The Sunday Times
May 11, 2008
Jon Swain
The opposition leader of
Zimbabwe, Morgan Tsvangirai, declared yesterday
that he would take part in a
run-off election for the presidency and will
soon return home despite a
violent crackdown on his supporters that has left
at least 20
dead.
Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
said his
supporters would feel “betrayed” if he did not contest the run-off
after
winning more votes than President Robert Mugabe in the first round of
the
election.
“I am ready, the people are ready,” he said. “I intend
to return as shortly
as possible and intend to begin a victory
tour.”
Speaking in South Africa, he added that he would participate only
if
international observers and media had full access to ensure that the
run-off
is free and fair.
The opposition has accused Mugabe and his
ruling Zanu-PF party of trying to
intimidate voters and attempting to rig
the last ballot.
It was the first time Tsvangirai had publicly committed
himself to the
run-off, which he claims is unnecessary because he took just
over 50% of the
vote in the first round, enough to win outright. Official
figures show he
won just under 50%.
Last night it appeared that his
return may provoke a show-down with Mugabe’s
government. Patrick Chinamasa,
the justice minister, ruled out accepting any
of Tsvangirai’s
conditions.
“The run-off will be held within the framework of the
constitution and the
electoral laws. There will be no conditionalities
outside this framework,”
he said.
Tsvangirai last week told The
Sunday Times that he feared for his life if he
returns.
MDC officials
and human rights activists have accused Mugabe of
orchestrating a campaign
of violence against the opposition since the
election on March
29.
Tsvangirai said he expected to return to Zimbabwe within two days,
but aides
later said that no firm date had been set. The violence directed
at MDC
supporters and the need to mobilise backing in neighbouring states
has kept
Tsvangirai out of Zimbabwe since the first vote.
Observers
in Zimbabwe have questioned whether a second round could be fair
with the
opposition unable to campaign because of attacks and threats.
Tapiwa
Mudiwa, a 26-year-old MDC supporter, was sceptical yesterday. “How
are we
going to campaign?” Mudiwa asked. “We can’t wear MDC T-shirts. We
fear we
can’t go for rallies. Cars are being burnt.”
The official election
result, released on May 2, gave Tsvangirai 47.9% and
Mugabe 43.2%.
No
date has been set for the run-off. Tsvangirai said it should be held
within
21 days of May 2, but government officials claim they have up to a
year.
Reuters
Sat 10 May
2008, 19:58 GMT
CRAWFORD, Texas, May 10 (Reuters) - The White House on
Saturday urged the
presence of election and human rights monitors at a
runoff vote in Zimbabwe
between President Robert Mugabe and opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
The country has been in a stalemate since the
March 29 election when
official results showed Mugabe's party lost its
parliamentary majority for
the first time since independence in 1980 and
that Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in
the presidential ballot but not by enough
votes to avoid a runoff.
Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change
party has accused the ruling
ZANU-PF of vote-rigging by intimidating and
attacking voters.
"We'd like to see election monitors come in, we'd like
to see U.N. human
rights monitors come in and ensure we have a safe
electoral process in
Zimbabwe," White House spokesman Gordon Johndroe said
in Texas where U.S.
President George W. Bush was attending his daughter
Jenna's wedding.
"Opposition leaders and supporters must be able to
freely campaign free of
violence," he said.
Tsvangirai said on
Saturday he would return home within two days to contest
the runoff against
Mugabe and deal him a "final knockout" after almost three
decades in
power.
But chances of a speedy end to the stalemate appeared remote after
Zimbabwe's justice minister rejected Tsvangirai's preconditions for taking
part in the runoff that international observers and media get full access to
ensure the vote is fair. (Reporting by Jeremy Pelofsky; Editing by Peter
Cooney)
Sunday Telegraph
Last Updated:
11:44PM BST 10/05/2008
Mugabe's Zanu-PF denies intimidating opposition voters
before the run-off
poll. But a local correspondent went undercover for The
Sunday Telegraph to
reveal the truth about the tyrant's campaign of
violence.
The militia brought Mary Nyandoro into the school yard blindfolded
and in
handcuffs.
"Witness the baptism of traitors," Robert Mugabe's
Zanu-PF thugs told us. In
the cold of the early morning, we gathered around
as instructed.
Mary's crime had been to vote for the opposition Movement
for Democratic
Change in Zimbabwe's blighted elections. She was a peasant
farmer, about 30
years old, frail and defenceless.
They frogmarched
her into the yard, then they made her do press-ups while
bricks were loaded
on to her back. Any lapses attracted the fiery boot of
George, the commander
– a heavily built man of about 35 who claimed to be a
war veteran, one of
those who supposedly fought in the war of independence
and who now keep Mr
Mugabe in power.
Then the militia descended on Mary like a group of
vultures fighting for a
carcass. Booted feet and clenched fists struck her
all over her body, on the
face, the ribs, the buttocks. Her tattered blouse
was torn open.
They ignored her plea for forgiveness and, in agony, she
writhed from one
side of the militia wall to the other – blood, so much
blood, gushing from
her battered red mouth and nose. Her legs struggled to
hold on.
Suddenly, a group of about 30 women broke into song and dance,
denouncing
Mary and pouring buckets of cold water on her clothes as she
rolled across
the mud. "Watch out sell-outs, the mighty of Zanu-PF is fast
catching up
with you," they sang in the Shona tongue.
As they sang,
some women whipped her. Something hot was used to burn her
forehead. They
left her virtually naked.
The militia had been camped at the Chitangazuva
primary school, about 90
miles east of Harare, since it closed in March
before the election, turning
its classrooms into a torture camp. They drew
up a list of "traitors" –
people who had failed to vote for Mr Mugabe – and
set about tracking them
down to teach them the error of their
ways.
At 4am every day, the militia break down the doors of their
targets' homes
and march the victims to the school where malnourished local
people are made
to sing Zanu-PF revolutionary songs. The victims are
tortured and then left
in pools of blood while the militia return to the
villages to extract more
victims.
People acting as good Samaritans
smuggle them out of the school to hospital.
But the conditions are squalid.
There is no running water, they are not
allowed to use the pit latrines, or
bath.
Mary was number 199 on the list of the "traitors". Temba Kateta, a
school
teacher and supporter of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change, was
number 200. They caught up with him last week.
I was
there when they brought him in. George quickly took over. He grabbed
Temba
by the collar, sank his hard palms into his collar bone like a baboon
crushing a nut, and branded him "a sell-out".
Fresh thorns had been
spread on the ground. As the teacher's name was
called, he looked desperate
but helpless, trapped by two pairs of police
handcuffs which were fastened
round his hands and legs and tied together by
a string, leaving him slumped
in a heap. In that state, they made him roll
to and fro on the ground. He
had to denounce Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC
leader, ignoring the pain from
the thorns piercing his skin. Then they
started beating him.
They
beat him on the soles of the feet with a car's fanbelt, swapping over
at
intervals so that there was no relief from the pain. Then they attacked
his
back with axe handles and burnt him with melted plastic until he could
not
shout, then they forced him to reveal the names of other MDC
supporters.
So he named them, and instantly a manhunt began.
I do
not know what happened to those named by Temba, because I had to leave
to
get a pass from the "war veterans" to get in and out of the area – which,
like all the rural constituencies, has been sealed off with police
roadblocks. It is a passport that gives you safe passage and allows
interaction with the people there. Only with this paper could I pass through
the roadblocks and leave.
Later, I met a 64-year-old woman, Kerit
Chivake, who had both her arms
broken by a gang of youths after they learnt
that she had voted MDC.
I was told that Mary had been taken to the Mutoko
General Hospital, where
the doctors found she had a fractured skull, as well
as a broken rib and
bruising all over her body. Just above her damaged eyes,
a deep red mark
remains, where her skin was seared. I think that mark is
with her for the
rest of her life.
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The financial repercussions of the political chaos and economic meltdown in the country should be spelt out because it’s costing us dearly, writes Jayendra Naidoo
While many question the role of South Africa and its right to intervene in the Zimbabwe crisis, the real question is whether we can afford not to intervene.
Zimbabwe stands on the edge of an election outcome that will lead either to a democratic change or a political disaster.
While the stakes are undoubtedly high for Zimbabwe, South Africans with other pressing challenges, such as electricity shortages, unemployment, crime and Aids, will inevitably ask why Zimbabwe should be given priority.
Social and political organisations should operate on principles of social justice and human rights. This allows strong moral stands to be taken regardless of economic interests.
But calculating the financial costs and benefits of the challenges we face helps to measure relative priorities and provides guidance on the amount of resources that can be invested to resolve an issue.
The question South Africans must ask is whether our current government policy of quiet diplomacy is an appropriate response, or should we rather be investing in a stronger approach to ensure a successful democratic election outcome and the restoration of the Zimbabwean economy?
Using public data, Macquarie First South’s economists have “run the numbers” on Zimbabwe’s effect on the South African economy.
SA Reserve Bank data shows that the combined gross domestic product of South Africa and Zimbabwe was US143-billion in 1994, with Zimbabwe’s share about 5%.
After experiencing steady growth through most of the ’90s, Zimbabwe’s economy has deteriorated since 1998 to the extent that it’s now the world’s fastest-shrinking economy with the world’s highest inflation rate.
By last year, the combined size of SA and Zimbabwe’s economies had doubled to US283-billion, but Zimbabwe’s economy accounted for just 0.2% of the total.
Today, the Zimbabwean economy is 40% smaller than what it was in 1999.
Had it maintained its pre-2000 growth rate, its GDP would be at least US7- billion larger than it currently is.
South Africa is Zimbabwe’s largest trading partner, supplying 40% of its imports and receiving 25% in exports.
It’s estimated that the share of “lost” exports from South Africa to Zimbabwe is approximately R22-billion.
Furthermore, perceived political risk attached to the Zimbabwean political crisis has had a big impact on South Africa, especially taking into account the current account deficit and the tough global financial environment.
International negative sentiments on Zimbabwe hurts South Africa as well, as investors in SA bonds and equities calculate the negative consequences on SA in terms of employment, growth and social stability.
In 2001, the initial wave of negative sentiment on Zimbabwe coincided with a 3% increase in South Africa’s cost of borrowing foreign currency.
Macquarie First South’s research estimated that, in the current global environment, a meltdown in Zimbabwe could weaken the rand by as much as 20%. This would push interest rates up by at least 2%.
This raises the borrowing and investment costs of public and private companies, and hits consumers in the form of higher transport costs, electricity, house rentals or mortgages, and a higher cost of goods generally.
This would equate to a total cost to South Africa of R24-billion.
The loss of SA exports to Zimbabwe has resulted in a total loss in GDP of R46-billion in the current year.
Of course, the cumulative effect over the past seven years is larger, and if the crisis continues for years ahead, the costs would continue to grow.
Conversely, in the context of a successful transition in Zimbabwe, positive sentiment would strengthen the rand and result in a reduced cost of borrowing.
Taking action to restore the Zimbabwean economy would potentially add 2% to our economy.
Zimbabwe’s crisis is not just a lost opportunity in terms of GDP, but a huge direct cost to South Africa.
Formerly a food exporter, Zimbabwe is now an exporter of poverty and refugees.
An estimated 3.5 million Zimbabweans are in South Africa, most working “illegally” in SA homes, restaurants and the construction sectors. At the same time, there are about four million unemployed South Africans who are actively looking for jobs.
If the Zimbabwean economy began functioning normally and started to create job opportunities again, many would return home and find jobs there.
Assuming that only a third of the jobs currently held by Zimbabweans are taken by South Africans, unemployment in South African would drop from the current rate of 23% to around 16%.
This translates into more income per average South African household, plus additional savings in unemployment benefits currently being paid and a decrease in remittances sent to Zimbabwe, which will save South Africa additional foreign exchange.
According to the SA Reserve Bank, the average total compensation for an SA employee (taking into account a labour force of 17 million people) is about R49 000 a year or R4 000 a month.
Assuming that the average Zimbabwean employed in SA earns even half of this, the direct effect of 1.2 million more South Africans being employed in those jobs would be about R30-billion.
Each average SA household would be roughly R3000 better off each year.
There are other costs too.
Zimbabwean food production has fallen 40% since 2000 and the UN World Food Programme estimates that 2.6 million Zimbabweans will need food aid in 2008. The country has lost major tourism revenues, foreign direct investment has dropped to less than 10% of its pre-2000 levels to US30-million, and SA suppliers have lost millions as a result of non- payment from Zimbabwean companies. The valuable mining and agricultural sectors have lost out on the high prices for commodities due to dramatic falls in their output.
Zimbabwe is a high-value challenge and opportunity for South Africa.
The costs or gains of getting it wrong are high — as are the gains of getting it right. If South Africa was a company, the shareholders of SA Inc would link the bonus of the top executive management to resurrecting Zimbabwe and helping to get it on the right path.
Weak action on South Africa’s part now is in itself an action and a choice.
Zimbabwe can’t afford to miss this critical chance for change.
But more still, South Africa can’t afford to miss this opportunity either.
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:19
THE police last week
descended on civil society and the media,
arresting two journalists, two
trade unionists, a human rights lawyer and
three student leaders in what
civil society organisations say is as an
intensifying crackdown on
dissenting voices.
On Thursday, the police arrested the
editor of The Standard, Davison
Maruziva for allegedly "publishing
falsehoods prejudicial to the state and
for contempt of court".
He appeared before a Harare magistrate on Friday after spending a
night in
filthy police cells, and was released on $10 billion bail. His
trial is set
for 23 May.
The State argues that being an editor Maruziva
undermined public
confidence by publishing an opinion article by MDC faction
leader Arthur
Mutambara in the paper’s issue of 20-26 April.
In
his article, Mutambara expressed concern shared by many Zimbabweans
then,
that of a delayed announcement of presidential election results.
He
also bemoaned the irony of celebrating independence amid continued
economic
meltdown and escalating violence, among other ills bedevilling the
country,
observations which the State alleges are false.
Maruziva shared the
cells with Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
(ZCTU) leaders, president
Lovemore Matombo and secretary general Wellington
Chibebe, who were also
arrested on Thursday.
They were charged with "communicating
falsehoods prejudicial to the
state and inciting public violence". The
allegations arose from speeches
they made on May Day.
But the
two remain in custody after their bail hearing was deferred to
tomorrow.
Their lawyer, Alec Muchadehama told The Standard that the State
had
indicated if the two were granted bail, it would be opposed.
Human
rights lawyer, Harrison Nkomo, was arrested on Wednesday for
"undermining
the authority or insulting the president".
He was granted bail and
will appear in court on 23 May. Nkomo is said
to have told Harare prosecutor
Michael Mugabe to tell "his father who has
failed to run the country" to
step down. The State says Nkomo insulted
President Mugabe.
In
his defence, Nkomo, represented by Beatrice Mtetwa, will argue that
he did
not insult the President since "he is not the biological father of
the
prosecutor".
He will say Michael Mugabe’s father is Donato, the
late brother of the
President.
Nkomo will also raise in his
defence his right to freedom of
expression as guaranteed in the
Constitution. He will say his comments were
fair in the
circumstances.
Two Zimbabwe National Students’ Union (ZINASU)
leaders, Faith Mutepfa
and Privilege Matizanadzo, were arrested in Chinhoyi
on Wednesday for
inciting public violence.
A third student,
Lothando Sibanda, was arrested on Friday, while
ZINASU spokesperson,
Blessing Vava, was allegedly abducted by militias and
was said to be still
missing at the time of going to press.
Another student leader,
Courage Ngwarai, is said to have been arrested
on Friday at Great Zimbabwe
University.
ZINASU president, Clever Bere said they had been warned
against
"making subversive statements inciting students to rise up against
the
regime".
"From what we have got so far, Blessing was taken
by the war veterans
and we are yet to establish what could have happened to
him. We are now very
much worried about his security, and also about the
dangers now facing
almost all of us in the ZINASU leadership," Bere
said.
Reports said police in Rusape were cracking down on vendors.
The
Standard was told yesterday they were rounding up newspaper vendors,
accusing them of littering the streets with the papers.
Zimbabwe Union of Journalists president Matthew Takaona condemned
Maruziva’s
arrest as "unwarranted, misplaced and vindictive".
"The action is
an ongoing ploy by the police to harass and intimidate
journalists from
carrying out their duties", Takaona said.
An official from the
Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition said the arrests
were "typical behaviour by a
regime that does not have respect for human
rights and fundamental
freedoms".
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) said
it would lead
marches on Saturday in solidarity with their counterparts in
Zimbabwe.
By Vusumuzi Sifile and Jennifer Dube
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:16
Former Home Affairs Minister
Dumiso Dabengwa says the country is
virtually under military rule following
President Robert Mugabe’s dramatic
defeat in the 29 March
elections.
Dabengwa, a respected commander of ZIPRA forces
and an ally of
unsuccessful presidential election candidate Simba Makoni,
told journalists
on Friday the deployment of soldiers to campaign for Mugabe
was an
indication the army now ran the country.
He said there
was a clique in Zanu PF forcing Mugabe to stay on as a
figurehead, while a
survival strategy, anchored in terror was being deployed
throughout the
country.
"What we see with the deployment of the army, the militia
and the
so-called war veterans smacks of a de facto coup," he
said.
"I have been informed that a clique of powerful people within
Zanu PF
convinced Mugabe to stay on, despite losing the election. I have
their names
but I cannot mention them in case I am sued."
Last
month, the government angrily denied opposition claims Mugabe had
been
sidelined by army generals who do not want MDC Morgan Tsvangirai to
take
over the presidency.
Defence forces commander Constantine Chiwenga,
police commissioner
general Augustine Chihuri and prison boss Paradzai
Zimondi, swore publicly
they would "never salute" Tsvangirai if he beat
Mugabe to the presidency.
The army has been linked to the
post-election violence targeted at MDC
supporters. In one incident, the
government blamed the victims after
soldiers shot at unarmed
civilians.
Last week the army "categorically distanced itself and
any of its
members from such activities".
"We acknowledge that
there is violence but it must be noted that the
perpetrators are not genuine
war veterans," Dabengwa said.
"Imagine the youngest combatant in
1980 was probably 15 and this means
that they should be 45 now.
"So most of the so-called war veterans you see today are too young to
have
participated in the liberation struggle."
Levels of organised
violence and torture have escalated dramatically
during the last fortnight
in Zimbabwe amid mounting tension over the
disputed elections.
Dabengwa said the only solution to the worsening problems was a
transitional
government of national unity (GNU), which would lead the
country for a
maximum of two years while fresh elections were being
organised.
He said Mugabe could not be part of the new set-up
and Tsvangirai as
the candidate who received the most votes should be
allowed to form the new
government.
"Mugabe was amenable to the
idea of a GNU before the mafia stopped him
from stepping down," said
Dabengwa. "The winner in this election is the
leader with the mandate of the
people and he must lead this formation.
"The leader can then choose
a prime minister from the party that came
second best, which in this case is
Zanu PF."
Meanwhile, Dabengwa allayed fears that his life was under
threat from
war veterans and State agents following rumours that he was
seriously
injured when his Nyamandlovu farm was allegedly
invaded.
He said Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) agents had
visited him
last week to check if he was still alive following the
persistent rumours.
"This morning (Friday) I had a visit from the
CIO wanting to find out
if I was still alive," he said. "When I was coming
from Botswana recently
people were shocked to see me as they thought I was a
spook."
The former Zipra military intelligence supremo said he was
receiving
dozens of calls a day from people checking on his
well-being.
By John Mokwetsi and Kholwani Nyathi
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:12
MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai yesterday set down conditions for taking
part in the Presidential
election run-off as the African Union (AU) piled
pressure on President
Robert Mugabe to ensure this second round of voting
was held in accordance
with the electoral laws.
Tsvangirai announced in Pretoria he
was ready for the run-off, despite
widespread concerns it would not be free
and fair.
He said he would only participate in the poll, to be held
"no later
than 24 May", if conditions guaranteeing free and fair election
were in
place.
To forestall an escalation of violence in the
run-up to voting, MDC
sources disclosed the party would press for a
peacekeeping force from the
Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc) and
African Union that would
ensure the election was held in peace.
According to the Electoral Act, a run-off has to be held within 21
days from
the date of the announcement of results.
Tsvangirai said the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), heavily
criticised for delaying the
announcement of results of the 29 March
election, should be
reconstituted.
He made the announcement after chairing a two-day
meeting with top
officials of both factions of the MDC, who have formed a
parliamentary
coalition.
Trade union representatives and civil
society organisations attended
the meeting, called to consult on whether or
not Tsvangirai should
participate in a run-off in the wake of mounting
violence on opposition
supporters.
Sources at the Pretoria
meeting said it was felt if Tsvangirai did not
enter the run-off, it would
be a betrayal of those "who have died, were
maimed, suffered or lost their
property in the violence perpetrated by
soldiers, militias and war
veterans".
Tsvangirai is expected to announce this week a special
fund to assist
the victims, mostly in the farming and rural
communities.
The Standard understands that Tsvangirai left for
Angola yesterday
afternoon, where he was scheduled to meet President Eduardo
dos Santos and
ask for the peace keeping mission.
Dos Santos is
the chairman of the SADC troika on Politics, Defence and
Security.
Aides expected Tsvangirai back in SA yesterday. They
said he would "in
a day or two" return to Zimbabwe to be with party members
who have borne the
brunt of the violence.
Tsvangirai has been
staying in Botswana for the past few weeks, hosted
by the government there.
He used his base to ratchet up pressure against
Mugabe.
Partly
as a result of Tsvangirai’s diplomatic efforts, Mugabe has
started to come
under pressure from his traditional backers — African
leaders — to stop
violence and allow for a free and fair run-off.
While the African
Union (AU) had supported Mugabe in the past, sources
in Addis Ababa said the
continental body had shifted its stance against the
veteran politician in
recent weeks, alarmed by the delay in announcing the
Presidential election
results and the violence that followed.
AU officials said the body
would no longer sit idly by and watch
Mugabe continue his "dangerous
circus", but would play an active role in
finding a solution to the
crisis.
The AU would leave room for SA President Thabo Mbeki, who
held talks
with Mugabe on Friday, to play the key role assigned to him by
the regional
grouping.
Emmerson Mnangagwa has said Zanu PF
wanted electoral rules changed to
ensure Mugabe would not be "prejudiced" by
non-government organisations and
some ZEC officials.
But Jean
Ping, the chairperson of the AU Commission (AUC) was
forthright about the
AU’s desire to see the run-off "undertaken as provided
for in the Electoral
Act".
Ping, who met Mugabe on Monday, stressed the need for the
"best
possible conditions" for Zimbabweans to exercise their democratic
right to
choose their leader, adding the AU would not accept a change in
electoral
conditions.
"In the run-up to the second round of the
Presidential Poll, the AU
emphasizes the need for Zimbabwe to implement the
conditions set out in the
Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic
Elections in Africa," he
said, adding the AU "urges agreements reached and
the conditions prevailing
prior to the 29 March polls be upheld; appeals to
all the Zimbabwe political
actors to conduct their activities in a free,
transparent, tolerant and
non-violent manner to enable Zimbabweans exercise
their democratic rights".
Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of
Justice, Legal and Parliamentary
Affairs could not be reached for comment
yesterday.
Asked to comment on Tsvangirai’s demands, Mnangagwa said
yesterday:
"We follow the laws of the country", before referring questions
to
Chinamasa.
By Walter Marwizi
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:09
WHEN Tendai Munda* was
called to the high table, he saw it as a
gesture of respect from the war
veterans who had called an urgent meeting at
his school.
He
was a respected senior teacher at the school and the surrounding
area of
Chikwaka in Murehwa, about 50km north-east of Harare.
The dignity
with which Munda walked to the front soon melted like
morning dew when he
was branded "a traitor" of the liberation struggle, bent
on reversing the
gains of the hard-won independence.
"One of them grabbed me by the
collar and threw me to the ground, in
front of my pupils and their parents,"
Munda said last week in Harare, to
which he fled.
"I was
ordered to openly declare my allegiance to Zanu PF, sing their
songs and
denounce MDC as a puppet party of the West."
Munda’s crime: he
campaigned for the MDC before the 29 March
elections.
After
this ordeal, he was ordered to dig a small hole, spit into it,
and then fill
it up — a sign of repentance.
"That same night I fled to Harare,"
he said.
Munda’s ordeal is a microcosm of the nightmare teachers in
rural areas
endure at the hands of suspected war veterans and Zanu PF youth
militia.
On Wednesday, The Standard visited a number of trouble
spots in
Murehwa, where teachers fled schools after threats by war
veterans.
The teachers, asking not to be named, said tension
mounted after a
meeting called by the war veterans a fortnight
ago.
At Gosha primary school near Juru growth point, two teachers
fled to
Harare.
They are said to have been threatened by war
veterans and youth
militia, camped at the centre.
They are
reported to drive around in a light blue Mitsubishi truck.
Another
teacher, who has since fled to Harare, said the war veterans
threatened to
throw him in a tank filled with acid if he was seen in the
area again
because "I was a bad influence to society".
This news crew found
the war veterans seated in the car at Juru Growth
Point, drinking beer at
mid-day. They looked energetic and too young to have
been in a war which
started in earnest in 1975.
At nearby Kadyamadare School, teachers
quickly rushed into their
classrooms when they saw an unfamiliar car pulling
in at the school gate.
The teachers refused to talk to The Standard
but some pupils and
villagers who attended the meeting confirmed their
teachers were humiliated
and threatened in their presence.
One
teacher said: "I would not advise you to even look at the results.
Just
leave. You will create problems for us."
Kadyamadare School was
used as a polling station during the March
elections and MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai won by a wide margin.
"They (war vets) blame teachers
for that," said one villager.
A headmaster in Murehwa, also asking
not to be named, said teachers
were requesting for emergency transfers as
they could not risk their lives
by returning to the school.
Parents said they were disappointed at the manner in which the war
veterans
and soldiers were treating teachers.
A Mr Mangwana said teachers
had fled the schools leaving children with
no one to teach
them.
"We are not only destroying the education system but the
future of our
children," he said. "President Robert Mugabe must just call
off this
violence."
Teachers’ unions have warned teachers in
areas of high political
violence not to return to schools until their safety
is guaranteed.
Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ)
secretary-general
Raymond Majongwe said more 400 schools have closed down
countrywide.
He said teachers were most at risk in Mashonaland
East, Central and
West and Manicaland provinces.
"We have quite
a large number of teachers who have been beaten up," he
said. "Some are
receiving medical help from non-governmental organisations."
Even
the usually pro-Mugabe Zimbabwe Teachers’ Association (Zimta) has
said it
was concerned about the safety of its members.
Zimta president
Peter Mabande said: "We know teachers are being
harassed and this is
affecting the provision of quality education. However,
in the event the
teachers realise their lives are in danger they should get
away from those
places."
According to figures compiled by the PTUZ more than 133
teachers have
been assaulted while 1 718 have fled from their schools since
the elections.
The union said 33 teachers were forced to pay money,
goats and cattle
as "repentance fees" to war veterans and youth militia to
avoid being
tortured.
Majongwe appealed to the government to
guarantee the safety of
teachers or face a crisis in the education
sector.
Outgoing Minister of Education, Sports and Culture, Aeneas
Chigwedere,
said his ministry was addressing the problem.
But
he accused both the MDC and Zanu PF of perpetrating terror against
teachers
in rural areas.
"We know that there are teachers who are being
harassed especially in
Mashonaland East and West, and Manicaland provinces.
The two parties are
both to blame as they are the ones harassing school
teachers."
Efforts to get a comment from police spokesperson Wayne
Bvudzijena
were in vain as he was not answering calls. His deputy Andrew
Phiri said
Bvudzijena was the only one who could comment.
*Real
name of the school teacher withheld for security reasons.
By Sandra
Mandizvidza and Caiphas Chimhete
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:47
The family
of an MDC polling agent, allegedly murdered by suspected
Zanu PF militias,
have refused to bury him until they are given 63 head of
cattle and US$5 000
by the families of the accused, The Standard was told.
Zvidzai Mapurisa was reportedly murdered on 24 April by suspected Zanu
PF
thugs who descended on his homestead in Village 21 in Gunikuni area,
Masvingo South at around 1AM.
They are alleged to have taken
him away and assaulted him severely
with sticks and sjamboks, accusing him
of mobilizing people to vote against
Zanu PF.
MDC Masvingo
party chairman Wilstaf Sitemere confirmed Mapurisa’s
parents were refusing
to bury their son until their demands are met.
"We attended the
funeral and we had to leave early after Mapurisa’s
father refused to bury
him and dumped the corpse at Zanu PF ward chairman’s
house," Sitemere
said.
"I think they must pay for their sins because it is not fair
to kill
someone for supporting a party of his choice."
Sitemere
claimed the MDC activist was killed by 12 Zanu PF supporters
going around
Gunikuni area assaulting opposition party supporters.
The 12,
reportedly arrested and detained at Masvingo remand prison,
are awaiting
trial after their initial appearance before a provincial
magistrate.
There are Nhamo Dhadha, Chinhamo Eriya Mugabazi,
Ernest and Eriya
(jnr) Mugabazi, Taurai Hwechengwe, Emmanuel Masunda, Jacob
Hakunashe, Tapiwa
Fakazi, Munyaradzi Ruzvidzo, Obert Charebwa, Justice
Mutandi and Murura
Mutandi.
Masvingo police spokesperson
Inspector Fibion Nyambo said the police
had not yet received reports that
the Mapurisa family were refusing to bury
their relative.
"We
are investigating the case. At the moment we are trying to get
hold of our
police offices in Muchakata village," Nyambo said.
Zanu PF
provincial chairman Retired Major Alex Mudavanhu could not be
reached for
comment as he was said to be out of office and his mobile was
not
reachable.
Zvidzai’s relatives are also demanding compensation from
the Zanu PF
chairperson for ward 34, Hwani Dhadha, accused of assigning the
youths to
beat up Mapurisa.
Six other people accused of taking
part in the assault are said to
have fled the village.
A close
relative of the dead man, who declined to be named for fear of
victimization, said Mapurisa’s body was dumped at Dhadha’s house on
Wednesday last week and was still there on Friday.
"They (the
parents) refused to bury him and dumped his body at the
homestead of Dhadha,
who is being accused of sending the youths to assault
Mapurisa," said the
relative.
By Godfrey Mutimba
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:45
The
Botswana government last week instructed its public media to
expose the
plight of Zimbabwean refugees escaping political violence as
asylum seekers
continued to flee across its border.
The directive came
shortly after an unprecedented mass deportation of
Zimbabwean traders from
Zambia last weekend.
Observers saw this as yet another sign of
growing regional impatience
over the unending political crisis in this
country.
Botswana, which recently set up a temporary refugee camp
for
Zimbabweans in Francistown, said exposing the extent of the humanitarian
crisis might help mobilise international support for the victims of
political violence.
Andrew Sesinyi, the deputy permanent
secretary in the Ministry of
Communications, Science and Technology, told
the independent Mmegi newspaper
the Zimbabwe crisis could no longer be swept
under the carpet.
"There is an influx of Zimbabwean asylum seekers
and I have just asked
the government media to pay attention to this
development," Sesinyi said.
"We can’t hide a problem which is as
huge as that of the influx of
asylum seekers.
I have told the
public media this must be given the priority it
deserves. We cannot be
getting stories on a local problem on the wire
service when we are here on
the ground."
In the past the government in Harare has claimed it
enjoys the support
of neighbouring countries who it alleges are against the
MDC because they
believed it was supported by the West.
But the
support appears to be fast waning following the disputed 29
March elections
and the subsequent upsurge in political violence blamed on
Zanu PF
supporters.
Botswana and Zambia have been the most outspoken
critics of President
Robert Mugabe’s government.
The MDC says
30 of its supporters have been killed since the
elections.
In
Matabeleland South most of the victims are reportedly fleeing to
Botswana
where they enter through undesignated points.
Alarmed by the
influx, President Ian Seretse Khama’s government gave
journalists a rare
opportunity to interview the new arrivals.
"In Botswana, we are
used to illegal immigrants," Sesinyi said, "and
people might be confused
about the latest developments and as such, it is
the mandate of the media to
inform the public accordingly, especially the
public media."
Botswana deports thousands of Zimbabwean economic refugees every year
and
along with South Africa it has been worst affected by the collapse of
the
economy blamed on Mugabe’s policies.
By Kholwani Nyathi
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:41
THE
ambassadors of five Western countries, the European Union and
representatives of Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc) on Friday
toured the Avenues Clinic in Harare where 33 victims of alleged Zanu PF
terror are detained.
They immediately called for an end
to the "absolute brutality" by Zanu
PF supporters and offered assistance to
the hospital to cope with the
ever-increasing number of
casualties.
The envoys represented the US, Britain, Germany, Spain
and Sweden.
Sadc organ chairman Angola was also represented.
Although The Standard could not independently confirm their
allegations, all
the patients who spoke to the diplomats said they had been
assaulted by Zanu
PF supporters.
Speaking after the tour, US ambassador to Zimbabwe
James McGee said
the situation was "horrible".
"What I see here
is absolute brutality. How can an 84-year-old woman
be assaulted simply
because her children are MDC supporters? This is
absolute brutality and it
should stop. Violence in Zimbabwe should stop.
Whoever is perpetrating it
has to stop. There is no reason for this
violence," McGee said.
He said he would "take the issue up with the government".
The
British ambassador, Andrew Pocock, said the plight of the victims
was "very
moving".
"Seeing it personally gives you an idea of the human
impact and the
scale of this (the violence.) This is being done by the
government against
its own people. It is being done for one single purpose —
to keep this
government in power," he said.
The Spanish
ambassador, Santiago Martinez-Caro, said he was "shocked"
by the experiences
of the victims, while his Swedish counterpart, Sten
Rylander, said he would
explore ways of helping the affected.
Among the most serious cases
were a three-year-old child, and a woman
who could not remember her age, but
was estimated to be 84 years old, basing
on events she could recall. The
woman had serious injuries to her back and
buttocks after being hit with
bricks because her children are MDC
supporters.
Her assailants
later burnt her hut.
Two of the victims, the envoys were told, died
on Thursday night,
while five were still in a critical
condition.
Outlining her ordeal, the old woman said it was
"miraculous" that she
had survived.
"I know the people who
attacked me. I even called one of them by name
and asked him to finish me
off, but then he ran away. He was holding a
knife. They then burnt my hut
and took my four goats and one ox," she told
the diplomats.
Another of the patients, a former teacher from Uzumba who was an MDC
polling
agent, sustained two broken hands and a leg. He said his assailants
tied him
to a tree before assaulting him.
"They left me for dead in the
middle of the night. I am told the
village head said he would deal with
whoever would transport me to the
clinic," he said. The name of the village
head was not given.
Avenues Clinic matron, Patricia Tavaziva said
of late they were
struggling to cope with the number of victims admitted to
the hospital.
"It is not easy. . . We are being challenged because
of the numbers.
The Counselling Services Unit (CSU) has so far handled more
than 800 cases,"
Tavaziva said.
A doctor at the institution
said although they were struggling to cope
with the patients, for them "the
biggest challenge is those people in the
rural areas who have not been able
to come here".
Tavaziva said two of the victims had died the
previous night.
"One of them had brain injuries. The other was
severely injured on the
buttocks. . . There are three others who are
critical," she said.
Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena could not
be reached for comment.
By Vusumuzi Sifile
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:33
The political violence, in
which MDC supporters are being brutalised,
is not an ideal environment for
the holding of a presidential run-off
election, the Swedish ambassador to
Zimbabwe said last week.
Addressing journalists in Masvingo
during the World Press Freedom
Day, Sten Rylander, said elections should be
held in a peaceful atmosphere.
“It would not be wise to have a
re-run under the current situation,”
he said. “Cases of violence against
people in the country are on the
increase and it doesn’t set a good stage
for a run-off.”
The MDC has accused Zanu PF of waging a war against
its supporters
since the 29 March polls.
The party claims more
than 20 of its supporters have been murdered by
war veterans and Zanu PF
youth militia, an allegation President Robert
Mugabe’s government
denies.
Rylander urged Zanu PF and the MDC to consider a government
of
national unity and reschedule the run-off for next year to allow the
situation to cool down.
He said: “Zimbabwe needs a government
of national unity at the moment
and push the re-run to next year to allow
the situation to normalize while
democratic and transparent elections are
properly organised.
If the re-run goes ahead the situation will
worsen and can degenerate
into a civil war.”
Rylander said he
had so far received over 700 cases of post-election
violence, adding most
incidents were “very disturbing” as innocent people
were losing their
lives.
“My government is greatly concerned with incidents of
massive violence
in the provinces. It is saddening to see people with broken
arms and crashed
feet as a result of political violence. I have personally
met such people in
Harare and two of them were from Masvingo,” said
Rylander.
He called on the United Nations and the African Union to
intervene
urgently as the situation in Zimbabwe was set to worsen if the
re-run went
ahead.
“International organisations such as the UN
and AU should come in and
see for themselves what is happening here. This
must be stopped,” Rylander
said.
By Godfrey Mutimba
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:27
I hadn’t met Lovemore
Matombo for a serious engaging discussion since
the 1980s. Then he was with
the union for workers in the postal and
telecommunications
sector.
Since then he has risen to the helm of the
country’s most powerful
labour movement, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions (ZCTU). Parallel to
this rise, his rhetoric has mellowed and become
more measured.
We met in the interrogation office at the Law and
Order section of the
CID at Harare Central police station on Thursday last
week.
I was being charged in my capacity as editor of The Standard
under the
provisions of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act which
deals
with publishing or communicating a false statement prejudicial to the
State
and contempt of court. The two charges arose from publication of an
article
by MDC leader Professor Arthur Mutambara entitled, A Shameful
Betrayal of
National Independence.
I recalled an incident in
January 2001. A government minister called
The Daily News, days before it
was picketed by so-called war veterans and
Zanu PF supporters. This was his
warning: "You think we (read the
government) are afraid of the MDC? . . . it
is you who give currency to
their ideas by publishing them . .
."
If my assessment is correct, then the strategy behind my arrest
is to
cow the independent media from reporting on the political violence and
internal displacements blamed largely on Zanu PF, its supporters, youth
militias and State security agents. This view is confirmed by the arrest
last week of Howard Burditt, an accredited Reuters cameraman for possession
of a satellite phone.
Matombo and the ZCTU’s secretary-general,
Wellington Chibebe, were
being charged with inciting workers during their
May Day addresses.
We shared our cell with five other much younger
suspects, who
consulted Chibebe and Matombo on the current situation. The
presence of the
ZCTU leaders appeared to reassure them and was a source of
inspiration to
the younger suspects, boosting their resistance to the
regime.
But it is precisely this that could endanger the lives of
the ZCTU
leaders.
Several things struck me: the presence of
professional officers, on
the one hand and that of decidedly rogue elements
in the police force on the
other; the treatment of suspects; decay in
facilities such as collapsing
ceilings; absence of water and lack of
equipment as manifested by the
continued use of typewriters that would
proudly grace an exhibition of the
history of writing
equipment.
Matombo was pointing out to his deputy, Japhet Moyo, and
I, the
complex within Harare Central police station, where in 1970s he was
tortured
by one black officer with the Special Branch, precursor of the
Central
Intelligence Organisation, when in walked one menacing piece of
God’s
creation in the form of an officer, who interrupted Matombo, offering,
unsolicited, a chilling account of what happens at the Law and Order
Section. He used the term "break" or "crush" in Shona, as the treatment
meted out to suspects brought to the section.
He suggested that
if one found a "thief in one’s house the thief
should be prepared for the
consequences".
We were alarmed. Matombo was appalled — especially
after the
experiences of the labour movement’s leaders in September
2006.
I recalled that in the late 1990s the late Kempton Makamure,
then at
the University of Zimbabwe and other lecturers, spent their time
offering
lectures on issues of human rights and their observance to officers
at the
Police Staff College.
I wondered whether this particular
officer had ever been through such
training or was a mere "graduate" of the
Border Gezi system. He was to hover
around and in and out of the
interrogation office, presumably with the
intention of "striking fear in our
hearts and minds". He provided a sobering
study of post-independence law
enforcement. I wondered about the Police
Service Charter, attempts to
modernise the police and whether these measures
were doomed to
fail.
Even though several institutions have benefited from
government
computers, the police still rely on ancient typewriters. Maybe
this is part
of a deliberate ploy to ensure the process of recording
statements is drawn
out, thereby increasing anxiety in the
suspects.
Attempts by our legal counsel Arthur Mutsonziwa of
Atherstone & Cook,
Advocate Deepak Mehta and our Group CEO Raphael
Khumalo to secure my
release, even into the custody of our lawyers for my
court appearance the
following day — Friday — were thoroughly
frustrated.
Eventually they were informed the "decision to detain
me overnight had
already been made".
Upon insistence they were
told the instruction was from the
Attorney-General’s office.
Chibebe, Matombo and I were taken to the holding cells. There, we met
some
of the finest and most professional of officers.
Then to the
dungeons. At night we were herded into the cells. We had
agreed — Chibebe,
Matombo and I — that we would remain together and look
after each other. The
only form of lighting was in the stairway. The cells
were pitch black; there
was no water, certainly for the duration of my stay
there and the cells were
heavily infested with fleas and other
creepy-crawlies.
We spent
the night standing in order to minimise contact with the
walls or the
"beds". It is probably part of the humiliating punishment for
suspects. But
there is a health time bomb waiting to explode.
However, our worst
fears were confirmed when the officers for the
morning duty came to open our
cells on Friday. Chibebe, Matombo and I were
accused of mobilising other
suspects into challenging the officers. As a
warning, three other suspects
were beaten. The use of excessive force was
chilling. While I was granted
bail on Friday, I fear for Chibebe and
Matombo, because one of the four
officers threatened them dire consequences.
By Davison
Maruziva
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:22
PEOPLE
living with HIV and Aids (PLWAs) say they fear developing drug
resistance
amid reports of severe shortages of drug combinations at the
major referral
hospitals.
The PLWAs are on the government-run
antiretroviral therapy programmes.
The most affected referral
health centres are Parirenyatwa and Harare
Central Hospitals.
The Standard understands that PLWAs on anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs) at
the
State hospitals are being asked to buy a number of drug combinations at
private pharmacies because of erratic drugs supplies.
The drugs
reportedly in short supply are Zidovudine, Effavirenz (which
is taken by
PLWAs on Tuberculosis treatment) and first line ARV drug —
Stalanev.
PLWAs who spoke to The Standard last week said they
were missing their
doses because they could not afford the drugs. Skipping
doses is said to be
"very dangerous" to their health.
As of
last week, a month’s supply of Effavirenz was about $2.5 billion
while
Zidovudine was being sold at $2 billion in most pharmacies.
On
average a Zimbabwean worker earns $1.5 billion a month.
One PLWA,
who spoke on condition of anonymity, said he was told on a
recent visit to
Harare hospital that he had to buy Zidovudine on his own but
had failed to
raise the money.
As a result he went for almost one week without
his medication.
"I have been on ARVs since 2005," he said. "I
developed drug
resistance to the first line and was put on the second line.
I am now
supposed to be taking second line drugs, Kaletra and
Zidovudine.
"The problem is that sometimes I get a full combination
at the
hospital but sometimes they ask me to buy one or both of the drugs. I
cannot
afford this."
Another PLWA said she has been having
problems obtaining Effavirenz
from the Parirenyatwa Hospital where she
collects her drugs.
"On 27 March this year, I went to Parirenyatwa
Hospital to collect my
drugs but was told that they had no Effavirenz," she
said.
"My combination as a TB patient is Coviro and Effavirenz, but
most of
the time when I go there the pharmacy doesn’t have Effavirenz. I
don’t work
and I can’t afford to buy this drug on my own."
Zimbabwe HIV and Aids Activist Union (ZHAAU) president Bernard Nyathi
last
week said he was concerned at the continuing shortages.
Nyathi, who
is himself HIV positive, said the shortages posed great
danger to
PLWAs.
"If a PLWA continues to skip doses like this the drugs will
not work
in future. Their health will deteriorate and this will be very
unfortunate,"
he said.
"We sincerely urge the government to
look into this issue as a matter
of urgency. They must sound alarm bells to
the donor community if they are
facing problems because a lot of lives may
be in danger."
Official figures indicate that countrywide at least
3 500 people
succumb every week to HIV/Aids-related illnesses.
The Minister of Health and Child Welfare Dr David Parirenyatwa said he
was
unaware of the drug shortages but promised to investigate.
For the
past eight years, Zimbabwe is has been facing a critical
shortage of drugs,
equipment and staff.
Most of health professionals — doctors, nurses
and pharmacists — have
left the country in search of greener pastures and
better working
conditions.
By Bertha Shoko
Zim Standard
Local
Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:19
The
shortage of wheat is likely to escalate this year because of the
on-going
disruptions to the winter wheat cropping season by war
veterans.
The rampaging former fighters have displaced
hundreds of farm workers,
in a campaign described by critics as their
"retribution" against voters who
rejected President Robert Mugabe in the 29
March elections.
Agricultural experts warned last week that over 40
000 farm workers
had been displaced in the post-election
violence.
Farm workers’ unions claimed 142 commercial farms had
been invaded by
marauding war veterans and Zanu PF militia as they wage a
violent campaign
for Mugabe ahead of a run-off with MDC leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai.
The General Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union
of Zimbabwe
(GAPWUZ) and farming experts said farming operations throughout
the country
had been grossly affected by the eviction of
workers.
The organisations said attacks on farm workers and
invasions escalated
last week as Zanu PF militia and ex-combatants pushed
for the eviction of
the remaining white commercial farmers.
They said the result could be that the country is headed for one of
its
worst winter wheat farming seasons in years, likely to be worsened by
the
shortage of farming inputs.
"The disturbances at the farms, at this
critical time of the winter
wheat cropping season, will see the country
experiencing its worst wheat
harvest in years," said former Grain Marketing
Board general manager, Renson
Gasela.
The shadow agriculture
minister of the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC, said
operations were at low scale
in most farms because farmers were scared of
being evicted before realising
the fruits of their investment.
The country consumes about 480 000
tonnes of wheat annually.
But since the farm invasions began in
2000, the government has had to
import wheat to meet demand.
Donald Khumalo, the chairperson for the Umguza Farmers’ Association
said:
"The winter wheat farming season will be a serious flop this year.
"The invasions and lack of inputs and farm equipment do not augur well
for a
good farming season."
No comment could be obtained from the
Agriculture Minister Rugare
Gumbo.
The country, once a net
exporter of agricultural produce, has faced
food shortages since the chaotic
land reform programme of 2000.
By Nqobani Ndlovu and Leslie
Nunu
Zim Standard
Business
Saturday, 10 May 2008 16:07
HIGH level discussions
are in progress on how to cushion vulnerable
groups as it emerged that
freeing of the exchange rate has fuelled a surge
in prices of basic goods
and services beyond the reach of low-income
citizens.
The discussions involve the National Incomes and Pricing Commission
(NIPC)
and ministries of Industry and International Trade, Finance and and
Economic
Development on how to protect the groups most likely to be hurt by
the
rising prices.
Godwills Masimirembwa, NIPC chairman told
Standardbusiness the new
forex exchange measures would push prices beyond
the reach of most
consumers.
"If we apply the inter-bank rate,
the cost of living is going to shoot
up," he said. "NIPC made
representations to see how low-income consumers can
be
protected."
In his monetary policy statement for the first quarter,
central bank
governor Gideon Gono announced a willing-buyer, willing-seller
arrangement,
whereby holders of foreign currency sell their forex through
formal banking
channels at the ruling interbank rates.
Gono
said because of the centrality of foreign exchange in the
economy, "its
pricing has to take into account the need to incentivise all
its generators
to remain viable, whilst at the same time minimizing the
unintended adverse
consequences on the vulnerable segments of society".
The new
measures have seen rates breaching the $200 million mark per
US$ on the
inter-bank market.
Masimirembwa said while opening up the economy,
Gono had ensured there
were some intervention measures to cushion
businesses.
In his monetary policy presentation, Gono said the
Basic Commodities
Supply Side Intervention (BACOSSI), introduced last year
to provide cheap
funds to businesses, would continue but on an output-based
approach.
BACOSSI was introduced as a crisis management
intervention in the wake
of the June price blitz. The facility was supposed
to have been wound up in
June but was extended on an approach where
beneficiaries "shall commit to
producing and delivering specific output
level over explicit time frames".
"The facility will also be
extended on a re-imbursement basis based on
actual output produced," he
said.
Callisto Jokonya, Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries
president said
price increases were expected but would
stabilize.
He said business supports 100 percent moves to subsidize
vulnerable
groups, as opposed to handing subsidies to the whole
nation.
Jokonya said business welcomed the $300 trillion fund
provided to
cover businesses whose product prices are controlled by the
government.
Under the Strategic Products Price Controls Mitigation
Fund, producers
of strategic and basic commodities can apply and obtain
financial support to
make up for and recover the genuine adverse effects of
price controls and/or
delays in the approval of justified price
reviews.
Beneficiaries under the Fund will have to "thoroughly
back-up their
applications with substantive facts and explicit score cards
on incremental
production levels".
Analysts say the fact that
there are ongoing discussions on the
implications of the new monetary policy
measures raises fears that the
government is not ready to embrace free
market reforms.
By Ndamu Sandu
Zim Standard
Business
Saturday, 10 May 2008 16:03
ZIMBABWE intends to boost
the Russian clientele for the tourism
industry by over 300 percent next
year, despite the current volatile
political environment, tourism
authorities said last week.
This follows a visit by a
delegation of Russian tour operators to the
country a fortnight
ago.
Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) executive director
(destination
marketing) Givemore Chidzidzi, said the country intends to grow
the Russian
clientele for the tourism industry to 20 000 next year, up from
4 500 last
year.
Three years ago, only 1 000 Russian tourists
visited the country.
"We have been receiving Russian visitors
without any pro-active
approach from our part," he said. "We invited the
visiting delegation after
deciding to grow Russia as one of our new
markets."
Fourteen tour operators arrived in the country last week,
after
sealing a marketing and tourism development deal with the ZTA at the
Moscow
International Travel Tourism Exhibition in March.
Speaking to journalists on arrival at Harare International Airport,
team
leader Mikhail Muraviev, said the tour operators intended to replicate
a
tourism plan they adopted for South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda.
"Russians do not normally use travel agents but rely a lot on
information
from friends and relatives," Muraviev said. "We have facilitated
numerous
visits from Russia since we embarked on that market three years ago
and we
hope to do that with Zimbabwe."
The team last week visited tourist
attractions in Harare, Chivhu,
Masvingo, Bulawayo, Matopos, Hwange and
Victoria Falls.
Muraviev said the team woul also explore investment
opportunities
under the second phase of the deal.
"For now, our
aim is to spread the word and be able to bring as many
as 400 visitors under
the second phase which will follow as soon as we agree
on the dates with
ZTA, " he said.
"We will also be looking at investment
opportunities once we have
gathered all the information we need about
Zimbabwe," he said.
By Jennifer Dube
Zim Standard
Business
Saturday, 10 May 2008 16:01
THE Zambian government
says it has recovered money and assets worth
nearly US$60 million stolen
during the rule of former President Frederick
Chiluba.
The assets include bank deposits and an upmarket apartment in
Belgium.
Information Minister Mike Mulongoti said the assets would
be sold and
the money used to upgrade hospitals.
Mulongoti said
the funds were recovered from former government
officials who had served in
Chiluba’s administration.
Chiluba is on trial at the Magistrates
Court in Lusaka, charged with
corruption.
In May last year, the
High Court in Britain ruled that Chiluba and
four of his aides had conspired
to rob Zambia of about US$40 million.
The civil action was brought
in Britain because the allegedly stolen
money passed through bank accounts
in London.
UK Judge Peter Smith said Zambians should know that when
the former
president appeared wearing his trademark designer clothes, they
were paid
for with public funds.
Chiluba, who served two terms
as Zambia’s president from 1991 to 2001,
is challenging that
verdict.
He denounced it as "racist" and "obscene".
His successor, President Levy Mwanawasa, has been pursuing an
anti-corruption drive against Chiluba’s former government.
The
president has offered to pardon Chiluba if he admits the
allegations and
returns 75% of the cash he allegedly stole, but the
ex-leader denies the
allegations.
— BBC News
Zim Standard
Business
Saturday, 10 May 2008 15:58
DESPITE whining every day
about alleged sanctions imposed by the West,
the government says it has in
place plans to survive any wave of new
sanctions.
In an
interview last week Information minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu
(pictured) said
the government was not bothered by sanctions threatened by
United States
Assistant Secretary of State, Jendayi Frazer and the European
Union.
"The threats do not mean much to us because we have
always survived
sanctions," Ndlovu said. "We have been living with them for
the past 10
years and we have our tried and tested survival
plans."
Frazer recently toured the region to put pressure on
President Robert
Mugabe to step down. She met South African officials and
the presidents of
Angola and Zambia.
She said the international
community should contemplate multilateral
sanctions through the United
Nations if the post-election crisis was not
resolved
immediately.
The EU echoed Frazer’s calls for regional pressure on
Mugabe and urged
the international community to put a halt to arms sales to
Zimbabwe,
following recent panic caused by a Zimbabwe-bound arms cargo from
China.
Ndlovu said such strategies as the "Look East" policy,
economic
turnaround plans and black empowerment could help Zimbabwe hold its
own.
But these have been widely criticised as barren, with
authorities
admitting that the Look East policy was bearing minimal yields
in the
tourism sector where it was largely embraced.
On the
other hand, the government had implemented a cocktail of
economic turnaround
strategies in recent years, none of which had proved
productive.
The government’s approach to black empowerment has
been widely
criticised, especially after the collapse of the agricultural
sector,
triggered by the land reform programme.
Ndlovu said the
government acknowledged the international community
did not owe Zimbabwe
anything and was not obliged to assist with hand-outs.
"When we
blame our economic problems on sanctions, all we are saying
is that we are
members of the International Monetary Fund and this being a
global village,
we deserve equal opportunities, otherwise we are not begging
anyone for
their money," he said.
"The fact that we successfully hosted a
trade fair without the West
shows we can do without them."
He
said the fact that the IMF and the Global Fund for Health withdrew
their
support from the country was proof enough Zimbabwe was under
sanctions.
Independent analyst John Robertson said it was "very
naïve" of Ndlovu
to say the country could hold its own under
sanctions.
"Any sanctions would bring the country down and hurt
Zimbabweans even
more," Robertson said. "Instead of considering sanctions
which will leave 12
million people much, much worse off than before, the
international body
should be trying to unseat the few hundred culprits who
are responsible for
the country’s problems".
He said Zimbabwe
disqualified itself from the IMF and Global Fund by
failing to honour
requirements, among them paying off debts.
The MDC secretary for
economic affairs and Makoni North MP, Elton
Mangoma said Zanu PF should stop
blaming the effects of its economic
mismanagement on other
countries.
"Such problems as the shortage of cash and foreign
currency are a
direct result of economic mismanagement and not sanctions,"
he said. "Again,
the international community are sovereign countries and can
do what they
want with their funds. So, if you break the rules , do not
expect them to
help you."
Zim Standard
Business
Saturday, 10 May 2008 15:55
In the latest blow to
Zimbabwe’s wounded economy, the Botswana
government has banned the export of
bulk fuel to the neighbouring country.
Scanty parallel
market supplies are quickly running dry and transport
is grinding to a halt
across Zimbabwe.
Botswana’s authorities began turning back
Zimbabwean fuel buyers last
week at the border posts in Kasane, in the far
northeast, and Maitengwe,
about 130km north of Francistown, Botswana’s
second city, but the main
Plumtree border post, about 100km southeast of
Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, was still
allowing single drums through.
"The move by the Botswana authorities is surprising, and as it is
(being
implemented) right now, I only managed to bring in a single drum of
fuel,
which will only give me 200 litres of petrol, Nhanhla Sibanda, a fuel
dealer
on the informal market, said. "My clients need far more than that."
He said
the decision by the Botswana government would heavily dent Zimbabwe’s
already crippled economy.
Industry in Zimbabwe is estimated to
have shrunk by more than 60
percent since 2000, unemployment tops 80 percent
and inflation has reached a
world record high of 160 000 percent and is
still rising. Around 80 percent
of the population lives on less than a
dollar a day.
The move is part of a worldwide fuel problem and
Botswana is looking
after its own interests: record-breaking global oil
prices, which climbed to
just over US$122 per barrel on 6 May, and
Botswana’s currency, the Pula,
falling against the dollar, have sent fuel
prices in the country shooting
up. The latest fuel price hike, on the back
of increases in March, saw
petrol prices rise by around seven percent in
April.
Before the ban, trucks laden with drums and large plastic
containers
of fuel used to be a permanent feature along the
Bulawayo-Francistown
highway, the main road linking Zimbabwe to
Botswana.
The state-owned National Oil Company of Zimbabwe
(NOCZIM), plagued by
allegations of widespread corruption and mismanagement,
has had its problems
compounded by foreign currency shortages and rocketing
inflation, leaving it
unable to meet local demand since 2000.
Since then Zimbabwe has been forced to rely heavily on the
entrepreneurial
spirit of cross-border traders and their parallel imports
from bordering
countries like Botswana. This illegal but thriving parallel
market has been
the only source of fuel for most Zimbabweans.
"Botswana was driving
this economy through fuel supplies and if they
ban large fuel imports, cars
will come to a standstill. NOCZIM is only
supplying fuel to government
ministers and those linked to the ruling
party," Sibanda said.
"The only options left will be to buy the fuel from Zambia, Mozambique
or
even South Africa, but the distance between Zimbabwe and the other three
countries is too much, and with South Africa I will always need to have a
valid visa," he said.
As a result of the ban, petrol prices
shot up from Z$150 million
(US$1.36) per litre to Z$200 million (US$1.18)
over the weekend, while a
litre of diesel went from Z$160 million (US$1.45)
to Z$220 million (US$2).
In a knock-on effect, minibus-taxi fares jumped
from Z$40 million (US$0.36)
for a single trip into town to Z$60 million
(US$0.45).
"Already, fuel is scarce. The fuel that is being sold
right now is
fuel that was sourced by the dealers last week . . . as a
result of this ban
we expect fuel prices to jump tenfold, and this will
further worsen things
in the country," said Themba Moyo, who sells his fuel
in an alley in the
city centre of Bulawayo.
"The country has
been operating for years now, using fuel sourced from
the black market, and
after this move by the Botswana authorities we will
then see serious fuel
shortages on the market," said John Robertson, an
independent economist
based in the capital, Harare.
He warned that the impact would have
implications beyond the transport
sector: "The few remaining industries and
markets in the country have been
operating using the black market — the
shortages of fuel will have a serious
impact on everybody."
Essential services such as ambulances have long been paralysed because
the
government has said it had no funds to purchase fuel; now the operations
of
private clinics, which purchase fuel on the parallel market, have come
under
pressure.
"This is a hopeless situation —now we are forced to buy
petrol for
Z$200 million (US$1.81) a litre on the black market. If the
Botswana
government completely stops supplying us with fuel, then we are
doomed,"
said Martha Shumba, a medical practitioner at a private
clinic.
Eric Bloch, an economist based in Bulawayo, said the burden
would
ultimately fall on the ordinary Zimbabwean, because "fuel dealers will
factor in the cost of transporting the fuel from distances further than
Botswana, and the costs of transporting goods will also be higher.
Manufacturers, too, will carry the cost on to consumers."
Zim Standard
Opinion
Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:49
THE
prospect of a run-off election in Zimbabwe has caused a flurry of
questions
about its technicalities and implications on the immediate future
of
Zimbabwe.
This is understandable considering this is the
first time Zimbabwe is
going through this type of second round
contest.
There is a particular point of concern, however, that
appears to have
been insufficiently considered. It is the matter of the
balance of power in
Parliament and its probable impact on the country’s
immediate future.
It can be summed up in one question: To what
extent can it be said, as
a matter of finality, that the MDC has full
control of Parliament?
In other words, has the issue of control of
Parliament been settled by
the Parliamentary elections, so that it can be
said with certainty that the
MDC will be in effective control of
Parliament?
The answer may seem obvious given what has been widely
reported in the
media. But a deeper look reveals it is not so
straightforward, particularly
when one considers the legal institution of
Parliament.
There is, in fact, the risk that the elected majority
can be reversed,
depending on the outcome of the Presidential
election.
Nature of Parliament
Section 33 of the
Constitution provides that Parliament consists of
two Houses: the Senate and
the House of Assembly. But it appears that when
media reference is made to
‘Parliament’ this has been narrowed to mean the
"House of
Assembly".
This overlooks the Senate, part of the overall
institution of
Parliament. What is often referred to as Parliament should
really be simply
called the House of Assembly.
The two MDCs do
hold the majority in the House of Assembly, all of
which seats are won
through an election. If Professor Jonathan Moyo’s seat
is added to that
bloc, the erstwhile opposition now has 111 to Zanu PF’s 97.
In the
Senate, the two MDCs hold 30 seats, equal to Zanu PF’s 30. So,
in effect, of
the 270 elected seats in Parliament (House of Assembly and
Senate), the
combined MDC holds a majority over Zanu PF.
It would be great if it
was that simple. Who controls Parliament, as a
whole, is ultimately
dependent on who becomes president.
Here is why:
The
‘33 Factor’
It is because of what, for convenience, we will call
the ‘33 Factor’.
The warped laws effectively give the person elected
President the power to
appoint up to 33 Senators. Although the direct power
of appointment relates
to only five Senators, the reality is that there is
effectively an extra 28
appointees. How this is achieved is
simple:
In addition to the 60 elected Senators, the President has
the power to
appoint five Senators, the President’s men and
women.
Then there are 10 provincial governors appointed by the
president to
the Senate.
Eighteen Senate seats are occupied by
chiefs — the President and
Deputy President of the Council of Chiefs and two
chiefs from each of the
provinces, excluding the Harare and Bulawayo
metropolitan provinces which
have no chiefs.
Generally, the
chiefs owe allegiance to the president.
If Mugabe wins the run-off,
it raises the spectre of Zanu PF
overturning MDC’s elected majority in
Parliament: the wishes of millions of
Zimbabweans would be practically
overturned by one person.
Possibilities
If
Tsvangirai wins, it would potentially boost the MDC’s majority,
assuming he
will pocket the Chiefs as Mugabe has been able to do for years.
But it is
worth recalling that the 18 Chiefs have already been elected and
they were
appointed by Mugabe. It is likely their loyalty is with Mugabe,
already
giving Zanu PF an 18-point majority in the Senate.
If Mugabe were
to somehow perform an unlikely Houdini act and claim
the Presidency in the
run-off, the use of the ‘33 Factor’ in the Senate
would assume greater
importance even when the MDC controls the House of
Assembly where laws
traditionally originate. Section 51 of the Constitution,
which regulates the
mode of exercising legislative powers makes clear that
Parliamentary power
to make laws shall be exercised by both the House of
Assembly and the
Senate.
Of course, Mugabe would find it hard to govern when the
House of
Assembly, where laws originate, is controlled by the
MDC.
But there is another more immediate reason why the ‘33 Factor’
matters
greatly at this delicate time. It is because it offers a great
opportunity
for Zanu PF to roll out its succession plan and perhaps find a
way for
Mugabe to extricate himself from the mess on his
terms.
Electoral College and Election of President
Section 28(3)(b) of the Constitution states that in the event of a
vacancy
in the Office of the President, members of the Senate and the House
of
Assembly shall sit as an Electoral College to elect a new President.
Prior
to this provision introduced via the controversial Constitutional
Amendment
(No. 18) of 2007, such a vacancy would have required a national
election to
be held within 90 days.
The new provision is important because the
political party that has a
majority of Parliamentarians who constitute the
Electoral College will
determine the next President. This is where the
combined Parliament becomes
acutely relevant.
Assuming
Tsvangirai boycotts the run-off and Mugabe is declared duly
appointed
without contest or in the unlikely event that Mugabe somehow
scraps through
at the run-off, that would give him the chance to affect the
balance of
power through the ‘33 Factor’. He could then, by way of a staged
concession
to mounting pressure and acknowledgement of his own inability to
reverse the
country’s decline, strategically "resign", thus creating a
vacancy in the
Office of the President.
It would therefore fall upon Parliament to
make the crucial decision
of electing the President. This would provide a
gateway for the emergence of
a Zanu PF candidate — the anointed
heir.
It is likely that, to douse the flames of protest both
internally and
externally, this new person would extend an olive branch and
try to be
pacifist. The international community, but especially the African
community,
which is surely getting tired of Zimbabwe, will be looking for an
easy way
out. This might be it and the MDC might find itself forced by
circumstances
to concede to the status quo.
That spectre is why
it is in its own interests for the MDC to contest
the run-off and retain
political and moral leverage. If it wins, it stands
to gain some of the ‘33
Factor’ and therefore consolidate its elected
majority.
But
even if it loses, a Mugabe victory is likely to sound hollow. But
Tsvangirai’s confirmation of public support will stand him in good stead
should it come to the matter of negotiations, if any are required. It is
increasingly looking likely that the conflict in Zimbabwe will need more
than the ballot to resolve.
At the moment it is a game of what
Zimbabweans refer to as makasa or
poker. In this regard, one is reminded of
Kenny Rogers’ old number, The
Gambler. He says, in part, "You’ve got to know
when to hold them; Know when
to fold them; Know when to walk away; Know when
to run; You never count your
money; When you’re sitting at the table;
There’ll be time enough for
counting; When the dealing’s done".
By Alex T. Magaisa.He is based at The University of Kent Law School
and can
be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.ukThis e-mail
address is being
protected from spambots, you need JavaScript enabled to
view it or
a.t.magaisa@kent.ac.uk
Zim Standard
Opinion
Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:44
IT is indeed an honour and
a great pleasure for me to be the guest
speaker at this year’s World Press
Freedom Day Commemorations here in
Masvingo under the theme, "Rebuild the
media, Rebuild Zimbabwe".
One reason for inviting me may be
the fact that Sweden has a very long
and admired tradition of freedom of the
press in the world today — going
back to the 1766 Freedom of the Press Act;
a law which has undergone a
number of modifications since then, but its
fundamental core values have
always remained the same.
The
World Press Freedom Day was established by the UN General Assembly
in 1993.
Its decision to set aside a date each year for the event stemmed
from the
1991 UNESCO General Conference resolution on promotion of press
freedom in
the world, which recognized that a free, pluralistic and
independent press
was an essential component of any democratic society.
The World
Press Freedom Day reminds us all — governments,
intergovernmental and
non-governmental organisations as well as civil
society — of the crucial
role a free press plays in strengthening
democracies and fostering
development around the world.
Freedom of expression is neither a
gift nor a political concession; it
is a fundamental human right enshrined
in Article 19 of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
Restrictions on the freedom of expression hampers the democratic
development
needed for poverty reduction and human rights for all. It is
only through a
free press that it is possible to hear the voice of the weak
and the
small.
Thus, the observance of the World Press Freedom Day is not
only a way
of saying "yes" to a free press, but also "yes" to democracy,
"yes" to human
rights, and "yes" to development.
We are meeting
at a very critical time when Zimbabwe is going through
a difficult time of
transition. There is a lot of tension, confusion,
polarity and anxiety in
the country. As we have all witnessed, there is a
lot of media attention on
Zimbabwe.
The media in all parts of the world are following the
developments and
the situation in Zimbabwe with a keen interest. Journalists
have a critical
role to play during this critical phase in the country. It
is important for
ideas and information to travel freely and every citizen
should have the
right to receive and impart information and express
her/himself.
In times like now, journalists can give a voice to
those who would
otherwise remain unheard, tell stories that otherwise would
remain untold.
They can construct conduits between those trapped in
a conflict zones
and those outside. In conflicts and times of instability,
the presence of
journalists could prevent atrocities.
Journalists can sense a conflict ahead and alert the world to the need
for
preventive measures to avoid tragedy. During this transition time, the
media
can positively contribute to providing accurate and relevant
information
vital for people to make well-informed choices and develop
informed
views.
ournalists have a special role in ensuring that every
Zimbabwean
receives information and has the freedom to express themselves.
Denying
people accurate and balanced information results in democratic
deficits and
recessions in development.
A free and independent
press is the backbone of strong, functioning
societies, and a lifeline to
progress itself.
It is saddening to note that journalists in
Zimbabwe face harassment,
intimidation, imprisonment and physical
assault.
We strongly condemn such attacks and the World Press
Freedom Day is
also an opportunity for all of us to pay tribute to the media
professionals
who have faced danger in the line of duty over the past
year.
On this day I salute all the journalists whose pursuit of
truth and
information has taken them into harm’s way.
I applaud
their bravery in the face of danger, admire their tenacity
in pursuing the
facts and pay tribute to their professionalism in very
difficult
circumstances.
Translating the principles of press freedom into
practice is no easy
matter, and it is sometimes constrained by unlawful
confinement, threats and
intimidation. We need to strengthen our resolve to
ensure the safety and
security of journalists throughout the
country.
The intimidation and harassment of journalists can have a
chilling
effect on society at large thereby stifling dissent and debate.
Such attacks
must not be tolerated. Their perpetrators must be brought to
justice.
Journalism always involves difficult choices but
situations of
conflict raise the level of intensity, leading journalists
into a veritable
minefield of issues: objectivity versus propaganda;
scepticism versus
chauvinism; big-picture context versus single-dramatic
images; the struggle
by reporters to balance the need for objectivity with
the benefits of access
from being "embedded" with various sides in the
conflict; the need to convey
the impact of conflict, particularly on the
lives of ordinary people and the
vulnerable. Journalists should however
always ensure that they are
professional and report without fear or favour.
I also urge journalists to
be courageous in the face of the difficulties and
pressures characterizing
the present situation in Zimbabwe.
We should also use the World Press Freedom Day to call for action on
the
issue of inflammatory messages or hate media.
We have seen that in
the past year some sections of the media in
Zimbabwe have sometimes used
such techniques; and both I myself and the good
country which I represent
have in some instances been victims of this, e g
under the column of
Nathaniel Manheru.
This has also been extended to other
international actors – often
misplaced in the category of "enemies and
detractors" – and to various
groups in the country who happen to hold
different views.
In Rwanda, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the
world saw genocide and
crimes against humanity, triggered, in part, by
nationalistic and
ethnocentric hate campaigns, propagated through the mass
media.
Zimbabwe today can certainly not be compared with these
other country
situations, but we should nevertheless always keep these
extreme cases in
mind.
More recently, during the Zimbabwean
election campaign and thereafter,
some media outlets began to use what were
widely regarded as inflammatory
messages, political manipulation,
unsubstantiated claims, and incitement to
violence against individuals and
groups. Such misuse of information can have
very serious
consequences.
This whole situation could have been worse without
the concessions
made under the SADC mediation efforts.
We
applaud the positive changes in AIPPA that were brought about
through the
mediation talks. It was indeed a positive step for the various
political
players to be awarded space through various media outlets.
It was
however disheartening to witness the bias of state owned media.
According to
studies made by the Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe,
whereas there was
a slight improvement in the coverage for the opposition,
there was still a
strong bias in favour of the government and the ruling
party.
We were also concerned by the clampdown on foreign journalists; this
reversed the gains which had been made under the mediation talks. We
strongly believe that the government should have allowed international
journalists to come and witness the elections and give an accurate picture
of the situation in the country.
There is need for
continued and more radical reform in the media
sector so that Zimbabwe can
catch up with the outside world. There is the
proliferation of so-called new
media, new technologies and new ways of
distributing content; information
has become far more accessible.
It is also becoming more diverse.
Mainstream media reporting, for
example, is being supplemented by
"participatory media" such as blogs. It is
important for Zimbabwe to also
benefit from these global trends, but this
can prove to be a challenge if
the legal framework for the media is still
repressive.
I also
note with serious concern that there is a total lack of
community based
radios in Zimbabwe. The absence of community based radios
hinders
development and poverty reduction efforts and we take this day to
call for
the opening of the waves and the granting of operating licences to
community
radio stations.
My government strongly supports the freedom of
expression and the
media in general worldwide. In Zimbabwe Sweden has
supported MISA and
various other media organisations.
We are
currently in the process of designing support to the Voluntary
Media Council
of Zimbabwe, which we envisage will ensure self regulation
within the media
sector. We remain committed to supporting media
organisations in Zimbabwe
and we align ourselves with all on-going efforts
by the international
community to support the growth and development of a
free and professional
media in Zimbabwe.
I urge the government to reaffirm its
commitment to the right to
"seek, receive and impart information and ideas
through any media and
regardless of frontiers", as set out in Article 19 of
the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights.
I also would like to
assure the media fraternity in Zimbabwe and the
generality of Zimbabweans
that we are in solidarity with them during these
difficult times. Together
we will rebuild the media, together we will
rebuild
Zimbabwe.
By Ambassador Sten Rylander.He made this
presentation during the
World Press Freedom Day activities held in Masvingo
last Saturday.
Zim Standard
Opinion
Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:41
MOST people who remember the genesis of the
struggle don’t get
dewy-eyed, or woozy with nostalgia, or weepy with painful
memories, as they
look at what we have done to what we once saw as this
dream of, if not
Utopia, Nirvana or Elysium, then certainly something just
as beautiful,
celestial.
For me, it can crystallise
into a long march from Highfield’s Cyril
Jennings Hall to "Harari" township
police station, Salisbury, striding side
by side with George Silundika, more
than 40 years ago.
He, struck down in his prime before the tenth
anniversary of
independence, would probably mutter in disbelief "How did
this happen?" if
he rose to view the squalor in which we are
wallowing.
I can envision myself in Mai Musodzi Hall, in 1957, at
the inaugural
conference of the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress,
which
solidified African agitation against white rule into this
uncompromising
mass movement which begot the National Democratic Party
(NDP), the Zimbabwe
African People’s Union (Zapu), the Zimbabwe African
National Union (Zanu)
and today, Zanu PF.
Somewhere along the
way, sight was lost of the original objective — to
turn this
tobacco-growing, mineral-rich former white-ruled country into a
non-racial
state of equal rights for all races in which life, liberty and
the pursuit
of happiness would be guaranteed.
It’s trite to say, like all plans
hatched of mice and men, this dream
too had the potential to blow up in our
faces, like a delinquent hand
grenade.
The more likely cause
was as mundane as eating "munya" (the remains of
yesterday’s sadza) for
dinner today, in the Zimbabwe of Zanu PF.
Moreover, it’s not as if
there are many African countries whose
independence translated, instantly,
into stable democracies, with poverty
you could write off as
"incidental".
South Africa, with its vast mineral wealth, still has
paupers a church
mouse would laugh at.
Greed and intolerance
were, and remain, the major cancers eating away
at the skin that could have
been the impregnable tortoise-shell thickness of
our
nationhood.
When The First Family boasts openly of running
prosperous farms, watch
out for the inequities of wealth distribution
throughout the land.
But concentrate your mind on the history of
what followed after
independence. In Cuba, after the revolution, Fidel
Castro and Che Guevara
spoke of a "new person".
Actually, they
spoke of a "new man" because gender equality had not
permeated the male
chauvinistic psyche of these Macho-obsessed
revolutionaries. But,
essentially, they were calling for a new selflessness,
not only among
leaders, but among people in general.
We can argue about the
rewards of that new spirit, seeing as Cuba is
still not the ideal socialist
paradise that Marx, Lenin or Mao envisaged. If
it were, Raul Castro would
not be busily dismantling some of the rigid
communist structures constructed
by his brother after 1959.
In Zimbabwe, we now know reconciliation
turned out to be a sham, an
empty political slogan.
e heard
of the men recently returned from the bush flying over vast
farmlands and
pointing their greedy fingers at the most verdant of them: "I’ll
take that
one!" Few of them had green fingers. So most farms were turned
into weekend
retreats for the new WaBenzi and their playmates,
Meanwhile, Health
For All by 2000! was a new government slogan. Nearly
eight years later, many
hospitals and clinics have shortages of drugs,
doctors or
nurses.
The average person can now expect to live only up to 36
years,
assuming they survive the first five years of their
lives.
Still, greed and intolerance rule the land, and slowly some
people
choose to banish from their minds the dream of freedom and abundance
they
nurtured so tenderly as they marched, fought and "kicked ass" to change
their country’s fortunes.
So, there are two extremes: the
filthy rich and "the dirty poor".
Last month, voting in elections
were the two classes, with the rich
insisting they had a grand plan to
transform the economy, from benefiting
only their class, to all classes,
including "the dirt poor".
The latter did not believe this. For
years, they had heard this same
refrain: Things were going to be better for
the poor. Nothing had changed.
The promises remained promises, this time
with a few "bashes" included for
good measure.
So last March,
assured they could vote the way they saw fit, they
voted. Then they were
asked: Why? Their answer was the same as before: they
were voting for change
because nothing had changed so far.
So, those of us who remember
the marches and the sacrifices wonder
what it was all about.
We
know greed and intolerance still reign. Kill those two and you are
on your
way to real change.
By Bill Saidi
saidib@standard.co.zw
Zim Standard
Opinion
Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:37
ONE link that has not been
made so far is to connect the decline in
agricultural productivity to the
rise in politically-motivated violence and
the attendant internal
displacement of families.
Soon after the chaos of 2000,
agricultural production plummeted, but
the government found other convenient
excuses to explain the fall in farm
produce. The displacement of an
estimated 350 000 farm workers in
retaliation for voting for the MDC was
ignored.
The same cycle of violence, displacement and fall in
agricultural
production is being re-enacted in the countryside. Even though
the country
received good rains, the season was unusually wet, resulting in
widespread
crop failure.
Household food reserves were already
dangerously low but the
politically-motivated violence that has seen
families being forced off their
homes means many of them will require food
aid and assistance ahead of the
2008/2009 planting season.
Getting its priorities right for a regime preoccupied with its
preservation
has never been one of Zanu PF’s strengths.
That is why it would
prefer to spend millions of scarce foreign
currency on Chinese armaments
instead of food to feed its people.
This is a regime that is
committed to using force in order to achieve
its ends.
For
example this newspaper reported more than a fortnight ago a
strategy to
divide the country into areas each under the command of senior
military
officers assisted by Central Intelligence Organisation officers,
war
veterans and Zanu PF militias, effectively creating a military
state.
All this is designed at retention of power, with little
regard to what
is going to happen to the requirements of the villagers and
their ability to
feed themselves as atrocities persist across
Zimbabwe.
There is concrete evidence of destruction of homes,
beatings,
intimidation, and even murder but the army "categorically
distances itself
and any of its members from such activities".
These examples taken together paint a deeply disturbing picture of an
organised campaign of violence against those who voted for the
opposition.
Examples of reports from Manicaland and Matabeleland
speak of a series
of meetings of officers from the police, army and prisons
as well as their
family members being ordered to use postal
votes.
The intention, just as in the terror campaign, is to ensure
they vote
"correctly", which means Zanu PF and its candidate, in the event
of a
run-off.
The reports suggest that violence is being
orchestrated at the highest
levels of the ruling party, both to punish
people for supporting the
opposition in the 29 March elections and to
discourage support for the
opposition in the event of an election
run-off.
The violence should not be allowed to continue and
regional leaders
need to agree on sending a mission to witness first hand
what is happening
and, if possible, demand an end to the violence and
internal displacement.
At the same time there is an urgent need for
organisations such as the
World Food Programme, UNICEF and World Vision
Zimbabwe to assist the
displaced victims because the government - the
architect of the violence has
no interest in looking after people it has
declared enemies of the State.
The effect of the food deficits,
especially on vulnerable groups –
children and the elderly - could be
devastating.
An important initiative designed to counter this
violence was launched
in South Africa recently. It appears a significant
development in efforts to
stop the on-going violence.
The
campaign seeks to identify many of those responsible for
instigating the
violence and for carrying it out.
Evidence on the atrocities being
committed is being invited so that
one day the accused can be brought to
justice. That is not far off now.
Thestandard Sms
Letters
Saturday, 10 May 2008
15:07
THE new Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe foreign currency measures are a
sign
that finally it has admitted that its policies have
failed.
For years economists and business people have urged the
government to
float the foreign currency rate and let market forces
determine the rate but
to no avail.
If these measures had been
adopted years ago we wouldn’t be in this
mess. Our currency would have long
stabilised as in Nigeria, where they
allowed the official rate to compete
with the parallel market until the
illegal currency market ran out of
steam.
What the RBZ should do is to prioritise revival of
agriculture,
transport, mining and textiles as long-term solutions to the
economic
crisis.— Oracle.
UN intervention
WHEN
the United Nations says Zimbabweans should resolve their problems
internally, are they suggesting that the MDC should also organise themselves
against the brutal attacks being committed against them by Zanu PF-paid
thugs?
By turning to the UN we are seeking an end to the
escalating acts of
murder, torture, displacements and gross abuse of human
rights by Zanu
PF-paid thugs.
Obviously the confused, power
corrupted and desperate Robert Mugabe
and his supporters think that the
violence will earn them votes and do not
see any sense in ending the
violence.
This therefore means that without the UN intervention
this will
continue. The UN should come and save lives in Zimbabwe without
delay. — C
C, Harare.
******
IF there is
supposed to be a run-off, United Nations’ peace keepers
should be in the
country now up until the winner is sworn into office.
People are dying for
sure. —– Survivor.
ZANU PF rules: This is the rule of Zanu PF for
Zanu PF by Zanu PF. —
Observer.
Mbeki should get
real
SOUTH African President Thabo Mbeki should be serious about
his "quiet
diplomacy" because without international pressure on Apartheid
South Africa,
Mbeki and company would not be ruling that country today. It
is ironic how
people forget so soon. — KGB.
Black
disempowerment
ZANU PF is now talking of black empowerment but
over the years how
many black businesses did they disempowered?
They took over banks, bus companies, textile firms and mining
companies
under the pretext that they were not run properly but these
collapsed under
state-controlled management. Look at the state of
government-owned
firms.
Remember what they tried to do to Econet and Telecel, what
they did to
The Daily News, The Tribune, Kondozi and Joy Television. Let’s
face reality;
can you trust Zanu PF to empower you? —
Beware.
******
DO we need the bloated army,
Central Intelligence Organisation and
police in Zimbabwe and what are they
for?
The resources being channelled to them could be put to
productive use.
Many of these supposed service officers must be retired and
retrenched.
Donors will open up lines of credit and other balance
of payment
support. The truth hurts. — Hailie.
******
WHY is it that when Zanu PF wins there is no talk of a
government of
national unity and yet when it is trounced, suddenly there is
need for such
a government? We don’t need Zanu PF because it is just a group
of rogues,
thugs and terrorists. — Victimised.
Shut up,
Grace
GRACE Mugabe should stop screaming at viewers on television.
She and
her octogenarian husband should just quit politics and State House
and allow
the people’s president to move in because their time is up. —
Vodloza.
Khupe right
MADAM Vice-President
Thokozani Khupe, we trust that you are about to
overcome this political
impasse. The suggestion that was proffered in the
latest Standard comment
has a lot of merit and I think is worth taking up.
The Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission released its own results, whose
veracity we dispute. As
a counter-measure, the MDC needs to publish its own
results polling station
by polling station in each and every constituency
and then add these up to
give us the final result.
The voters saw these results outside
their polling stations and will
be able to identify them, exposing ZEC for
what they are: fraudsters and
cheats doing Zanu PF’s bidding. We only need
to confine ourselves to the
presidential results in order to minimise the
costs. — M K Moyo, Bulawayo.
Zinwa guilty
THE
Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa) is responsible for
serious human
rights abuses in Orange Grove, Chinhoyi, where residents have
gone for 15
months without a single drop of water. — Meki Sithole, Chinhoyi.
I
am a young man from Maramba Pfungwe. It came as no surprise to me
when I
heard that Zanu PF was denying involvement in orchestrating and
carrying out
the current wave of violence. I know the names of Zanu PF thugs
who are
carrying out these torture activities. — Witness, Maramba Pfungwe.
******
I am an army officer but I am very bitter at what my
colleagues are
doing. Some of them are just as obtuse as the 84-year-old
dictator. What was
the purpose of having elections in the first place? If
the so-called war
veterans think they are the only people who were brave
enough to go to war
they are lying to themselves. We can also do that. —
Officer.
Police dilemma
ABOUT 90% of the
police officers are against this regime and we are at
a crossroads because
neither party trusts us. What are we supposed to do in
these circumstances?
— Tanzwa.
******
THE one thing that Zanu PF has yet to
learn is tolerance of other
people’s views.
If they don’t learn
this fast, they will certainly lose the run-off.
Robert Mugabe was ranting
and raving about how women dress nowadays.
How is this worse than
the dancers who welcome or see him off at the
airport each time he is off to
some foreign lands? And has he seen how women
at one city hotel who consort
with his ministers are dressed, or does
everyone have to wear a chitenge
with his face on it?
The point is that people have choices to wear
what they want. They
also have a choice to vote for whoever they wish and to
move with the times.
If Zanu PF had bothered to listen to other people’s
views, Zimbabwe would
not be in an economic mess. — Prophecy
foretold.
True winners emerge from a
violence-free environment and true losers
foist themselves on the electorate
through coercion, intimidation and
violence. – Machingaidze G,
Mutare.
The ZB bank ATM in Gweru must be the slowest and most
unreliable in
the land, worsening the already long queues outside the bank.
Yet when you
try to withdraw from the banking hall, there is a penalty of
$50million
"because the ATM is working". Surely this is daylight robbery? –
Frustrated
customer.
This is to the Reserve Bank Governor:
Your so-called wheat farmers are
getting cheap diesel and reselling it on
the black market. To prove this, go
to halfway between Harare-Chegutu road
and see for yourself. - Witness.
-------------
ZNA Not
Linked To Political Violence
Letters
Saturday, 10 May 2008
14:58
THE Zimbabwe National Army wishes to raise concern over articles
in
the print and electronic media on allegations of political violence,
assaults, harassments and robberies allegedly perpetrated by men in army
uniforms.
The army categorically distances itself and
any of its members from
such activities.
The army is also
concerned with the ever-increasing incidents of some
of its members going
about their duties being provoked, insulted, abused and
even
attacked.
In the event of any incidents of criminality and conduct
that is
unbecoming by soldiers, the public must immediately report their
concerns to
the police or army.
Alphios
Makotore
Deputy Director
Army Public
Relations
-----------------
A Sad Example Of Mugabe's Cruel
Reign
Letters
Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:56
I write to
recount the story of a young boy I gave a lift to last week
from Mashonaland
Central province into Harare.
I had asked where he was
travelling to and why he was not at school.
His response dovetails into the
horror stories that the independent media
has published since the 29 March
harmonised elections.
It is not possible to identify him directly
because of the potential
consequences to him and his family.
What is important is for readers to get a proper perspective of the
issue.
This boy is a Form IV student and is due to write his final
examinations
before the end of this year — that is if the situation returns
to
normal.
The boy says one night their dura (grain store) was torched
and so was
the tobacco curing shed. The arsonists disappeared into the
night.
They woke up and fortunately the fire was contained and did
not spread
to the other houses at their homestead. They were intrigued that
the
perpetrators had been able to carry out their work without the several
dogs
they keep alerting them.
Daylight brought the stark
reality of their fears. Someone had
poisoned all their canines and they had
all died before the arsonists
carried out their dastardly act.
I asked why this had happened to them. He said some friends had
advised him
that it was being whispered that among his friends were people
who
associated with a polling agent for the MDC.
Apparently this
tenuous link was evidence enough to declare this young
boy an enemy of the
state, deserving elimination.
I was horrified.
And
this is why this young boy was abandoning his studies in the rural
areas for
the presumed safety of Harare. Is this what Zanu PF will do to
school
children?
Why, for example, are the Ministries of Education, Women
and
agriculture not concerned about what is being done to children, their
mothers and the impact this mayhem has on the country’s agricultural
production?
I was saddened that the so-called observer groups
only fly in a week
before the polls and are not able to travel and see first
hand what Robert
Mugabe is doing to the people of this country because they
dared decide what
they wanted.
A Priest
Harare.
-------------------
Independent Newspapers, Heroes
Of The New Struggle
Letters
Saturday, 10 May 2008
14:53
THE blackout on our only national broadcaster about the recent
vote
counting process demonstrated how important the independent press has
become
for the transformation that we all yearn for.
Assuming The Standard, the Zimbabwe Independent, the Financial Gazette
and
The Zimbabwean were not there, who would have led the crusade against
the
Zanu PF propaganda in its daily Pravda? I therefore wish to extend my
profound gratitude to the gallant and unflinching independent newspapers and
say that you are truly the voice of the voiceless.
Yes, we can
talk of the opposition and civic leaders’ constant
harassment by this
regime, but some of us will also not lose sight of the
fact that the
activities of these people could never have been highlighted
without the
relentless work of the Fourth Estate.
Thank you, guys.
You have been in the trenches for a worthy cause. You have been the
silent,
unacknowledged armour in the Herculean task of demystifying the
notion that
Zanu PF is invincible.
Some of you have been imprisoned or have had
bullets posted to you but
you have remained steadfast, convinced that you
are doing it for the
downtrodden.
Your place in our history has
already been cemented and we owe it to
you. I only wish The Standard was a
daily as we anxiously waited for our
results.
I sympathised
with the vast majority who have no access to satellite
television, our
vote-counting was manifestly stage-managed to the utter
dismay of all
voters.
Those who could access SABC, etv, and FTV at least were
kept informed
of the goings on.
May I also extend my gratitude
to SABC stations for devoting much of
their time to covering the Zimbabwe
election results? One could actually see
how we miss independent and
unmuzzled television stations in Zimbabwe.
As we move towards a
re-run, this surely is uncharted waters in
Zimbabwean politics. We move with
apprehension, we move with trepidation. We
don’t know what lies
ahead.
What with Jabulani Sibanda and his cohorts declaring they
will defend
their ill-gotten wealth? Are we poised for another nightmare
similar to the
one witnessed after the referendum?
I have two
appeals to make. Firstly, it is my sincere wish to see The
Standard being
distributed in remote areas maybe for this coming period
only.
Please do it in order to empower rural voters, even having some of
your
pages in local languages for the purposes of accessibility by our
communities in the rural areas.
More importantly, Morgan
Tsvangirai, Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa
must come
together.
Long live the independent press. We salute
you.
Odrix Sithole Moyo
Pelandaba
Bulawayo