, in his
trance of political desperation, should not undermine the
state institutions
when he took an oath to serve the country in honour. The
attempts to
undermine the judiciary are totally unacceptable and his
political
desperation should not be used to undermine the judiciary and
creating
confusion in the country. He should just accept that the end game
has come
and accept that he has no moral fibre to make any claims of being a
principal.
Qhubani Moyo is the national organizing secretary of the MDC.
He can be
contacted on qmoyo2000@yahoo.co.uk
DAS Page Press Conference in Harare, March 4th 2011
Embassy of the United
States of America
Public Affairs
Section
Transcript: DAS Susan Page
press conference (with video selected clips)
March 8th
2011, Harare, Zimbabwe
TRANSCRIPT of media briefing by
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State, Susan D Page (DAS PAGE) at PAS Harare
offices, on Friday, March 4, 2011, 2:15 pm. DAS Page was at the end of her four
day business visit to Zimbabwe where she met with various government officials,
civil society representatives, and business.
BEGIN TRANSCRIPT:
AMBASSADOR CHARLES A.
RAY:
Ladies and gentlemen, help me welcome Susan D. Page, Deputy Assistant Secretary
of State in the United States State Department. She is responsible for all our
embassies in central and southern Africa. She is probably well known to many of
you as she has been to Zimbabwe a number of times since the mid 1990s, or
probably early 1990s. She is here with us this week on a routine visit to one of
the embassies for which she has responsibility back in Washington. From here she
is going to Mozambique to do much the same. I will let her give you the details
of her visit. I will leave the floor and hand over to Ms. Susan D. Page.
DAS SUSAN D.
PAGE: Thank you very much
for welcoming me to the U.S. Mission to Zimbabwe. I have a prepared statement
that I would like to read first, of which copies will be made available
immediately thereafter, and then I will take questions.
(Begin statement) My
visit to Zimbabwe this week highlighted a country buoyed by massive opportunity
yet gripped with uncertainty. The United States remains committed to working
with the people of Zimbabwe to achieve our common goal of seeing a more stable
and prosperous Zimbabwe.
The United States is
concerned by the increase in political violence, wanton intimidation of the
public and partisan arrests and prosecutions that have occurred recently. It is
clear that these actions are being perpetrated by individuals and segments of
the state security apparatus affiliated with elements within ZANU-PF. Having
said that, we applaud President Mugabe’s clear statement on February 26 that
violence is unacceptable and will not be tolerated. We hope that President
Mugabe, as head of state and commander in chief of the armed forces, also
conveys that message to the police and security services. The credibility of
that statement, however, ultimately will be reflected in how it is honored. The
United States believes that ZANU-PF will be a part of Zimbabwe’s future. In
order to play a constructive role, ZANU-PF must reject the use of violence and
fear in its operations. Similarly, we recognize that not everyone within the
Zimbabwe Republic Police and armed forces supports or is engaged in violence.
The United States applauds those patriots serving their fellow citizens and
their country by maintaining law, order, and stability. I urge these security
service members to stand up to the partisan few among them who are intent on
abusing their positions, and their fellow citizens, for personal gain. Service
to extremists within one party is not service to the
nation.
The United States
supports a transformation of Zimbabwe to democracy and a return to prosperity.
We applaud the commitment of the three parties to the Global Political Agreement
(GPA) to develop and adopt a new constitution before holding elections. We
support the Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) lead in developing a
roadmap for credible elections to be held in Zimbabwe. However, it is up to the
people of Zimbabwe to reach consensus on when those elections should be held.
The United States stands prepared to assist the Zimbabwean people to enhance the
strength and capacity of their electoral institutions and civil society
organizations to help ensure that the next elections, when they are called, are
credible, free of violence, and represent the will of the Zimbabwean people.
While those parties in government progress along the roadmap to democratic
elections, they must honor their commitments and obligations under the GPA,
their responsibilities in government, and their commitment to deliver services
to the people.
It is clear from my
many meetings and discussions with a wide array of Zimbabweans both here and in
Bulawayo, that Zimbabwe’s economy has significant opportunities for growth and
employment. We have seen a notable increase in American and international
business interest in the country’s newly-revived economy and the U.S. Embassy
here has increased significantly its outreach to the American private sector to
draw attention to local opportunities. At the same time, foreign companies will
not expose themselves to investment risks here in Zimbabwe until a clear and
consistent set of ground rules governing the protection of private property, the
sanctity of contracts, and unbiased enforcement of the law are in place. True
empowerment comes when a vibrant economy provides jobs, opportunities, food for
peoples’ families, and hope for the future.
A rising tide lifts
all boats. We see that this is happening now in Zimbabwe but only to a limited
degree. Substantial growth and development is waiting for the stability and
security that will come once the rule of law is enforced, core business
principles are respected, corruption is diminished, and all people are able to
freely express themselves in a peaceful manner. Currently, a small band of
detractors focused on personal profiteering at the expense of others is holding
the entire country down. The Zimbabwean people deserve better and the American
people are eager to partner with you for the empowerment of all Zimbabweans.
Thank you. (END STATEMENT)
(PAO interjects to
begin moderating questions)
QUESTION: We understand that
you meant to pay a courtesy visit to the Ministry of Mines and Mining
Development. Did the meeting, ah, did you fail to meet the
minister?
DAS
PAGE: I did pay a courtesy
visit on the Ministry of Mines, and I met with the Permanent Secretary in the
Ministry of Mines and his team. It was a very cordial meeting, discussing events
around the Kimberly Process, and, of course, the status of where things are with
respect to the Marange diamond fields. Nothing extraordinary except to say that
it was important that I touch base with the various ministries and government
officials, private sector, civil society, political parties, basically
Zimbabweans from all walks of life so that I can gather a real sense from people
on the ground for an important country that I cover. The ministry of mines was
no exception.
QUESTION: How much is the wave
of protests in North Africa a concern to Washington, and what do you think is
the problem and the solution?
DAS
PAGE: Thank you. I think
that with respect to Zimbabwe, I’m not so sure that the waves of protests in
North Africa are playing that much of a dramatic role or effect here in
Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean people have a very rich and long history of peaceful
protest and trying to go to the ballot box to remove or change their government
to express their views. They have functioning institutions that obviously have
diminished with time but can still play a very robust role here. So the concern
that we have in Washington about what is happening is related to those countries
and the effect it will have worldwide. I think what it shows the world, and not
just the United States, is that, as President Obama said in his speech in Accra,
Ghana last year, what it does demonstrate is the strength that is needed from
institutions and not from strong individuals. So that, I think is the lesson
that we need to pay particular attention to -- the institutions -- that can be
the judiciary, the executive branch, the legislative branch, electoral
institutions, civil society playing a role in that, human rights organizations
or commissions. Those are the elements that can help foster or strengthen
democratic regimes in the world. (Watch
Video)
QUESTION: From your statement
you expressed concern over the increased cases of political violence and, if I
heard you very well, you cited security agents as perpetrators of such violence.
Yesterday, we had Commissioner General of police giving oral evidence before
Parliament and from his figures, 101 cases of reported cases of political
violence was perpetuated by the MDC, while ZANU-PF had 20 cases of political
violence. How do you substantiate your statement?
DAS
PAGE: Well, I would just
say that we heard that report. It is not up to us to substantiate the statements
or the cases, but we certainly hope that all parties will play a role in ending
violence and making sure that whether violence is perpetrated by one side or
another side or is reacted to will result in a decline in violence. As I read in
my statement, we are encouraged by, we are happy to learn of the President’s
statement of February 26th to ‘decline the use of violence’ and we hope that
will be in fact be appropriately stated and enforced to the agents of security
or security apparatus. As I mentioned, it is not everyone in the country who is
a security service member, police member, or member of the CIO (Central
Intelligence Organization) etc. who are engaged in violence. There are groups of
people who are, and we encourage the investigation into those incidents and
respect for the rule of law.
QUESTION: What are your
chances of becoming the deputy chair of the KPCS?
DAS
PAGE: The Kimberly Process
Certification Scheme, or the KP in shorthand, is a consensual based mechanism.
Our objective is not so much to become deputy chair or vice chair of the
Kimberly Process Certification Scheme but rather to try and make sure that the
Kimberly Process works as it should, and that all members of the Kimberly
Process are able to follow the rules that are enshrined in the Kimberly Process
Certification Scheme so that they can export their raw diamonds for the benefit
of their people. (Watch
Video)
QUESTION: I would divert you a
bit to the issue of sanctions. What do you say to the anti- sanctions campaign
drive which has kicked off now? Are you likely to negotiate with fellow
Americans to remove sanctions or do you still think there isn’t much that has
been done to warrant the removal of sanctions?
DAS
PAGE: Yes, we believe
that. Let me just speak first about the rally, we think that is a perfectly
legitimate use of the right to political expression, freedom of expression and
freedom to gather. We would encourage and hope that that right will be permitted
for all Zimbabwean citizens -- to gather and express their views. That has not
been the case in many instances. In the United States, and in many countries
around the world, people get together, they have petitions, they have drives to
express their views. That is perfectly legitimate. Again, we would just hope
that it would be available to all people to be able to use, to have that ability
and that freedom that’s in fact, enshrined in the international covenant on
civil and political rights, a UN document that the government, the republic of
Zimbabwe has acceded to. So we would hope that that would be allowed and
permitted for all people.
In terms of the
actual sanctions themselves, we do believe that the sanctions play a vital role
in helping to encourage the government and all parties in it to participate in
democratic transformation here. And we believe that is necessary to keep until
we see that the perpetrators of violence, those who are refusing to allow
democracy to thrive will in fact be punished.
Let me just say that
the sanctions list has less than 120 Zimbabweans on it. That means they cannot
travel to the United States and access bank accounts that they have in the
United States. We believe it is important for them not to have access to
ill-gotten gains that they have received that do not benefit the people of
Zimbabwe, so until that changes we will be keeping our sanctions on. (Watch
Video)
QUESTION: You said that the
United States believes that ZANU-PF is central to Zimbabwe. Speaking about
sanctions, they have not had the kind of effect that the United States hopes
they will have. And now you are saying that ZANU-PF is central to the United
States. Does that mean that you are going to be negotiating, are you going to
compromise?
DAS
PAGE: Well, first of all,
I think you misconstrued or misheard what I said. I believe that ZANU-PF will be
a central part in Zimbabwe’s future; I think that is just reality. And what I
also said was that in order to be a strong relevant player, they need to change
their tactics and not use violence, not use fear and intimidation in order to
achieve their objectives. In terms of sanctions, as I just mentioned, I did not
say they are not effective, or that they were not achieving the objective that
we set. Again we have targeted very specific and limited number of people that
we believe have hindered the progress of Zimbabwe. We do believe sanctions are
still an effective tool, and so we will not be negotiating with anyone. We will
use our foreign policy tools, which is only but one of the foreign policy tools
that we have, just like my visit here. We have a full ambassador here; we have a
full embassy; we have various agencies that are working under the authority of
the chief of mission, the Ambassador. Zimbabwe also has a full diplomatic
mission and ambassador in the United States in Washington and in New York. These
are all part of the toolkits that we use as part of our diplomacy. (Watch
Video)
QUESTION: Yes, back to the
Kimberly Process, the U.S. has raised concern in the past over alleged human
rights abuses in Marange. Do you think Zimbabwe has done enough to improve and
meet the Kimberly Process standards to warrant resumption of trade in
diamonds?
DAS
PAGE: I don’t know. I
think that is up to the Zimbabwean people, and the ministry and the arrangements
that they have with the companies to make sure that the violence goes down and
that the minimum standards of the Kimberly Process, not just in terms of those
mining companies, are met. And that’s not just for the United States, that’s for
the benefit of the process to which they have signed up to, and to benefit all
partners in the Kimberly Process Certification Scheme.
QUESTION: Do you think SADC,
as guarantors of the Global Political Agreement, are doing enough to ensure its
full implementation? Because we have always had complaints that they are not
doing enough.
DAS
PAGE: Well, the reality is
that at the end of the day, no one can force anyone to do something that they do
not want to do. As guarantors, they are hoping to make progress; they have
committed to developing an electoral roadmap. They, I know, were here, just a
week ago or so, discussing again with the principals. So I hope that they will
continue to play that vital role of holding the parties accountable to what they
signed up to. But ultimately, any political agreement is subject to the will of
those people who signed it. And so we encourage the three partners and their
political parties to abide by their commitments under the Global Political
Agreement and be able to hold elections under a new constitution and move
forward getting Zimbabwe back on the path to democracy and governance, freedom
of press, and freedom of speech. There are a number of things that are in the
Global Political Agreement that lay that out. Hopefully, these things will be
enshrined in the new constitution that will go through the referendum process
and, if it is acceptable to the Zimbabwean people, then they will go forward
with elections under that. I think that the region is important. Zimbabwe is not
alone; it is a member of SADC and a strong member of the region. We all would
all like to see it prosperous again.
QUESTION: Are there any plans
as the U.S. government to assist media freedom in Zimbabwe and freedom of
expression particularly for ordinary Zimbabweans?
DAS
PAGE: We do. We have, let
me just speak a little bit about the kind of assistance that we have been giving
to Zimbabwe over the course of the Global Political Agreement that has been in
place in the last two years. In 2009, we provided over US$300 million to support
Zimbabwean efforts at recovery- humanitarian relief, HIV and AIDS, agriculture,
text books, education -- so we have a vast program. We have just increased our
funding for HIV and AIDS. We have through USAID, through organizations that are
working with them, NGOS, civil society organizations that are working to
strengthen the media commission that has been set up. We would like to see the
media commission really robust and operating fully, with newspapers being able
to open, for journalists to be able to gather at places like this, and to be
able to report accurately and professionally on what’s happening. That’s not
just in the print media, but also on the airwaves and elsewhere. We are not
seeing a lot of that yet, but we are hoping in our support for communications
that will be part of our support.
Let me just say in
closing, I have had a wonderful trip here to Zimbabwe. I have been coming to
Zimbabwe since 1994, and it is always a pleasure to be back. The Zimbabwean
people are warm and generous and graceful, and it has been a pleasure. I have
received excellent support from the U.S. mission. I would want to especially
thank the Ambassador, the Public Affairs Office, and all of the sections that
have made my trip so wonderful. But mostly of course, it’s a trip committed to
the Zimbabwean people. Thank you all very much for welcoming me.
END
TRANSCRIPT
Issued by the U.S.
Embassy Public Affairs Section. Send inquiries to Sharon
Hudson-Dean
Public Affairs
Officer, US Embassy – Public
Affairs Section, Harare, Zimbabwe, hararepas@state.gov
Tel: 263-4-758800/1;
Fax: 263-4-758802; Url: http://harare.usembassy.gov
Thugtatorship
In a recent edition of Pambazuka news,
Alemayehu G. Mariam introduces Africa’s leading ‘thugtators’ – those leaders who
cling to power ‘solely to accumulate personal wealth for the ruling
class’.
If democracy is government of the people, by the
people and for the people, a thugogracy is a government of thieves, for thieves,
by thieves. Simply stated, a thugtatorship is rule by a gang of thieves and
robbers (thugs) in designer suits. It is becoming crystal clear that much of
Africa today is a thugogracy privately managed and operated for the exclusive
benefit of bloodthirsty thugtators.
In a thugtatorship, the purpose of seizing and
clinging to political power is solely to accumulate personal wealth for the
ruling class by stealing public funds and depriving the broader population of
scarce resources necessary for basic survival.
In March 2008, Robert Mugabe declared victory in
the presidential election after waging a campaign of violence and intimidation
on his opponent Morgan Tsvangirai and his supporters. In 2003, Mugabe boasted, ‘I am still the Hitler of the time. This Hitler has
only one objective: justice for his people, sovereignty for his people,
recognition of the independence of his people and their rights over their
resources. If that is Hitler, then let me be Hitler tenfold. Ten times, that is
what we stand for.’ No one would disagree with Mugabe’s self-description. In
2010, Mugabe announced his plan to sell ‘about $1.7
billion of diamonds in storage’. According to a Wikileaks cablegram, ‘a small group of high-ranking Zimbabwean officials
(including Grace Mugabe) have been extracting tremendous diamond profits.’
Mugabe is so greedy that he stole outright ‘£4.5 million from [aid] funds meant to help
millions of seriously ill people.’
The story of corruption, theft, embezzlement and
brazen transfer of the national wealth of African peoples to European and
African banks and corporate institutions is repeated elsewhere in the continent.
Ex-Nigerian President Sani Abacha, who was judicially determined to be a member
of a criminal organisation by a Swiss court, stole $500 million. Ben Ali of Tunisia
and Hosni Mubarak of Egypt also have their stolen assets in the hundreds of
millions of dollars frozen in Switzerland and elsewhere. Other African thugtators
who have robbed their people (and pretty much gotten away with it) include
Nigeria’s Ibrahim Babangida, Guniea’s Lansana Conte, Togo’s Gnassingbe Eyadema,
Gabon’s Omar Bongo, Equatorial Guniea’s Obiang Nguema, Burkina Faso’s Blaise
Campore and Congo’s (Brazaville) Denis Sassou Nguesso, among others.
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF
THUGTATORSHIPS
Thugtatorships in Africa thrive in the political
economy of kleptocracy. Widespread corruption permeates every corner of society.
Oil revenues, diamonds, gold bars, coffee and other commodities and foreign aid
are stolen outright and pocketed by the thugtators and their army of thugocrats.
Public funds are embezzled and misused and state property misappropriated and
converted to private use. Publicly-owned assets are virtually given away to
supporters in ‘privatisation programs’ or secretly held in illegal transactions.
Bank loans are given out to front enterprises owned secretly by the thugtators
or their supporters without sufficient or proper collateral.
Businessmen must pay huge bribes or kickbacks to
participate in public contracting and procurement. Those involved in the
import/export business are victimised in shakedowns by thugocrats. The judiciary
is thoroughly corrupted through political interference and
manipulation.
One of the common tricks used by thugtators to
cling to power is to terrorise the people with warnings of an impending
Armageddon. They say that if they are removed from power, even after 42 years,
the sky will fall and the earth will open up and swallow the people. Thugtators
sow fear, uncertainty and doubt in the population and use misinformation and
disinformation to psychologically defeat, disorient and neutralise the
people.
Africa’s thugtatorships have longstanding and
profitable partnerships with the West. Through aid and trade, the West has
enabled these thugocracies to flourish in Africa and repress Africans. To cover
up their hypocrisy and hoodwink the people, the West is now lined up to ‘freeze’
the assets of the thugtators. It is a drama they have perfected since the early
days of African independence. The fact of the matter is that the West is
interested only in ‘stability’ in Africa. That simply means, in any African
country, they want a ‘guy they can do business
with‘. The business they want to do in
Africa is the oil business, the (blood) diamond business, the arms sales
business, the coffee and cocoa export business, the tourism business, the luxury
goods export business and the war on terrorism business. They are not interested
in the African peoples’ business, the human rights business, the rule of law
business, the accountability and transparency business and the fair and free
elections business.
Today, the West is witnessing a special kind of
revolution it has never seen: a youth-led popular nonviolent revolution against
thugtatorships in Africa and the Middle East. Neither the West nor the
thugtators know what to do with this kind of revolution or the revolutionaries
leading it. President Obama said, ‘History will end up recording that at every
juncture in the situation in Egypt, that we were on the right side of history.’
Well, what is good for Egypt is good enough for Ethiopia, Libya, Tunisia, the
Sudan, Algeria, Kenya, Bahrain, Djbouti, Somalia and Zimbabwe. The decisive
question in world history today is: are we on the right side of history with the
victims of oppression or are we on the wrong side with thugtators destined to
the dustbin of history?
Power to youths in Africa and the Middle
East!
This entry was
posted on March 8th, 2011 at 11:49 am by Upenyu Makoni-Muchemwa
