The ZIMBABWE Situation
An extensive and up-to-date website containing news, views and links related to ZIMBABWE - a country in crisis
Return to INDEX page
Please note: You need to have 'Active content' enabled in your IE browser in order to see the index of articles on this webpage

Morgan Tsvangirai to defy Robert Mugabe's thugs and enter run-off election

The Sunday Times
May 11, 2008

Jon Swain
The opposition leader of Zimbabwe, Morgan Tsvangirai, declared yesterday
that he would take part in a run-off election for the presidency and will
soon return home despite a violent crackdown on his supporters that has left
at least 20 dead.

Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), said his
supporters would feel “betrayed” if he did not contest the run-off after
winning more votes than President Robert Mugabe in the first round of the
election.

“I am ready, the people are ready,” he said. “I intend to return as shortly
as possible and intend to begin a victory tour.”

Speaking in South Africa, he added that he would participate only if
international observers and media had full access to ensure that the run-off
is free and fair.

The opposition has accused Mugabe and his ruling Zanu-PF party of trying to
intimidate voters and attempting to rig the last ballot.

It was the first time Tsvangirai had publicly committed himself to the
run-off, which he claims is unnecessary because he took just over 50% of the
vote in the first round, enough to win outright. Official figures show he
won just under 50%.

Last night it appeared that his return may provoke a show-down with Mugabe’s
government. Patrick Chinamasa, the justice minister, ruled out accepting any
of Tsvangirai’s conditions.

“The run-off will be held within the framework of the constitution and the
electoral laws. There will be no conditionalities outside this framework,”
he said.

Tsvangirai last week told The Sunday Times that he feared for his life if he
returns.

MDC officials and human rights activists have accused Mugabe of
orchestrating a campaign of violence against the opposition since the
election on March 29.

Tsvangirai said he expected to return to Zimbabwe within two days, but aides
later said that no firm date had been set. The violence directed at MDC
supporters and the need to mobilise backing in neighbouring states has kept
Tsvangirai out of Zimbabwe since the first vote.

Observers in Zimbabwe have questioned whether a second round could be fair
with the opposition unable to campaign because of attacks and threats.

Tapiwa Mudiwa, a 26-year-old MDC supporter, was sceptical yesterday. “How
are we going to campaign?” Mudiwa asked. “We can’t wear MDC T-shirts. We
fear we can’t go for rallies. Cars are being burnt.”

The official election result, released on May 2, gave Tsvangirai 47.9% and
Mugabe 43.2%.

No date has been set for the run-off. Tsvangirai said it should be held
within 21 days of May 2, but government officials claim they have up to a
year.


Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

U.S. urges monitors to watch runoff in Zimbabwe

Reuters

Sat 10 May 2008, 19:58 GMT

CRAWFORD, Texas, May 10 (Reuters) - The White House on Saturday urged the
presence of election and human rights monitors at a runoff vote in Zimbabwe
between President Robert Mugabe and opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

The country has been in a stalemate since the March 29 election when
official results showed Mugabe's party lost its parliamentary majority for
the first time since independence in 1980 and that Tsvangirai beat Mugabe in
the presidential ballot but not by enough votes to avoid a runoff.

Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change party has accused the ruling
ZANU-PF of vote-rigging by intimidating and attacking voters.

"We'd like to see election monitors come in, we'd like to see U.N. human
rights monitors come in and ensure we have a safe electoral process in
Zimbabwe," White House spokesman Gordon Johndroe said in Texas where U.S.
President George W. Bush was attending his daughter Jenna's wedding.

"Opposition leaders and supporters must be able to freely campaign free of
violence," he said.

Tsvangirai said on Saturday he would return home within two days to contest
the runoff against Mugabe and deal him a "final knockout" after almost three
decades in power.

But chances of a speedy end to the stalemate appeared remote after
Zimbabwe's justice minister rejected Tsvangirai's preconditions for taking
part in the runoff that international observers and media get full access to
ensure the vote is fair. (Reporting by Jeremy Pelofsky; Editing by Peter
Cooney)


Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

Inside Zimbabwe's secret torture camps

Sunday Telegraph

Last Updated: 11:44PM BST 10/05/2008
Mugabe's Zanu-PF denies intimidating opposition voters before the run-off
poll. But a local correspondent went undercover for The Sunday Telegraph to
reveal the truth about the tyrant's campaign of violence.
The militia brought Mary Nyandoro into the school yard blindfolded and in
handcuffs.

"Witness the baptism of traitors," Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF thugs told us. In
the cold of the early morning, we gathered around as instructed.

Mary's crime had been to vote for the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change in Zimbabwe's blighted elections. She was a peasant farmer, about 30
years old, frail and defenceless.

They frogmarched her into the yard, then they made her do press-ups while
bricks were loaded on to her back. Any lapses attracted the fiery boot of
George, the commander – a heavily built man of about 35 who claimed to be a
war veteran, one of those who supposedly fought in the war of independence
and who now keep Mr Mugabe in power.

Then the militia descended on Mary like a group of vultures fighting for a
carcass. Booted feet and clenched fists struck her all over her body, on the
face, the ribs, the buttocks. Her tattered blouse was torn open.

They ignored her plea for forgiveness and, in agony, she writhed from one
side of the militia wall to the other – blood, so much blood, gushing from
her battered red mouth and nose. Her legs struggled to hold on.

Suddenly, a group of about 30 women broke into song and dance, denouncing
Mary and pouring buckets of cold water on her clothes as she rolled across
the mud. "Watch out sell-outs, the mighty of Zanu-PF is fast catching up
with you," they sang in the Shona tongue.

As they sang, some women whipped her. Something hot was used to burn her
forehead. They left her virtually naked.

The militia had been camped at the Chitangazuva primary school, about 90
miles east of Harare, since it closed in March before the election, turning
its classrooms into a torture camp. They drew up a list of "traitors" –
people who had failed to vote for Mr Mugabe – and set about tracking them
down to teach them the error of their ways.

At 4am every day, the militia break down the doors of their targets' homes
and march the victims to the school where malnourished local people are made
to sing Zanu-PF revolutionary songs. The victims are tortured and then left
in pools of blood while the militia return to the villages to extract more
victims.

People acting as good Samaritans smuggle them out of the school to hospital.
But the conditions are squalid. There is no running water, they are not
allowed to use the pit latrines, or bath.

Mary was number 199 on the list of the "traitors". Temba Kateta, a school
teacher and supporter of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, was
number 200. They caught up with him last week.

I was there when they brought him in. George quickly took over. He grabbed
Temba by the collar, sank his hard palms into his collar bone like a baboon
crushing a nut, and branded him "a sell-out".

Fresh thorns had been spread on the ground. As the teacher's name was
called, he looked desperate but helpless, trapped by two pairs of police
handcuffs which were fastened round his hands and legs and tied together by
a string, leaving him slumped in a heap. In that state, they made him roll
to and fro on the ground. He had to denounce Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC
leader, ignoring the pain from the thorns piercing his skin. Then they
started beating him.

They beat him on the soles of the feet with a car's fanbelt, swapping over
at intervals so that there was no relief from the pain. Then they attacked
his back with axe handles and burnt him with melted plastic until he could
not shout, then they forced him to reveal the names of other MDC supporters.

So he named them, and instantly a manhunt began.

I do not know what happened to those named by Temba, because I had to leave
to get a pass from the "war veterans" to get in and out of the area – which,
like all the rural constituencies, has been sealed off with police
roadblocks. It is a passport that gives you safe passage and allows
interaction with the people there. Only with this paper could I pass through
the roadblocks and leave.

Later, I met a 64-year-old woman, Kerit Chivake, who had both her arms
broken by a gang of youths after they learnt that she had voted MDC.

I was told that Mary had been taken to the Mutoko General Hospital, where
the doctors found she had a fractured skull, as well as a broken rib and
bruising all over her body. Just above her damaged eyes, a deep red mark
remains, where her skin was seared. I think that mark is with her for the
rest of her life.


Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

SA picking up a crippling tab for Zimbabwean crisis

The Times, SA
 
Published:May 11, 2008


Calculating the financial cost of the Zimbabwean crisis helps to measure relative priorities and gives guidance on what needs to be done

Last year, the combined size of Zimbabwe and SA’s economies was US283-billion, but our neighbour accounted for just 0.2% of the total

If only a third of the jobs held by Zimbabweans in SA are taken by locals, our unemployment rate would drop from the current 23% to 16%

The financial repercussions of the political chaos and economic meltdown in the country should be spelt out because it’s costing us dearly, writes Jayendra Naidoo

While many question the role of South Africa and its right to intervene in the Zimbabwe crisis, the real question is whether we can afford not to intervene.

Zimbabwe stands on the edge of an election outcome that will lead either to a democratic change or a political disaster.

While the stakes are undoubtedly high for Zimbabwe, South Africans with other pressing challenges, such as electricity shortages, unemployment, crime and Aids, will inevitably ask why Zimbabwe should be given priority.

Social and political organisations should operate on principles of social justice and human rights. This allows strong moral stands to be taken regardless of economic interests.

But calculating the financial costs and benefits of the challenges we face helps to measure relative priorities and provides guidance on the amount of resources that can be invested to resolve an issue.

The question South Africans must ask is whether our current government policy of quiet diplomacy is an appropriate response, or should we rather be investing in a stronger approach to ensure a successful democratic election outcome and the restoration of the Zimbabwean economy?

Using public data, Macquarie First South’s economists have “run the numbers” on Zimbabwe’s effect on the South African economy.

SA Reserve Bank data shows that the combined gross domestic product of South Africa and Zimbabwe was US143-billion in 1994, with Zimbabwe’s share about 5%.

After experiencing steady growth through most of the ’90s, Zimbabwe’s economy has deteriorated since 1998 to the extent that it’s now the world’s fastest-shrinking economy with the world’s highest inflation rate.

By last year, the combined size of SA and Zimbabwe’s economies had doubled to US283-billion, but Zimbabwe’s economy accounted for just 0.2% of the total.

Today, the Zimbabwean economy is 40% smaller than what it was in 1999.

Had it maintained its pre-2000 growth rate, its GDP would be at least US7- billion larger than it currently is.

South Africa is Zimbabwe’s largest trading partner, supplying 40% of its imports and receiving 25% in exports.

It’s estimated that the share of “lost” exports from South Africa to Zimbabwe is approximately R22-billion.

Furthermore, perceived political risk attached to the Zimbabwean political crisis has had a big impact on South Africa, especially taking into account the current account deficit and the tough global financial environment.

International negative sentiments on Zimbabwe hurts South Africa as well, as investors in SA bonds and equities calculate the negative consequences on SA in terms of employment, growth and social stability.

In 2001, the initial wave of negative sentiment on Zimbabwe coincided with a 3% increase in South Africa’s cost of borrowing foreign currency.

Macquarie First South’s research estimated that, in the current global environment, a meltdown in Zimbabwe could weaken the rand by as much as 20%. This would push interest rates up by at least 2%.

This raises the borrowing and investment costs of public and private companies, and hits consumers in the form of higher transport costs, electricity, house rentals or mortgages, and a higher cost of goods generally.

This would equate to a total cost to South Africa of R24-billion.

The loss of SA exports to Zimbabwe has resulted in a total loss in GDP of R46-billion in the current year.

Of course, the cumulative effect over the past seven years is larger, and if the crisis continues for years ahead, the costs would continue to grow.

Conversely, in the context of a successful transition in Zimbabwe, positive sentiment would strengthen the rand and result in a reduced cost of borrowing.

Taking action to restore the Zimbabwean economy would potentially add 2% to our economy.

Zimbabwe’s crisis is not just a lost opportunity in terms of GDP, but a huge direct cost to South Africa.

Formerly a food exporter, Zimbabwe is now an exporter of poverty and refugees.

An estimated 3.5 million Zimbabweans are in South Africa, most working “illegally” in SA homes, restaurants and the construction sectors. At the same time, there are about four million unemployed South Africans who are actively looking for jobs.

If the Zimbabwean economy began functioning normally and started to create job opportunities again, many would return home and find jobs there.

Assuming that only a third of the jobs currently held by Zimbabweans are taken by South Africans, unemployment in South African would drop from the current rate of 23% to around 16%.

This translates into more income per average South African household, plus additional savings in unemployment benefits currently being paid and a decrease in remittances sent to Zimbabwe, which will save South Africa additional foreign exchange.

According to the SA Reserve Bank, the average total compensation for an SA employee (taking into account a labour force of 17 million people) is about R49 000 a year or R4 000 a month.

Assuming that the average Zimbabwean employed in SA earns even half of this, the direct effect of 1.2 million more South Africans being employed in those jobs would be about R30-billion.

Each average SA household would be roughly R3000 better off each year.

There are other costs too.

Zimbabwean food production has fallen 40% since 2000 and the UN World Food Programme estimates that 2.6 million Zimbabweans will need food aid in 2008. The country has lost major tourism revenues, foreign direct investment has dropped to less than 10% of its pre-2000 levels to US30-million, and SA suppliers have lost millions as a result of non- payment from Zimbabwean companies. The valuable mining and agricultural sectors have lost out on the high prices for commodities due to dramatic falls in their output.

Zimbabwe is a high-value challenge and opportunity for South Africa.

The costs or gains of getting it wrong are high — as are the gains of getting it right. If South Africa was a company, the shareholders of SA Inc would link the bonus of the top executive management to resurrecting Zimbabwe and helping to get it on the right path.

Weak action on South Africa’s part now is in itself an action and a choice.

Zimbabwe can’t afford to miss this critical chance for change.

But more still, South Africa can’t afford to miss this opportunity either.

  • Naidoo is the executive chairman of the J&J Group and writes in his personal capacity

  • Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Police Intensify Crackdown On Dissent

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:19
    THE police last week descended on civil society and the media,
    arresting two journalists, two trade unionists, a human rights lawyer and
    three student leaders in what civil society organisations say is as an
    intensifying crackdown on dissenting voices.

    On Thursday, the police arrested the editor of The Standard, Davison
    Maruziva for allegedly "publishing falsehoods prejudicial to the state and
    for contempt of court".

    He appeared before a Harare magistrate on Friday after spending a
    night in filthy police cells, and was released on $10 billion bail. His
    trial is set for 23 May.

    The State argues that being an editor Maruziva undermined public
    confidence by publishing an opinion article by MDC faction leader Arthur
    Mutambara in the paper’s issue of 20-26 April.

    In his article, Mutambara expressed concern shared by many Zimbabweans
    then, that of a delayed announcement of presidential election results.

    He also bemoaned the irony of celebrating independence amid continued
    economic meltdown and escalating violence, among other ills bedevilling the
    country, observations which the State alleges are false.

    Maruziva shared the cells with Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
    (ZCTU) leaders, president Lovemore Matombo and secretary general Wellington
    Chibebe, who were also arrested on Thursday.

    They were charged with "communicating falsehoods prejudicial to the
    state and inciting public violence". The allegations arose from speeches
    they made on May Day.

    But the two remain in custody after their bail hearing was deferred to
    tomorrow. Their lawyer, Alec Muchadehama told The Standard that the State
    had indicated if the two were granted bail, it would be opposed.

    Human rights lawyer, Harrison Nkomo, was arrested on Wednesday for
    "undermining the authority or insulting the president".

    He was granted bail and will appear in court on 23 May. Nkomo is said
    to have told Harare prosecutor Michael Mugabe to tell "his father who has
    failed to run the country" to step down. The State says Nkomo insulted
    President Mugabe.

    In his defence, Nkomo, represented by Beatrice Mtetwa, will argue that
    he did not insult the President since "he is not the biological father of
    the prosecutor".

    He will say Michael Mugabe’s father is Donato, the late brother of the
    President.

    Nkomo will also raise in his defence his right to freedom of
    expression as guaranteed in the Constitution. He will say his comments were
    fair in the circumstances.

    Two Zimbabwe National Students’ Union (ZINASU) leaders, Faith Mutepfa
    and Privilege Matizanadzo, were arrested in Chinhoyi on Wednesday for
    inciting public violence.

    A third student, Lothando Sibanda, was arrested on Friday, while
    ZINASU spokesperson, Blessing Vava, was allegedly abducted by militias and
    was said to be still missing at the time of going to press.

    Another student leader, Courage Ngwarai, is said to have been arrested
    on Friday at Great Zimbabwe University.

    ZINASU president, Clever Bere said they had been warned against
    "making subversive statements inciting students to rise up against the
    regime".

    "From what we have got so far, Blessing was taken by the war veterans
    and we are yet to establish what could have happened to him. We are now very
    much worried about his security, and also about the dangers now facing
    almost all of us in the ZINASU leadership," Bere said.

    Reports said police in Rusape were cracking down on vendors. The
    Standard was told yesterday they were rounding up newspaper vendors,
    accusing them of littering the streets with the papers.

    Zimbabwe Union of Journalists president Matthew Takaona condemned
    Maruziva’s arrest as "unwarranted, misplaced and vindictive".

    "The action is an ongoing ploy by the police to harass and intimidate
    journalists from carrying out their duties", Takaona said.

    An official from the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition said the arrests
    were "typical behaviour by a regime that does not have respect for human
    rights and fundamental freedoms".

    The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) said it would lead
    marches on Saturday in solidarity with their counterparts in Zimbabwe.

    By Vusumuzi Sifile and Jennifer Dube


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Zim Under Military Rule - Dabengwa

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:16
    Former Home Affairs Minister Dumiso Dabengwa says the country is
    virtually under military rule following President Robert Mugabe’s dramatic
    defeat in the 29 March elections.

    Dabengwa, a respected commander of ZIPRA forces and an ally of
    unsuccessful presidential election candidate Simba Makoni, told journalists
    on Friday the deployment of soldiers to campaign for Mugabe was an
    indication the army now ran the country.

    He said there was a clique in Zanu PF forcing Mugabe to stay on as a
    figurehead, while a survival strategy, anchored in terror was being deployed
    throughout the country.

    "What we see with the deployment of the army, the militia and the
    so-called war veterans smacks of a de facto coup," he said.

    "I have been informed that a clique of powerful people within Zanu PF
    convinced Mugabe to stay on, despite losing the election. I have their names
    but I cannot mention them in case I am sued."

    Last month, the government angrily denied opposition claims Mugabe had
    been sidelined by army generals who do not want MDC Morgan Tsvangirai to
    take over the presidency.

    Defence forces commander Constantine Chiwenga, police commissioner
    general Augustine Chihuri and prison boss Paradzai Zimondi, swore publicly
    they would "never salute" Tsvangirai if he beat Mugabe to the presidency.

    The army has been linked to the post-election violence targeted at MDC
    supporters. In one incident, the government blamed the victims after
    soldiers shot at unarmed civilians.

    Last week the army "categorically distanced itself and any of its
    members from such activities".

    "We acknowledge that there is violence but it must be noted that the
    perpetrators are not genuine war veterans," Dabengwa said.

    "Imagine the youngest combatant in 1980 was probably 15 and this means
    that they should be 45 now.

    "So most of the so-called war veterans you see today are too young to
    have participated in the liberation struggle."

    Levels of organised violence and torture have escalated dramatically
    during the last fortnight in Zimbabwe amid mounting tension over the
    disputed elections.

    Dabengwa said the only solution to the worsening problems was a
    transitional government of national unity (GNU), which would lead the
    country for a maximum of two years while fresh elections were being
    organised.

    He said Mugabe could not be part of the new set-up and Tsvangirai as
    the candidate who received the most votes should be allowed to form the new
    government.

    "Mugabe was amenable to the idea of a GNU before the mafia stopped him
    from stepping down," said Dabengwa. "The winner in this election is the
    leader with the mandate of the people and he must lead this formation.

    "The leader can then choose a prime minister from the party that came
    second best, which in this case is Zanu PF."

    Meanwhile, Dabengwa allayed fears that his life was under threat from
    war veterans and State agents following rumours that he was seriously
    injured when his Nyamandlovu farm was allegedly invaded.

    He said Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) agents had visited him
    last week to check if he was still alive following the persistent rumours.

    "This morning (Friday) I had a visit from the CIO wanting to find out
    if I was still alive," he said. "When I was coming from Botswana recently
    people were shocked to see me as they thought I was a spook."

    The former Zipra military intelligence supremo said he was receiving
    dozens of calls a day from people checking on his well-being.

    By John Mokwetsi and Kholwani Nyathi


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Tsvangirai Sets Terms For Run-off

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:12

    MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday set down conditions for taking
    part in the Presidential election run-off as the African Union (AU) piled
    pressure on President Robert Mugabe to ensure this second round of voting
    was held in accordance with the electoral laws.

    Tsvangirai announced in Pretoria he was ready for the run-off, despite
    widespread concerns it would not be free and fair.

    He said he would only participate in the poll, to be held "no later
    than 24 May", if conditions guaranteeing free and fair election were in
    place.

    To forestall an escalation of violence in the run-up to voting, MDC
    sources disclosed the party would press for a peacekeeping force from the
    Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc) and African Union that would
    ensure the election was held in peace.

    According to the Electoral Act, a run-off has to be held within 21
    days from the date of the announcement of results.

    Tsvangirai said the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), heavily
    criticised for delaying the announcement of results of the 29 March
    election, should be reconstituted.

    He made the announcement after chairing a two-day meeting with top
    officials of both factions of the MDC, who have formed a parliamentary
    coalition.

    Trade union representatives and civil society organisations attended
    the meeting, called to consult on whether or not Tsvangirai should
    participate in a run-off in the wake of mounting violence on opposition
    supporters.

    Sources at the Pretoria meeting said it was felt if Tsvangirai did not
    enter the run-off, it would be a betrayal of those "who have died, were
    maimed, suffered or lost their property in the violence perpetrated by
    soldiers, militias and war veterans".

    Tsvangirai is expected to announce this week a special fund to assist
    the victims, mostly in the farming and rural communities.

    The Standard understands that Tsvangirai left for Angola yesterday
    afternoon, where he was scheduled to meet President Eduardo dos Santos and
    ask for the peace keeping mission.

    Dos Santos is the chairman of the SADC troika on Politics, Defence and
    Security.

    Aides expected Tsvangirai back in SA yesterday. They said he would "in
    a day or two" return to Zimbabwe to be with party members who have borne the
    brunt of the violence.

    Tsvangirai has been staying in Botswana for the past few weeks, hosted
    by the government there. He used his base to ratchet up pressure against
    Mugabe.

    Partly as a result of Tsvangirai’s diplomatic efforts, Mugabe has
    started to come under pressure from his traditional backers — African
    leaders — to stop violence and allow for a free and fair run-off.

    While the African Union (AU) had supported Mugabe in the past, sources
    in Addis Ababa said the continental body had shifted its stance against the
    veteran politician in recent weeks, alarmed by the delay in announcing the
    Presidential election results and the violence that followed.

    AU officials said the body would no longer sit idly by and watch
    Mugabe continue his "dangerous circus", but would play an active role in
    finding a solution to the crisis.

    The AU would leave room for SA President Thabo Mbeki, who held talks
    with Mugabe on Friday, to play the key role assigned to him by the regional
    grouping.

    Emmerson Mnangagwa has said Zanu PF wanted electoral rules changed to
    ensure Mugabe would not be "prejudiced" by non-government organisations and
    some ZEC officials.

    But Jean Ping, the chairperson of the AU Commission (AUC) was
    forthright about the AU’s desire to see the run-off "undertaken as provided
    for in the Electoral Act".

    Ping, who met Mugabe on Monday, stressed the need for the "best
    possible conditions" for Zimbabweans to exercise their democratic right to
    choose their leader, adding the AU would not accept a change in electoral
    conditions.

    "In the run-up to the second round of the Presidential Poll, the AU
    emphasizes the need for Zimbabwe to implement the conditions set out in the
    Declaration on the Principles Governing Democratic Elections in Africa," he
    said, adding the AU "urges agreements reached and the conditions prevailing
    prior to the 29 March polls be upheld; appeals to all the Zimbabwe political
    actors to conduct their activities in a free, transparent, tolerant and
    non-violent manner to enable Zimbabweans exercise their democratic rights".

    Patrick Chinamasa, the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary
    Affairs could not be reached for comment yesterday.

    Asked to comment on Tsvangirai’s demands, Mnangagwa said yesterday:
    "We follow the laws of the country", before referring questions to
    Chinamasa.

    By Walter Marwizi


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Teachers Flee Terror In Rural Schools

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 19:09

    WHEN Tendai Munda* was called to the high table, he saw it as a
    gesture of respect from the war veterans who had called an urgent meeting at
    his school.

    He was a respected senior teacher at the school and the surrounding
    area of Chikwaka in Murehwa, about 50km north-east of Harare.

    The dignity with which Munda walked to the front soon melted like
    morning dew when he was branded "a traitor" of the liberation struggle, bent
    on reversing the gains of the hard-won independence.

    "One of them grabbed me by the collar and threw me to the ground, in
    front of my pupils and their parents," Munda said last week in Harare, to
    which he fled.

    "I was ordered to openly declare my allegiance to Zanu PF, sing their
    songs and denounce MDC as a puppet party of the West."

    Munda’s crime: he campaigned for the MDC before the 29 March
    elections.

    After this ordeal, he was ordered to dig a small hole, spit into it,
    and then fill it up — a sign of repentance.

    "That same night I fled to Harare," he said.

    Munda’s ordeal is a microcosm of the nightmare teachers in rural areas
    endure at the hands of suspected war veterans and Zanu PF youth militia.

    On Wednesday, The Standard visited a number of trouble spots in
    Murehwa, where teachers fled schools after threats by war veterans.

    The teachers, asking not to be named, said tension mounted after a
    meeting called by the war veterans a fortnight ago.

    At Gosha primary school near Juru growth point, two teachers fled to
    Harare.

    They are said to have been threatened by war veterans and youth
    militia, camped at the centre.

    They are reported to drive around in a light blue Mitsubishi truck.

    Another teacher, who has since fled to Harare, said the war veterans
    threatened to throw him in a tank filled with acid if he was seen in the
    area again because "I was a bad influence to society".

    This news crew found the war veterans seated in the car at Juru Growth
    Point, drinking beer at mid-day. They looked energetic and too young to have
    been in a war which started in earnest in 1975.

    At nearby Kadyamadare School, teachers quickly rushed into their
    classrooms when they saw an unfamiliar car pulling in at the school gate.

    The teachers refused to talk to The Standard but some pupils and
    villagers who attended the meeting confirmed their teachers were humiliated
    and threatened in their presence.

    One teacher said: "I would not advise you to even look at the results.
    Just leave. You will create problems for us."

    Kadyamadare School was used as a polling station during the March
    elections and MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai won by a wide margin.

    "They (war vets) blame teachers for that," said one villager.

    A headmaster in Murehwa, also asking not to be named, said teachers
    were requesting for emergency transfers as they could not risk their lives
    by returning to the school.

    Parents said they were disappointed at the manner in which the war
    veterans and soldiers were treating teachers.

    A Mr Mangwana said teachers had fled the schools leaving children with
    no one to teach them.

    "We are not only destroying the education system but the future of our
    children," he said. "President Robert Mugabe must just call off this
    violence."

    Teachers’ unions have warned teachers in areas of high political
    violence not to return to schools until their safety is guaranteed.

    Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) secretary-general
    Raymond Majongwe said more 400 schools have closed down countrywide.

    He said teachers were most at risk in Mashonaland East, Central and
    West and Manicaland provinces.

    "We have quite a large number of teachers who have been beaten up," he
    said. "Some are receiving medical help from non-governmental organisations."

    Even the usually pro-Mugabe Zimbabwe Teachers’ Association (Zimta) has
    said it was concerned about the safety of its members.

    Zimta president Peter Mabande said: "We know teachers are being
    harassed and this is affecting the provision of quality education. However,
    in the event the teachers realise their lives are in danger they should get
    away from those places."

    According to figures compiled by the PTUZ more than 133 teachers have
    been assaulted while 1 718 have fled from their schools since the elections.

    The union said 33 teachers were forced to pay money, goats and cattle
    as "repentance fees" to war veterans and youth militia to avoid being
    tortured.

    Majongwe appealed to the government to guarantee the safety of
    teachers or face a crisis in the education sector.

    Outgoing Minister of Education, Sports and Culture, Aeneas Chigwedere,
    said his ministry was addressing the problem.

    But he accused both the MDC and Zanu PF of perpetrating terror against
    teachers in rural areas.

    "We know that there are teachers who are being harassed especially in
    Mashonaland East and West, and Manicaland provinces. The two parties are
    both to blame as they are the ones harassing school teachers."

    Efforts to get a comment from police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena
    were in vain as he was not answering calls. His deputy Andrew Phiri said
    Bvudzijena was the only one who could comment.

    *Real name of the school teacher withheld for security reasons.

    By Sandra Mandizvidza and Caiphas Chimhete


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Relatives Refuse To Bury Murdered MDC Activist

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:47
    The family of an MDC polling agent, allegedly murdered by suspected
    Zanu PF militias, have refused to bury him until they are given 63 head of
    cattle and US$5 000 by the families of the accused, The Standard was told.

    Zvidzai Mapurisa was reportedly murdered on 24 April by suspected Zanu
    PF thugs who descended on his homestead in Village 21 in Gunikuni area,
    Masvingo South at around 1AM.

    They are alleged to have taken him away and assaulted him severely
    with sticks and sjamboks, accusing him of mobilizing people to vote against
    Zanu PF.

    MDC Masvingo party chairman Wilstaf Sitemere confirmed Mapurisa’s
    parents were refusing to bury their son until their demands are met.

    "We attended the funeral and we had to leave early after Mapurisa’s
    father refused to bury him and dumped the corpse at Zanu PF ward chairman’s
    house," Sitemere said.

    "I think they must pay for their sins because it is not fair to kill
    someone for supporting a party of his choice."

    Sitemere claimed the MDC activist was killed by 12 Zanu PF supporters
    going around Gunikuni area assaulting opposition party supporters.

    The 12, reportedly arrested and detained at Masvingo remand prison,
    are awaiting trial after their initial appearance before a provincial
    magistrate.

    There are Nhamo Dhadha, Chinhamo Eriya Mugabazi, Ernest and Eriya
    (jnr) Mugabazi, Taurai Hwechengwe, Emmanuel Masunda, Jacob Hakunashe, Tapiwa
    Fakazi, Munyaradzi Ruzvidzo, Obert Charebwa, Justice Mutandi and Murura
    Mutandi.

    Masvingo police spokesperson Inspector Fibion Nyambo said the police
    had not yet received reports that the Mapurisa family were refusing to bury
    their relative.

    "We are investigating the case. At the moment we are trying to get
    hold of our police offices in Muchakata village," Nyambo said.

    Zanu PF provincial chairman Retired Major Alex Mudavanhu could not be
    reached for comment as he was said to be out of office and his mobile was
    not reachable.

    Zvidzai’s relatives are also demanding compensation from the Zanu PF
    chairperson for ward 34, Hwani Dhadha, accused of assigning the youths to
    beat up Mapurisa.

    Six other people accused of taking part in the assault are said to
    have fled the village.

    A close relative of the dead man, who declined to be named for fear of
    victimization, said Mapurisa’s body was dumped at Dhadha’s house on
    Wednesday last week and was still there on Friday.

    "They (the parents) refused to bury him and dumped his body at the
    homestead of Dhadha, who is being accused of sending the youths to assault
    Mapurisa," said the relative.

    By Godfrey Mutimba


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Botswana Tells Media To Expose Zimbabwe Violence

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:45
    The Botswana government last week instructed its public media to
    expose the plight of Zimbabwean refugees escaping political violence as
    asylum seekers continued to flee across its border.

    The directive came shortly after an unprecedented mass deportation of
    Zimbabwean traders from Zambia last weekend.

    Observers saw this as yet another sign of growing regional impatience
    over the unending political crisis in this country.

    Botswana, which recently set up a temporary refugee camp for
    Zimbabweans in Francistown, said exposing the extent of the humanitarian
    crisis might help mobilise international support for the victims of
    political violence.

    Andrew Sesinyi, the deputy permanent secretary in the Ministry of
    Communications, Science and Technology, told the independent Mmegi newspaper
    the Zimbabwe crisis could no longer be swept under the carpet.

    "There is an influx of Zimbabwean asylum seekers and I have just asked
    the government media to pay attention to this development," Sesinyi said.

    "We can’t hide a problem which is as huge as that of the influx of
    asylum seekers.

    I have told the public media this must be given the priority it
    deserves. We cannot be getting stories on a local problem on the wire
    service when we are here on the ground."

    In the past the government in Harare has claimed it enjoys the support
    of neighbouring countries who it alleges are against the MDC because they
    believed it was supported by the West.

    But the support appears to be fast waning following the disputed 29
    March elections and the subsequent upsurge in political violence blamed on
    Zanu PF supporters.

    Botswana and Zambia have been the most outspoken critics of President
    Robert Mugabe’s government.

    The MDC says 30 of its supporters have been killed since the
    elections.

    In Matabeleland South most of the victims are reportedly fleeing to
    Botswana where they enter through undesignated points.

    Alarmed by the influx, President Ian Seretse Khama’s government gave
    journalists a rare opportunity to interview the new arrivals.

    "In Botswana, we are used to illegal immigrants," Sesinyi said, "and
    people might be confused about the latest developments and as such, it is
    the mandate of the media to inform the public accordingly, especially the
    public media."

    Botswana deports thousands of Zimbabwean economic refugees every year
    and along with South Africa it has been worst affected by the collapse of
    the economy blamed on Mugabe’s policies.

    By Kholwani Nyathi


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Diplomats Visit Torture Victims, Pledge Support

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:41
    THE ambassadors of five Western countries, the European Union and
    representatives of Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc) on Friday
    toured the Avenues Clinic in Harare where 33 victims of alleged Zanu PF
    terror are detained.

    They immediately called for an end to the "absolute brutality" by Zanu
    PF supporters and offered assistance to the hospital to cope with the
    ever-increasing number of casualties.

    The envoys represented the US, Britain, Germany, Spain and Sweden.
    Sadc organ chairman Angola was also represented.

    Although The Standard could not independently confirm their
    allegations, all the patients who spoke to the diplomats said they had been
    assaulted by Zanu PF supporters.

    Speaking after the tour, US ambassador to Zimbabwe James McGee said
    the situation was "horrible".

    "What I see here is absolute brutality. How can an 84-year-old woman
    be assaulted simply because her children are MDC supporters? This is
    absolute brutality and it should stop. Violence in Zimbabwe should stop.
    Whoever is perpetrating it has to stop. There is no reason for this
    violence," McGee said.

    He said he would "take the issue up with the government".

    The British ambassador, Andrew Pocock, said the plight of the victims
    was "very moving".

    "Seeing it personally gives you an idea of the human impact and the
    scale of this (the violence.) This is being done by the government against
    its own people. It is being done for one single purpose — to keep this
    government in power," he said.

    The Spanish ambassador, Santiago Martinez-Caro, said he was "shocked"
    by the experiences of the victims, while his Swedish counterpart, Sten
    Rylander, said he would explore ways of helping the affected.

    Among the most serious cases were a three-year-old child, and a woman
    who could not remember her age, but was estimated to be 84 years old, basing
    on events she could recall. The woman had serious injuries to her back and
    buttocks after being hit with bricks because her children are MDC
    supporters.

    Her assailants later burnt her hut.

    Two of the victims, the envoys were told, died on Thursday night,
    while five were still in a critical condition.

    Outlining her ordeal, the old woman said it was "miraculous" that she
    had survived.

    "I know the people who attacked me. I even called one of them by name
    and asked him to finish me off, but then he ran away. He was holding a
    knife. They then burnt my hut and took my four goats and one ox," she told
    the diplomats.

    Another of the patients, a former teacher from Uzumba who was an MDC
    polling agent, sustained two broken hands and a leg. He said his assailants
    tied him to a tree before assaulting him.

    "They left me for dead in the middle of the night. I am told the
    village head said he would deal with whoever would transport me to the
    clinic," he said. The name of the village head was not given.

    Avenues Clinic matron, Patricia Tavaziva said of late they were
    struggling to cope with the number of victims admitted to the hospital.

    "It is not easy. . . We are being challenged because of the numbers.
    The Counselling Services Unit (CSU) has so far handled more than 800 cases,"
    Tavaziva said.

    A doctor at the institution said although they were struggling to cope
    with the patients, for them "the biggest challenge is those people in the
    rural areas who have not been able to come here".

    Tavaziva said two of the victims had died the previous night.

    "One of them had brain injuries. The other was severely injured on the
    buttocks. . . There are three others who are critical," she said.

    Police spokesperson Wayne Bvudzijena could not be reached for comment.

    By Vusumuzi Sifile


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Conditions Not Ideal For Run-off: Envoy

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:33
    The political violence, in which MDC supporters are being brutalised,
    is not an ideal environment for the holding of a presidential run-off
    election, the Swedish ambassador to Zimbabwe said last week.

    Addressing  journalists in Masvingo during the World Press Freedom
    Day, Sten Rylander, said elections should be held in a peaceful atmosphere.

    “It would not be wise to have a re-run under the current situation,”
    he said. “Cases of violence against people in the country are on the
    increase and it doesn’t set a good stage for a run-off.”

    The MDC has accused Zanu PF of waging a war against its supporters
    since the 29 March polls.

    The party claims more than 20 of its supporters have been murdered by
    war veterans  and Zanu PF youth militia, an allegation President Robert
    Mugabe’s government  denies.

    Rylander urged Zanu PF and the MDC to consider a government of
    national unity and reschedule the run-off for next year to allow the
    situation to cool down.

    He said: “Zimbabwe needs a government of national unity at the moment
    and push the re-run to next year to allow the situation to normalize while
    democratic and transparent elections are properly organised.

    If the re-run goes ahead the situation will worsen and can degenerate
    into a civil war.”

    Rylander said he had so far received over 700 cases of post-election
    violence, adding most incidents were “very disturbing” as innocent people
    were losing their lives.

    “My government is greatly concerned with incidents of massive violence
    in the provinces. It is saddening to see people with broken arms and crashed
    feet as a result of political violence. I have personally met such people in
    Harare and two of them were from Masvingo,” said Rylander.

    He called on the United Nations and the African Union to intervene
    urgently as the situation in Zimbabwe was set to worsen if the re-run went
    ahead.

    “International organisations such as the UN and AU should come in and
    see for themselves what is happening here. This must be stopped,” Rylander
    said.

    By Godfrey Mutimba


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Face-to-face With Mugabe's Dungeons

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:27
    I hadn’t met Lovemore Matombo for a serious engaging discussion since
    the 1980s. Then he was with the union for workers in the postal and
    telecommunications sector.

    Since then he has risen to the helm of the country’s most powerful
    labour movement, the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU). Parallel to
    this rise, his rhetoric has mellowed and become more measured.

    We met in the interrogation office at the Law and Order section of the
    CID at Harare Central police station on Thursday last week.

    I was being charged in my capacity as editor of The Standard under the
    provisions of the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act which deals
    with publishing or communicating a false statement prejudicial to the State
    and contempt of court. The two charges arose from publication of an article
    by MDC leader Professor Arthur Mutambara entitled, A Shameful Betrayal of
    National Independence.

    I recalled an incident in January 2001. A government minister called
    The Daily News, days before it was picketed by so-called war veterans and
    Zanu PF supporters. This was his warning: "You think we (read the
    government) are afraid of the MDC? . . . it is you who give currency to
    their ideas by publishing them . . ."

    If my assessment is correct, then the strategy behind my arrest is to
    cow the independent media from reporting on the political violence and
    internal displacements blamed largely on Zanu PF, its supporters, youth
    militias and State security agents. This view is confirmed by the arrest
    last week of Howard Burditt, an accredited Reuters cameraman for possession
    of a satellite phone.

    Matombo and the ZCTU’s secretary-general, Wellington Chibebe, were
    being charged with inciting workers during their May Day addresses.

    We shared our cell with five other much younger suspects, who
    consulted Chibebe and Matombo on the current situation. The presence of the
    ZCTU leaders appeared to reassure them and was a source of inspiration to
    the younger suspects, boosting their resistance to the regime.

    But it is precisely this that could endanger the lives of the ZCTU
    leaders.

    Several things struck me: the presence of professional officers, on
    the one hand and that of decidedly rogue elements in the police force on the
    other; the treatment of suspects; decay in facilities such as collapsing
    ceilings; absence of water and lack of equipment as manifested by the
    continued use of typewriters that would proudly grace an exhibition of the
    history of writing equipment.

    Matombo was pointing out to his deputy, Japhet Moyo, and I, the
    complex within Harare Central police station, where in 1970s he was tortured
    by one black officer with the Special Branch, precursor of the Central
    Intelligence Organisation, when in walked one menacing piece of God’s
    creation in the form of an officer, who interrupted Matombo, offering,
    unsolicited, a chilling account of what happens at the Law and Order
    Section. He used the term "break" or "crush" in Shona, as the treatment
    meted out to suspects brought to the section.

    He suggested that if one found a "thief in one’s house the thief
    should be prepared for the consequences".

    We were alarmed. Matombo was appalled — especially after the
    experiences of the labour movement’s leaders in September 2006.

    I recalled that in the late 1990s the late Kempton Makamure, then at
    the University of Zimbabwe and other lecturers, spent their time offering
    lectures on issues of human rights and their observance to officers at the
    Police Staff College.

    I wondered whether this particular officer had ever been through such
    training or was a mere "graduate" of the Border Gezi system. He was to hover
    around and in and out of the interrogation office, presumably with the
    intention of "striking fear in our hearts and minds". He provided a sobering
    study of post-independence law enforcement. I wondered about the Police
    Service Charter, attempts to modernise the police and whether these measures
    were doomed to fail.

    Even though several institutions have benefited from government
    computers, the police still rely on ancient typewriters. Maybe this is part
    of a deliberate ploy to ensure the process of recording statements is drawn
    out, thereby increasing anxiety in the suspects.

    Attempts by our legal counsel Arthur Mutsonziwa of Atherstone & Cook,
    Advocate Deepak Mehta and our Group CEO Raphael Khumalo to secure my
    release, even into the custody of our lawyers for my court appearance the
    following day — Friday — were thoroughly frustrated.

    Eventually they were informed the "decision to detain me overnight had
    already been made".

    Upon insistence they were told the instruction was from the
    Attorney-General’s office.

    Chibebe, Matombo and I were taken to the holding cells. There, we met
    some of the finest and most professional of officers.

    Then to the dungeons. At night we were herded into the cells. We had
    agreed — Chibebe, Matombo and I — that we would remain together and look
    after each other. The only form of lighting was in the stairway. The cells
    were pitch black; there was no water, certainly for the duration of my stay
    there and the cells were heavily infested with fleas and other
    creepy-crawlies.

    We spent the night standing in order to minimise contact with the
    walls or the "beds". It is probably part of the humiliating punishment for
    suspects. But there is a health time bomb waiting to explode.

    However, our worst fears were confirmed when the officers for the
    morning duty came to open our cells on Friday. Chibebe, Matombo and I were
    accused of mobilising other suspects into challenging the officers. As a
    warning, three other suspects were beaten. The use of excessive force was
    chilling. While I was granted bail on Friday, I fear for Chibebe and
    Matombo, because one of the four officers threatened them dire consequences.

    By Davison Maruziva


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Fears Of Drug Resistance To HIV/Aids Medicines

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:22
    PEOPLE living with HIV and Aids (PLWAs) say they fear developing drug
    resistance amid reports of severe shortages of drug combinations at the
    major referral hospitals.

    The PLWAs are on the government-run antiretroviral therapy programmes.

    The most affected referral health centres are Parirenyatwa and Harare
    Central Hospitals.

    The Standard understands that PLWAs on anti-retroviral drugs (ARVs) at
    the State hospitals are being asked to buy a number of drug combinations at
    private pharmacies because of erratic drugs supplies.

    The drugs reportedly in short supply are Zidovudine, Effavirenz (which
    is taken by PLWAs on Tuberculosis treatment) and first line ARV drug —
    Stalanev.

    PLWAs who spoke to The Standard last week said they were missing their
    doses because they could not afford the drugs. Skipping doses is said to be
    "very dangerous" to their health.

    As of last week, a month’s supply of Effavirenz was about $2.5 billion
    while Zidovudine was being sold at $2 billion in most pharmacies.

    On average a Zimbabwean worker earns $1.5 billion a month.

    One PLWA, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said he was told on a
    recent visit to Harare hospital that he had to buy Zidovudine on his own but
    had failed to raise the money.

    As a result he went for almost one week without his medication.

    "I have been on ARVs since 2005," he said. "I developed drug
    resistance to the first line and was put on the second line. I am now
    supposed to be taking second line drugs, Kaletra and Zidovudine.

    "The problem is that sometimes I get a full combination at the
    hospital but sometimes they ask me to buy one or both of the drugs. I cannot
    afford this."

    Another PLWA said she has been having problems obtaining Effavirenz
    from the Parirenyatwa Hospital where she collects her drugs.

    "On 27 March this year, I went to Parirenyatwa Hospital to collect my
    drugs but was told that they had no Effavirenz," she said.

    "My combination as a TB patient is Coviro and Effavirenz, but most of
    the time when I go there the pharmacy doesn’t have Effavirenz. I don’t work
    and I can’t afford to buy this drug on my own."

    Zimbabwe HIV and Aids Activist Union (ZHAAU) president Bernard Nyathi
    last week said he was concerned at the continuing shortages.

    Nyathi, who is himself HIV positive, said the shortages posed great
    danger to PLWAs.

    "If a PLWA continues to skip doses like this the drugs will not work
    in future. Their health will deteriorate and this will be very unfortunate,"
    he said.

    "We sincerely urge the government to look into this issue as a matter
    of urgency. They must sound alarm bells to the donor community if they are
    facing problems because a lot of lives may be in danger."

    Official figures indicate that countrywide at least 3 500 people
    succumb every week to HIV/Aids-related illnesses.

    The Minister of Health and Child Welfare Dr David Parirenyatwa said he
    was unaware of the drug shortages but promised to investigate.

    For the past eight years, Zimbabwe is has been facing a critical
    shortage of drugs, equipment and staff.

    Most of health professionals — doctors, nurses and pharmacists — have
    left the country in search of greener pastures and better working
    conditions.

    By Bertha Shoko


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    War Veteran Raids Disrupt Winter Wheat Cropping

    Zim Standard

    Local
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 18:19
    The shortage of wheat is likely to escalate this year because of the
    on-going disruptions to the winter wheat cropping season by war veterans.

    The rampaging former fighters have displaced hundreds of farm workers,
    in a campaign described by critics as their "retribution" against voters who
    rejected President Robert Mugabe in the 29 March elections.

    Agricultural experts warned last week that over 40 000 farm workers
    had been displaced in the post-election violence.

    Farm workers’ unions claimed 142 commercial farms had been invaded by
    marauding war veterans and Zanu PF militia as they wage a violent campaign
    for Mugabe ahead of a run-off with MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.

    The General Agricultural and Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe
    (GAPWUZ) and farming experts said farming operations throughout the country
    had been grossly affected by the eviction of workers.

    The organisations said attacks on farm workers and invasions escalated
    last week as Zanu PF militia and ex-combatants pushed for the eviction of
    the remaining white commercial farmers.

    They said the result could be that the country is headed for one of
    its worst winter wheat farming seasons in years, likely to be worsened by
    the shortage of farming inputs.

    "The disturbances at the farms, at this critical time of the winter
    wheat cropping season, will see the country experiencing its worst wheat
    harvest in years," said former Grain Marketing Board general manager, Renson
    Gasela.

    The shadow agriculture minister of the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC, said
    operations were at low scale in most farms because farmers were scared of
    being evicted before realising the fruits of their investment.

    The country consumes about 480 000 tonnes of wheat annually.

    But since the farm invasions began in 2000, the government has had to
    import wheat to meet demand.

    Donald Khumalo, the chairperson for the Umguza Farmers’ Association
    said: "The winter wheat farming season will be a serious flop this year.

    "The invasions and lack of inputs and farm equipment do not augur well
    for a good farming season."

    No comment could be obtained from the Agriculture Minister Rugare
    Gumbo.

    The country, once a net exporter of agricultural produce, has faced
    food shortages since the chaotic land reform programme of 2000.

    By Nqobani Ndlovu and Leslie Nunu


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Talks Begin To Protect Low-income Consumers

    Zim Standard

    Business
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 16:07
    HIGH level discussions are in progress on how to cushion vulnerable
    groups as it emerged that freeing of the exchange rate has fuelled a surge
    in prices of basic goods and services beyond the reach of low-income
    citizens.

    The discussions involve the National Incomes and Pricing Commission
    (NIPC) and ministries of Industry and International Trade, Finance and and
    Economic Development on how to protect the groups most likely to be hurt by
    the rising prices.

    Godwills Masimirembwa, NIPC chairman told Standardbusiness the new
    forex exchange measures would push prices beyond the reach of most
    consumers.

    "If we apply the inter-bank rate, the cost of living is going to shoot
    up," he said. "NIPC made representations to see how low-income consumers can
    be protected."

    In his monetary policy statement for the first quarter, central bank
    governor Gideon Gono announced a willing-buyer, willing-seller arrangement,
    whereby holders of foreign currency sell their forex through formal banking
    channels at the ruling interbank rates.

    Gono said because of the centrality of foreign exchange in the
    economy, "its pricing has to take into account the need to incentivise all
    its generators to remain viable, whilst at the same time minimizing the
    unintended adverse consequences on the vulnerable segments of society".

    The new measures have seen rates breaching the $200 million mark per
    US$ on the inter-bank market.

    Masimirembwa said while opening up the economy, Gono had ensured there
    were some intervention measures to cushion businesses.

    In his monetary policy presentation, Gono said the Basic Commodities
    Supply Side Intervention (BACOSSI), introduced last year to provide cheap
    funds to businesses, would continue but on an output-based approach.

    BACOSSI was introduced as a crisis management intervention in the wake
    of the June price blitz. The facility was supposed to have been wound up in
    June but was extended on an approach where beneficiaries "shall commit to
    producing and delivering specific output level over explicit time frames".

    "The facility will also be extended on a re-imbursement basis based on
    actual output produced," he said.

    Callisto Jokonya, Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries president said
    price increases were expected but would stabilize.

    He said business supports 100 percent moves to subsidize vulnerable
    groups, as opposed to handing subsidies to the whole nation.

    Jokonya said business welcomed the $300 trillion fund provided to
    cover businesses whose product prices are controlled by the government.

    Under the Strategic Products Price Controls Mitigation Fund, producers
    of strategic and basic commodities can apply and obtain financial support to
    make up for and recover the genuine adverse effects of price controls and/or
    delays in the approval of justified price reviews.

    Beneficiaries under the Fund will have to "thoroughly back-up their
    applications with substantive facts and explicit score cards on incremental
    production levels".

    Analysts say the fact that there are ongoing discussions on the
    implications of the new monetary policy measures raises fears that the
    government is not ready to embrace free market reforms.

    By Ndamu Sandu


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    ZTA Set To Boost Russian Market

    Zim Standard

    Business
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 16:03
    ZIMBABWE intends to boost the Russian clientele for the tourism
    industry by over 300 percent next year, despite the current volatile
    political environment, tourism authorities said last week.

    This follows a visit by a delegation of Russian tour operators to the
    country a fortnight ago.

    Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) executive director (destination
    marketing) Givemore Chidzidzi, said the country intends to grow the Russian
    clientele for the tourism industry to 20 000 next year, up from 4 500 last
    year.

    Three years ago, only 1 000 Russian tourists visited the country.

    "We have been receiving Russian visitors without any pro-active
    approach from our part," he said. "We invited the visiting delegation after
    deciding to grow Russia as one of our new markets."

    Fourteen tour operators arrived in the country last week, after
    sealing a marketing and tourism development deal with the ZTA at the Moscow
    International Travel Tourism Exhibition in March.

    Speaking to journalists on arrival at Harare International Airport,
    team leader Mikhail Muraviev, said the tour operators intended to replicate
    a tourism plan they adopted for South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda.

    "Russians do not normally use travel agents but rely a lot on
    information from friends and relatives," Muraviev said. "We have facilitated
    numerous visits from Russia since we embarked on that market three years ago
    and we hope to do that with Zimbabwe."

    The team last week visited tourist attractions in Harare, Chivhu,
    Masvingo, Bulawayo, Matopos, Hwange and Victoria Falls.

    Muraviev said the team woul also explore investment opportunities
    under the second phase of the deal.

    "For now, our aim is to spread the word and be able to bring as many
    as 400 visitors under the second phase which will follow as soon as we agree
    on the dates with ZTA, " he said.

    "We will also be looking at investment opportunities once we have
    gathered all the information we need about Zimbabwe," he said.

    By Jennifer Dube


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Zambian Govt Seizes Chiluba 'millions'

    Zim Standard

    Business
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 16:01
    THE Zambian government says it has recovered money and assets worth
    nearly US$60 million stolen during the rule of former President Frederick
    Chiluba.

    The assets include bank deposits and an upmarket apartment in Belgium.

    Information Minister Mike Mulongoti said the assets would be sold and
    the money used to upgrade hospitals.

    Mulongoti said the funds were recovered from former government
    officials who had served in Chiluba’s administration.

    Chiluba is on trial at the Magistrates Court in Lusaka, charged with
    corruption.

    In May last year, the High Court in Britain ruled that Chiluba and
    four of his aides had conspired to rob Zambia of about US$40 million.

    The civil action was brought in Britain because the allegedly stolen
    money passed through bank accounts in London.

    UK Judge Peter Smith said Zambians should know that when the former
    president appeared wearing his trademark designer clothes, they were paid
    for with public funds.

    Chiluba, who served two terms as Zambia’s president from 1991 to 2001,
    is challenging that verdict.

    He denounced it as "racist" and "obscene".

    His successor, President Levy Mwanawasa, has been pursuing an
    anti-corruption drive against Chiluba’s former government.

    The president has offered to pardon Chiluba if he admits the
    allegations and returns 75% of the cash he allegedly stole, but the
    ex-leader denies the allegations.

    — BBC News


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Whingeing Government Scoffs At 'sanctions'

    Zim Standard

    Business
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 15:58
    DESPITE whining every day about alleged sanctions imposed by the West,
    the government says it has in place plans to survive any wave of new
    sanctions.

    In an interview last week Information minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu
    (pictured) said the government was not bothered by sanctions threatened by
    United States Assistant Secretary of State, Jendayi Frazer and the European
    Union.

    "The threats do not mean much to us because we have always survived
    sanctions," Ndlovu said. "We have been living with them for the past 10
    years and we have our tried and tested survival plans."

    Frazer recently toured the region to put pressure on President Robert
    Mugabe to step down. She met South African officials and the presidents of
    Angola and Zambia.

    She said the international community should contemplate multilateral
    sanctions through the United Nations if the post-election crisis was not
    resolved immediately.

    The EU echoed Frazer’s calls for regional pressure on Mugabe and urged
    the international community to put a halt to arms sales to Zimbabwe,
    following recent panic caused by a Zimbabwe-bound arms cargo from China.

    Ndlovu said such strategies as the "Look East" policy, economic
    turnaround plans and black empowerment could help Zimbabwe hold its own.

    But these have been widely criticised as barren, with authorities
    admitting that the Look East policy was bearing minimal yields in the
    tourism sector where it was largely embraced.

    On the other hand, the government had implemented a cocktail of
    economic turnaround strategies in recent years, none of which had proved
    productive.

    The government’s approach to black empowerment has been widely
    criticised, especially after the collapse of the agricultural sector,
    triggered by the land reform programme.

    Ndlovu said the government acknowledged the international community
    did not owe Zimbabwe anything and was not obliged to assist with hand-outs.

    "When we blame our economic problems on sanctions, all we are saying
    is that we are members of the International Monetary Fund and this being a
    global village, we deserve equal opportunities, otherwise we are not begging
    anyone for their money," he said.

    "The fact that we successfully hosted a trade fair without the West
    shows we can do without them."

    He said the fact that the IMF and the Global Fund for Health withdrew
    their support from the country was proof enough Zimbabwe was under
    sanctions.

    Independent analyst John Robertson said it was "very naïve" of Ndlovu
    to say the country could hold its own under sanctions.

    "Any sanctions would bring the country down and hurt Zimbabweans even
    more," Robertson said. "Instead of considering sanctions which will leave 12
    million people much, much worse off than before, the international body
    should be trying to unseat the few hundred culprits who are responsible for
    the country’s problems".

    He said Zimbabwe disqualified itself from the IMF and Global Fund by
    failing to honour requirements, among them paying off debts.

    The MDC secretary for economic affairs and Makoni North MP, Elton
    Mangoma said Zanu PF should stop blaming the effects of its economic
    mismanagement on other countries.

    "Such problems as the shortage of cash and foreign currency are a
    direct result of economic mismanagement and not sanctions," he said. "Again,
    the international community are sovereign countries and can do what they
    want with their funds. So, if you break the rules , do not expect them to
    help you."


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Botswana Plugs Cross-border Fuel Lifeline

    Zim Standard

    Business
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 15:55
    In the latest blow to Zimbabwe’s wounded economy, the Botswana
    government has banned the export of bulk fuel to the neighbouring country.

    Scanty parallel market supplies are quickly running dry and transport
    is grinding to a halt across Zimbabwe.

    Botswana’s authorities began turning back Zimbabwean fuel buyers last
    week at the border posts in Kasane, in the far northeast, and Maitengwe,
    about 130km north of Francistown, Botswana’s second city, but the main
    Plumtree border post, about 100km southeast of Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, was still
    allowing single drums through.

    "The move by the Botswana authorities is surprising, and as it is
    (being implemented) right now, I only managed to bring in a single drum of
    fuel, which will only give me 200 litres of petrol, Nhanhla Sibanda, a fuel
    dealer on the informal market, said. "My clients need far more than that."
    He said the decision by the Botswana government would heavily dent Zimbabwe’s
    already crippled economy.

    Industry in Zimbabwe is estimated to have shrunk by more than 60
    percent since 2000, unemployment tops 80 percent and inflation has reached a
    world record high of 160 000 percent and is still rising. Around 80 percent
    of the population lives on less than a dollar a day.

    The move is part of a worldwide fuel problem and Botswana is looking
    after its own interests: record-breaking global oil prices, which climbed to
    just over US$122 per barrel on 6 May, and Botswana’s currency, the Pula,
    falling against the dollar, have sent fuel prices in the country shooting
    up. The latest fuel price hike, on the back of increases in March, saw
    petrol prices rise by around seven percent in April.

    Before the ban, trucks laden with drums and large plastic containers
    of fuel used to be a permanent feature along the Bulawayo-Francistown
    highway, the main road linking Zimbabwe to Botswana.

    The state-owned National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (NOCZIM), plagued by
    allegations of widespread corruption and mismanagement, has had its problems
    compounded by foreign currency shortages and rocketing inflation, leaving it
    unable to meet local demand since 2000.

    Since then Zimbabwe has been forced to rely heavily on the
    entrepreneurial spirit of cross-border traders and their parallel imports
    from bordering countries like Botswana. This illegal but thriving parallel
    market has been the only source of fuel for most Zimbabweans.

    "Botswana was driving this economy through fuel supplies and if they
    ban large fuel imports, cars will come to a standstill. NOCZIM is only
    supplying fuel to government ministers and those linked to the ruling
    party," Sibanda said.

    "The only options left will be to buy the fuel from Zambia, Mozambique
    or even South Africa, but the distance between Zimbabwe and the other three
    countries is too much, and with South Africa I will always need to have a
    valid visa," he said.

    As a result of the ban, petrol prices shot up from Z$150 million
    (US$1.36) per litre to Z$200 million (US$1.18) over the weekend, while a
    litre of diesel went from Z$160 million (US$1.45) to Z$220 million (US$2).
    In a knock-on effect, minibus-taxi fares jumped from Z$40 million (US$0.36)
    for a single trip into town to Z$60 million (US$0.45).

    "Already, fuel is scarce. The fuel that is being sold right now is
    fuel that was sourced by the dealers last week . . . as a result of this ban
    we expect fuel prices to jump tenfold, and this will further worsen things
    in the country," said Themba Moyo, who sells his fuel in an alley in the
    city centre of Bulawayo.

    "The country has been operating for years now, using fuel sourced from
    the black market, and after this move by the Botswana authorities we will
    then see serious fuel shortages on the market," said John Robertson, an
    independent economist based in the capital, Harare.

    He warned that the impact would have implications beyond the transport
    sector: "The few remaining industries and markets in the country have been
    operating using the black market — the shortages of fuel will have a serious
    impact on everybody."

    Essential services such as ambulances have long been paralysed because
    the government has said it had no funds to purchase fuel; now the operations
    of private clinics, which purchase fuel on the parallel market, have come
    under pressure.

    "This is a hopeless situation —now we are forced to buy petrol for
    Z$200 million (US$1.81) a litre on the black market. If the Botswana
    government completely stops supplying us with fuel, then we are doomed,"
    said Martha Shumba, a medical practitioner at a private clinic.

    Eric Bloch, an economist based in Bulawayo, said the burden would
    ultimately fall on the ordinary Zimbabwean, because "fuel dealers will
    factor in the cost of transporting the fuel from distances further than
    Botswana, and the costs of transporting goods will also be higher.
    Manufacturers, too, will carry the cost on to consumers."


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    The Presidency And Balance Of Parliamentary Power

    Zim Standard

    Opinion
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:49
    THE prospect of a run-off election in Zimbabwe has caused a flurry of
    questions about its technicalities and implications on the immediate future
    of Zimbabwe.

    This is understandable considering this is the first time Zimbabwe is
    going through this type of second round contest.

    There is a particular point of concern, however, that appears to have
    been insufficiently considered. It is the matter of the balance of power in
    Parliament and its probable impact on the country’s immediate future.

    It can be summed up in one question: To what extent can it be said, as
    a matter of finality, that the MDC has full control of Parliament?

    In other words, has the issue of control of Parliament been settled by
    the Parliamentary elections, so that it can be said with certainty that the
    MDC will be in effective control of Parliament?

    The answer may seem obvious given what has been widely reported in the
    media. But a deeper look reveals it is not so straightforward, particularly
    when one considers the legal institution of Parliament.

    There is, in fact, the risk that the elected majority can be reversed,
    depending on the outcome of the Presidential election.

    Nature of Parliament

    Section 33 of the Constitution provides that Parliament consists of
    two Houses: the Senate and the House of Assembly. But it appears that when
    media reference is made to ‘Parliament’ this has been narrowed to mean the
    "House of Assembly".

    This overlooks the Senate, part of the overall institution of
    Parliament. What is often referred to as Parliament should really be simply
    called the House of Assembly.

    The two MDCs do hold the majority in the House of Assembly, all of
    which seats are won through an election. If Professor Jonathan Moyo’s seat
    is added to that bloc, the erstwhile opposition now has 111 to Zanu PF’s 97.

    In the Senate, the two MDCs hold 30 seats, equal to Zanu PF’s 30. So,
    in effect, of the 270 elected seats in Parliament (House of Assembly and
    Senate), the combined MDC holds a majority over Zanu PF.

    It would be great if it was that simple. Who controls Parliament, as a
    whole, is ultimately dependent on who becomes president.

    Here is why:

    The ‘33 Factor’

    It is because of what, for convenience, we will call the ‘33 Factor’.
    The warped laws effectively give the person elected President the power to
    appoint up to 33 Senators. Although the direct power of appointment relates
    to only five Senators, the reality is that there is effectively an extra 28
    appointees. How this is achieved is simple:

    In addition to the 60 elected Senators, the President has the power to
    appoint five Senators, the President’s men and women.

    Then there are 10 provincial governors appointed by the president to
    the Senate.

    Eighteen Senate seats are occupied by chiefs — the President and
    Deputy President of the Council of Chiefs and two chiefs from each of the
    provinces, excluding the Harare and Bulawayo metropolitan provinces which
    have no chiefs.

    Generally, the chiefs owe allegiance to the president.

    If Mugabe wins the run-off, it raises the spectre of Zanu PF
    overturning MDC’s elected majority in Parliament: the wishes of millions of
    Zimbabweans would be practically overturned by one person.

    Possibilities

    If Tsvangirai wins, it would potentially boost the MDC’s majority,
    assuming he will pocket the Chiefs as Mugabe has been able to do for years.
    But it is worth recalling that the 18 Chiefs have already been elected and
    they were appointed by Mugabe. It is likely their loyalty is with Mugabe,
    already giving Zanu PF an 18-point majority in the Senate.

    If Mugabe were to somehow perform an unlikely Houdini act and claim
    the Presidency in the run-off, the use of the ‘33 Factor’ in the Senate
    would assume greater importance even when the MDC controls the House of
    Assembly where laws traditionally originate. Section 51 of the Constitution,
    which regulates the mode of exercising legislative powers makes clear that
    Parliamentary power to make laws shall be exercised by both the House of
    Assembly and the Senate.

    Of course, Mugabe would find it hard to govern when the House of
    Assembly, where laws originate, is controlled by the MDC.

    But there is another more immediate reason why the ‘33 Factor’ matters
    greatly at this delicate time. It is because it offers a great opportunity
    for Zanu PF to roll out its succession plan and perhaps find a way for
    Mugabe to extricate himself from the mess on his terms.

    Electoral College and Election of President

    Section 28(3)(b) of the Constitution states that in the event of a
    vacancy in the Office of the President, members of the Senate and the House
    of Assembly shall sit as an Electoral College to elect a new President.
    Prior to this provision introduced via the controversial Constitutional
    Amendment (No. 18) of 2007, such a vacancy would have required a national
    election to be held within 90 days.

    The new provision is important because the political party that has a
    majority of Parliamentarians who constitute the Electoral College will
    determine the next President. This is where the combined Parliament becomes
    acutely relevant.

    Assuming Tsvangirai boycotts the run-off and Mugabe is declared duly
    appointed without contest or in the unlikely event that Mugabe somehow
    scraps through at the run-off, that would give him the chance to affect the
    balance of power through the ‘33 Factor’. He could then, by way of a staged
    concession to mounting pressure and acknowledgement of his own inability to
    reverse the country’s decline, strategically "resign", thus creating a
    vacancy in the Office of the President.

    It would therefore fall upon Parliament to make the crucial decision
    of electing the President. This would provide a gateway for the emergence of
    a Zanu PF candidate — the anointed heir.

    It is likely that, to douse the flames of protest both internally and
    externally, this new person would extend an olive branch and try to be
    pacifist. The international community, but especially the African community,
    which is surely getting tired of Zimbabwe, will be looking for an easy way
    out. This might be it and the MDC might find itself forced by circumstances
    to concede to the status quo.

    That spectre is why it is in its own interests for the MDC to contest
    the run-off and retain political and moral leverage. If it wins, it stands
    to gain some of the ‘33 Factor’ and therefore consolidate its elected
    majority.

    But even if it loses, a Mugabe victory is likely to sound hollow. But
    Tsvangirai’s confirmation of public support will stand him in good stead
    should it come to the matter of negotiations, if any are required. It is
    increasingly looking likely that the conflict in Zimbabwe will need more
    than the ballot to resolve.

    At the moment it is a game of what Zimbabweans refer to as makasa or
    poker. In this regard, one is reminded of Kenny Rogers’ old number, The
    Gambler. He says, in part, "You’ve got to know when to hold them; Know when
    to fold them; Know when to walk away; Know when to run; You never count your
    money; When you’re sitting at the table; There’ll be time enough for
    counting; When the dealing’s done".

    By Alex T. Magaisa.He is based at The University of Kent Law School
    and can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.ukThis e-mail address is being
    protected from spambots, you need JavaScript enabled to view it or
    a.t.magaisa@kent.ac.uk


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    'Rebuild The Media, Rebuild Zimbabwe. . .'

    Zim Standard

    Opinion
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:44
    IT is indeed an honour and a great pleasure for me to be the guest
    speaker at this year’s World Press Freedom Day Commemorations here in
    Masvingo under the theme, "Rebuild the media, Rebuild Zimbabwe".

    One reason for inviting me may be the fact that Sweden has a very long
    and admired tradition of freedom of the press in the world today — going
    back to the 1766 Freedom of the Press Act; a law which has undergone a
    number of modifications since then, but its fundamental core values have
    always remained the same.

    The World Press Freedom Day was established by the UN General Assembly
    in 1993. Its decision to set aside a date each year for the event stemmed
    from the 1991 UNESCO General Conference resolution on promotion of press
    freedom in the world, which recognized that a free, pluralistic and
    independent press was an essential component of any democratic society.

    The World Press Freedom Day reminds us all — governments,
    intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations as well as civil
    society — of the crucial role a free press plays in strengthening
    democracies and fostering development around the world.

    Freedom of expression is neither a gift nor a political concession; it
    is a fundamental human right enshrined in Article 19 of the Universal
    Declaration of Human Rights.

    Restrictions on the freedom of expression hampers the democratic
    development needed for poverty reduction and human rights for all. It is
    only through a free press that it is possible to hear the voice of the weak
    and the small.

    Thus, the observance of the World Press Freedom Day is not only a way
    of saying "yes" to a free press, but also "yes" to democracy, "yes" to human
    rights, and "yes" to development.

    We are meeting at a very critical time when Zimbabwe is going through
    a difficult time of transition. There is a lot of tension, confusion,
    polarity and anxiety in the country. As we have all witnessed, there is a
    lot of media attention on Zimbabwe.

    The media in all parts of the world are following the developments and
    the situation in Zimbabwe with a keen interest. Journalists have a critical
    role to play during this critical phase in the country. It is important for
    ideas and information to travel freely and every citizen should have the
    right to receive and impart information and express her/himself.

    In times like now, journalists can give a voice to those who would
    otherwise remain unheard, tell stories that otherwise would remain untold.

    They can construct conduits between those trapped in a conflict zones
    and those outside. In conflicts and times of instability, the presence of
    journalists could prevent atrocities.

    Journalists can sense a conflict ahead and alert the world to the need
    for preventive measures to avoid tragedy. During this transition time, the
    media can positively contribute to providing accurate and relevant
    information vital for people to make well-informed choices and develop
    informed views.

    ournalists have a special role in ensuring that every Zimbabwean
    receives information and has the freedom to express themselves. Denying
    people accurate and balanced information results in democratic deficits and
    recessions in development.

    A free and independent press is the backbone of strong, functioning
    societies, and a lifeline to progress itself.

    It is saddening to note that journalists in Zimbabwe face harassment,
    intimidation, imprisonment and physical assault.

    We strongly condemn such attacks and the World Press Freedom Day is
    also an opportunity for all of us to pay tribute to the media professionals
    who have faced danger in the line of duty over the past year.

    On this day I salute all the journalists whose pursuit of truth and
    information has taken them into harm’s way.

    I applaud their bravery in the face of danger, admire their tenacity
    in pursuing the facts and pay tribute to their professionalism in very
    difficult circumstances.

    Translating the principles of press freedom into practice is no easy
    matter, and it is sometimes constrained by unlawful confinement, threats and
    intimidation. We need to strengthen our resolve to ensure the safety and
    security of journalists throughout the country.

    The intimidation and harassment of journalists can have a chilling
    effect on society at large thereby stifling dissent and debate. Such attacks
    must not be tolerated. Their perpetrators must be brought to justice.

    Journalism always involves difficult choices but situations of
    conflict raise the level of intensity, leading journalists into a veritable
    minefield of issues: objectivity versus propaganda; scepticism versus
    chauvinism; big-picture context versus single-dramatic images; the struggle
    by reporters to balance the need for objectivity with the benefits of access
    from being "embedded" with various sides in the conflict; the need to convey
    the impact of conflict, particularly on the lives of ordinary people and the
    vulnerable. Journalists should however always ensure that they are
    professional and report without fear or favour. I also urge journalists to
    be courageous in the face of the difficulties and pressures characterizing
    the present situation in Zimbabwe.

    We should also use the World Press Freedom Day to call for action on
    the issue of inflammatory messages or hate media.

    We have seen that in the past year some sections of the media in
    Zimbabwe have sometimes used such techniques; and both I myself and the good
    country which I represent have in some instances been victims of this, e g
    under the column of Nathaniel Manheru.

    This has also been extended to other international actors – often
    misplaced in the category of "enemies and detractors" – and to various
    groups in the country who happen to hold different views.

    In Rwanda, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the world saw genocide and
    crimes against humanity, triggered, in part, by nationalistic and
    ethnocentric hate campaigns, propagated through the mass media.

    Zimbabwe today can certainly not be compared with these other country
    situations, but we should nevertheless always keep these extreme cases in
    mind.

    More recently, during the Zimbabwean election campaign and thereafter,
    some media outlets began to use what were widely regarded as inflammatory
    messages, political manipulation, unsubstantiated claims, and incitement to
    violence against individuals and groups. Such misuse of information can have
    very serious consequences.

    This whole situation could have been worse without the concessions
    made under the SADC mediation efforts.

    We applaud the positive changes in AIPPA that were brought about
    through the mediation talks. It was indeed a positive step for the various
    political players to be awarded space through various media outlets.

    It was however disheartening to witness the bias of state owned media.
    According to studies made by the Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe,
    whereas there was a slight improvement in the coverage for the opposition,
    there was still a strong bias in favour of the government and the ruling
    party.

    We were also concerned by the clampdown on foreign journalists; this
    reversed the gains which had been made under the mediation talks. We
    strongly believe that the government should have allowed international
    journalists to come and witness the elections and give an accurate picture
    of the situation in the country.

    There is need for continued and more radical reform in the media
    sector so that Zimbabwe can catch up with the outside world. There is the
    proliferation of so-called new media, new technologies and new ways of
    distributing content; information has become far more accessible.

    It is also becoming more diverse. Mainstream media reporting, for
    example, is being supplemented by "participatory media" such as blogs. It is
    important for Zimbabwe to also benefit from these global trends, but this
    can prove to be a challenge if the legal framework for the media is still
    repressive.

    I also note with serious concern that there is a total lack of
    community based radios in Zimbabwe. The absence of community based radios
    hinders development and poverty reduction efforts and we take this day to
    call for the opening of the waves and the granting of operating licences to
    community radio stations.

    My government strongly supports the freedom of expression and the
    media in general worldwide. In Zimbabwe Sweden has supported MISA and
    various other media organisations.

    We are currently in the process of designing support to the Voluntary
    Media Council of Zimbabwe, which we envisage will ensure self regulation
    within the media sector. We remain committed to supporting media
    organisations in Zimbabwe and we align ourselves with all on-going efforts
    by the international community to support the growth and development of a
    free and professional media in Zimbabwe.

    I urge the government to reaffirm its commitment to the right to
    "seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and
    regardless of frontiers", as set out in Article 19 of the Universal
    Declaration of Human Rights.

    I also would like to assure the media fraternity in Zimbabwe and the
    generality of Zimbabweans that we are in solidarity with them during these
    difficult times. Together we will rebuild the media, together we will
    rebuild Zimbabwe.

          By Ambassador Sten Rylander.He  made this presentation during the
    World Press Freedom Day activities held in Masvingo last Saturday
    .


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    We Know What Went Wrong

    Zim Standard

    Opinion
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:41
    MOST people who remember the genesis of the struggle don’t get
    dewy-eyed, or woozy with nostalgia, or weepy with painful memories, as they
    look at what we have done to what we once saw as this dream of, if not
    Utopia, Nirvana or Elysium, then certainly something just as beautiful,
    celestial.

    For me, it can crystallise into a long march from Highfield’s Cyril
    Jennings Hall to "Harari" township police station, Salisbury, striding side
    by side with George Silundika, more than 40 years ago.

    He, struck down in his prime before the tenth anniversary of
    independence, would probably mutter in disbelief "How did this happen?" if
    he rose to view the squalor in which we are wallowing.

    I can envision myself in Mai Musodzi Hall, in 1957, at the inaugural
    conference of the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress, which
    solidified African agitation against white rule into this uncompromising
    mass movement which begot the National Democratic Party (NDP), the Zimbabwe
    African People’s Union (Zapu), the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu)
    and today, Zanu PF.

    Somewhere along the way, sight was lost of the original objective — to
    turn this tobacco-growing, mineral-rich former white-ruled country into a
    non-racial state of equal rights for all races in which life, liberty and
    the pursuit of happiness would be guaranteed.

    It’s trite to say, like all plans hatched of mice and men, this dream
    too had the potential to blow up in our faces, like a delinquent hand
    grenade.

    The more likely cause was as mundane as eating "munya" (the remains of
    yesterday’s sadza) for dinner today, in the Zimbabwe of Zanu PF.

    Moreover, it’s not as if there are many African countries whose
    independence translated, instantly, into stable democracies, with poverty
    you could write off as "incidental".

    South Africa, with its vast mineral wealth, still has paupers a church
    mouse would laugh at.

    Greed and intolerance were, and remain, the major cancers eating away
    at the skin that could have been the impregnable tortoise-shell thickness of
    our nationhood.

    When The First Family boasts openly of running prosperous farms, watch
    out for the inequities of wealth distribution throughout the land.

    But concentrate your mind on the history of what followed after
    independence. In Cuba, after the revolution, Fidel Castro and Che Guevara
    spoke of a "new person".

    Actually, they spoke of a "new man" because gender equality had not
    permeated the male chauvinistic psyche of these Macho-obsessed
    revolutionaries. But, essentially, they were calling for a new selflessness,
    not only among leaders, but among people in general.

    We can argue about the rewards of that new spirit, seeing as Cuba is
    still not the ideal socialist paradise that Marx, Lenin or Mao envisaged. If
    it were, Raul Castro would not be busily dismantling some of the rigid
    communist structures constructed by his brother after 1959.

    In Zimbabwe, we now know reconciliation turned out to be a sham, an
    empty political slogan.

    e heard of the men recently returned from the bush flying over vast
    farmlands and pointing their greedy fingers at the most verdant of them: "I’ll
    take that one!" Few of them had green fingers. So most farms were turned
    into weekend retreats for the new WaBenzi and their playmates,

    Meanwhile, Health For All by 2000! was a new government slogan. Nearly
    eight years later, many hospitals and clinics have shortages of drugs,
    doctors or nurses.

    The average person can now expect to live only up to 36 years,
    assuming they survive the first five years of their lives.

    Still, greed and intolerance rule the land, and slowly some people
    choose to banish from their minds the dream of freedom and abundance they
    nurtured so tenderly as they marched, fought and "kicked ass" to change
    their country’s fortunes.

    So, there are two extremes: the filthy rich and "the dirty poor".

    Last month, voting in elections were the two classes, with the rich
    insisting they had a grand plan to transform the economy, from benefiting
    only their class, to all classes, including "the dirt poor".

    The latter did not believe this. For years, they had heard this same
    refrain: Things were going to be better for the poor. Nothing had changed.
    The promises remained promises, this time with a few "bashes" included for
    good measure.

    So last March, assured they could vote the way they saw fit, they
    voted. Then they were asked: Why? Their answer was the same as before: they
    were voting for change because nothing had changed so far.

    So, those of us who remember the marches and the sacrifices wonder
    what it was all about.

    We know greed and intolerance still reign. Kill those two and you are
    on your way to real change.

    By Bill Saidi

    saidib@standard.co.zw


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    State Terror's Implication On Agriculture

    Zim Standard

    Opinion
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:37
    ONE link that has not been made so far is to connect the decline in
    agricultural productivity to the rise in politically-motivated violence and
    the attendant internal displacement of families.

    Soon after the chaos of 2000, agricultural production plummeted, but
    the government found other convenient excuses to explain the fall in farm
    produce. The displacement of an estimated 350 000 farm workers in
    retaliation for voting for the MDC was ignored.

    The same cycle of violence, displacement and fall in agricultural
    production is being re-enacted in the countryside. Even though the country
    received good rains, the season was unusually wet, resulting in widespread
    crop failure.

    Household food reserves were already dangerously low but the
    politically-motivated violence that has seen families being forced off their
    homes means many of them will require food aid and assistance ahead of the
    2008/2009 planting season.

    Getting its priorities right for a regime preoccupied with its
    preservation has never been one of Zanu PF’s strengths.

    That is why it would prefer to spend millions of scarce foreign
    currency on Chinese armaments instead of food to feed its people.

    This is a regime that is committed to using force in order to achieve
    its ends.

    For example this newspaper reported more than a fortnight ago a
    strategy to divide the country into areas each under the command of senior
    military officers assisted by Central Intelligence Organisation officers,
    war veterans and Zanu PF militias, effectively creating a military state.

    All this is designed at retention of power, with little regard to what
    is going to happen to the requirements of the villagers and their ability to
    feed themselves as atrocities persist across Zimbabwe.

    There is concrete evidence of destruction of homes, beatings,
    intimidation, and even murder but the army "categorically distances itself
    and any of its members from such activities".

    These examples taken together paint a deeply disturbing picture of an
    organised campaign of violence against those who voted for the opposition.

    Examples of reports from Manicaland and Matabeleland speak of a series
    of meetings of officers from the police, army and prisons as well as their
    family members being ordered to use postal votes.

    The intention, just as in the terror campaign, is to ensure they vote
    "correctly", which means Zanu PF and its candidate, in the event of a
    run-off.

    The reports suggest that violence is being orchestrated at the highest
    levels of the ruling party, both to punish people for supporting the
    opposition in the 29 March elections and to discourage support for the
    opposition in the event of an election run-off.

    The violence should not be allowed to continue and regional leaders
    need to agree on sending a mission to witness first hand what is happening
    and, if possible, demand an end to the violence and internal displacement.

    At the same time there is an urgent need for organisations such as the
    World Food Programme, UNICEF and World Vision Zimbabwe to assist the
    displaced victims because the government - the architect of the violence has
    no interest in looking after people it has declared enemies of the State.

    The effect of the food deficits, especially on vulnerable groups –
    children and the elderly - could be devastating.

    An important initiative designed to counter this violence was launched
    in South Africa recently. It appears a significant development in efforts to
    stop the on-going violence.

    The campaign seeks to identify many of those responsible for
    instigating the violence and for carrying it out.

    Evidence on the atrocities being committed is being invited so that
    one day the accused can be brought to justice. That is not far off now.


    Click here or ALT-T to return to TOP

    Zim Standard Letters

        Thestandard Sms
    Letters
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 15:07
    THE new Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe foreign currency measures are a sign
    that finally it has admitted that its policies have failed.

    For years economists and business people have urged the government to
    float the foreign currency rate and let market forces determine the rate but
    to no avail.

    If these measures had been adopted years ago we wouldn’t be in this
    mess. Our currency would have long stabilised as in Nigeria, where they
    allowed the official rate to compete with the parallel market until the
    illegal currency market ran out of steam.

    What the RBZ should do is to prioritise revival of agriculture,
    transport, mining and textiles as long-term solutions to the economic
    crisis.— Oracle.

    UN intervention

    WHEN the United Nations says Zimbabweans should resolve their problems
    internally, are they suggesting that the MDC should also organise themselves
    against the brutal attacks being committed against them by Zanu PF-paid
    thugs?

    By turning to the UN we are seeking an end to the escalating acts of
    murder, torture, displacements and gross abuse of human rights by Zanu
    PF-paid thugs.

    Obviously the confused, power corrupted and desperate Robert Mugabe
    and his supporters think that the violence will earn them votes and do not
    see any sense in ending the violence.

    This therefore means that without the UN intervention this will
    continue. The UN should come and save lives in Zimbabwe without delay. — C
    C, Harare.

    ******

    IF there is supposed to be a run-off, United Nations’ peace keepers
    should be in the country now up until the winner is sworn into office.
    People are dying for sure. —– Survivor.

    ZANU PF rules: This is the rule of Zanu PF for Zanu PF by Zanu PF. —
    Observer.

    Mbeki should get real

    SOUTH African President Thabo Mbeki should be serious about his "quiet
    diplomacy" because without international pressure on Apartheid South Africa,
    Mbeki and company would not be ruling that country today. It is ironic how
    people forget so soon. — KGB.

    Black disempowerment

    ZANU PF is now talking of black empowerment but over the years how
    many black businesses did they disempowered?

    They took over banks, bus companies, textile firms and mining
    companies under the pretext that they were not run properly but these
    collapsed under state-controlled management. Look at the state of
    government-owned firms.

    Remember what they tried to do to Econet and Telecel, what they did to
    The Daily News, The Tribune, Kondozi and Joy Television. Let’s face reality;
    can you trust Zanu PF to empower you? — Beware.

    ******

    DO we need the bloated army, Central Intelligence Organisation and
    police in Zimbabwe and what are they for?

    The resources being channelled to them could be put to productive use.
    Many of these supposed service officers must be retired and retrenched.

    Donors will open up lines of credit and other balance of payment
    support. The truth hurts. — Hailie.

    ******

    WHY is it that when Zanu PF wins there is no talk of a government of
    national unity and yet when it is trounced, suddenly there is need for such
    a government? We don’t need Zanu PF because it is just a group of rogues,
    thugs and terrorists. — Victimised.

    Shut up, Grace

    GRACE Mugabe should stop screaming at viewers on television. She and
    her octogenarian husband should just quit politics and State House and allow
    the people’s president to move in because their time is up. — Vodloza.

    Khupe right

    MADAM Vice-President Thokozani Khupe, we trust that you are about to
    overcome this political impasse. The suggestion that was proffered in the
    latest Standard comment has a lot of merit and I think is worth taking up.

    The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission released its own results, whose
    veracity we dispute. As a counter-measure, the MDC needs to publish its own
    results polling station by polling station in each and every constituency
    and then add these up to give us the final result.

    The voters saw these results outside their polling stations and will
    be able to identify them, exposing ZEC for what they are: fraudsters and
    cheats doing Zanu PF’s bidding. We only need to confine ourselves to the
    presidential results in order to minimise the costs. — M K Moyo, Bulawayo.

    Zinwa guilty

    THE Zimbabwe National Water Authority (Zinwa) is responsible for
    serious human rights abuses in Orange Grove, Chinhoyi, where residents have
    gone for 15 months without a single drop of water. — Meki Sithole, Chinhoyi.

    I am a young man from Maramba Pfungwe. It came as no surprise to me
    when I heard that Zanu PF was denying involvement in orchestrating and
    carrying out the current wave of violence. I know the names of Zanu PF thugs
    who are carrying out these torture activities. — Witness, Maramba Pfungwe.

    ******

    I am an army officer but I am very bitter at what my colleagues are
    doing. Some of them are just as obtuse as the 84-year-old dictator. What was
    the purpose of having elections in the first place? If the so-called war
    veterans think they are the only people who were brave enough to go to war
    they are lying to themselves. We can also do that. — Officer.

    Police dilemma

    ABOUT 90% of the police officers are against this regime and we are at
    a crossroads because neither party trusts us. What are we supposed to do in
    these circumstances? — Tanzwa.

    ******

    THE one thing that Zanu PF has yet to learn is tolerance of other
    people’s views.

    If they don’t learn this fast, they will certainly lose the run-off.
    Robert Mugabe was ranting and raving about how women dress nowadays.

    How is this worse than the dancers who welcome or see him off at the
    airport each time he is off to some foreign lands? And has he seen how women
    at one city hotel who consort with his ministers are dressed, or does
    everyone have to wear a chitenge with his face on it?

    The point is that people have choices to wear what they want. They
    also have a choice to vote for whoever they wish and to move with the times.
    If Zanu PF had bothered to listen to other people’s views, Zimbabwe would
    not be in an economic mess. — Prophecy foretold.

    True winners emerge from a violence-free environment and true losers
    foist themselves on the electorate through coercion, intimidation and
    violence. – Machingaidze G, Mutare.

    The ZB bank ATM in Gweru must be the slowest and most unreliable in
    the land, worsening the already long queues outside the bank. Yet when you
    try to withdraw from the banking hall, there is a penalty of $50million
    "because the ATM is working". Surely this is daylight robbery? – Frustrated
    customer.

    This is to the Reserve Bank Governor: Your so-called wheat farmers are
    getting cheap diesel and reselling it on the black market. To prove this, go
    to halfway between Harare-Chegutu road and see for yourself. - Witness.

      -------------

    ZNA Not Linked To Political Violence
    Letters
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:58
    THE Zimbabwe National Army wishes to raise concern over articles in
    the print and electronic media on allegations of political violence,
    assaults, harassments and robberies allegedly perpetrated by men in army
    uniforms.

    The army categorically distances itself and any of its members from
    such activities.

    The army is also concerned with the ever-increasing incidents of some
    of its members going about their duties being provoked, insulted, abused and
    even attacked.

    In the event of any incidents of criminality and conduct that is
    unbecoming by soldiers, the public must immediately report their concerns to
    the police or army.

    Alphios Makotore

    Deputy Director

    Army Public Relations

    -----------------
    A Sad Example Of Mugabe's Cruel Reign
    Letters
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:56
    I write to recount the story of a young boy I gave a lift to last week
    from Mashonaland Central province into Harare.

    I had asked where he was travelling to and why he was not at school.
    His response dovetails into the horror stories that the independent media
    has published since the 29 March harmonised elections.

    It is not possible to identify him directly because of the potential
    consequences to him and his family.

    What is important is for readers to get a proper perspective of the
    issue. This boy is a Form IV student and is due to write his final
    examinations before the end of this year — that is if the situation returns
    to normal.

    The boy says one night their dura (grain store) was torched and so was
    the tobacco curing shed. The arsonists disappeared into the night.

    They woke up and fortunately the fire was contained and did not spread
    to the other houses at their homestead. They were intrigued that the
    perpetrators had been able to carry out their work without the several dogs
    they keep alerting them.

    Daylight brought the stark reality of their fears. Someone had
    poisoned all their canines and they had all died before the arsonists
    carried out their dastardly act.

    I asked why this had happened to them. He said some friends had
    advised him that it was being whispered that among his friends were people
    who associated with a polling agent for the MDC.

    Apparently this tenuous link was evidence enough to declare this young
    boy an enemy of the state, deserving elimination.

    I was horrified.

    And this is why this young boy was abandoning his studies in the rural
    areas for the presumed safety of Harare. Is this what Zanu PF will do to
    school children?

    Why, for example, are the Ministries of Education, Women and
    agriculture not concerned about what is being done to children, their
    mothers and the impact this mayhem has on the country’s agricultural
    production?

    I was saddened that the so-called observer groups only fly in a week
    before the polls and are not able to travel and see first hand what Robert
    Mugabe is doing to the people of this country because they dared decide what
    they wanted.

    A Priest

    Harare.

    -------------------
    Independent Newspapers, Heroes Of The New Struggle
    Letters
    Saturday, 10 May 2008 14:53
    THE blackout on our only national broadcaster about the recent vote
    counting process demonstrated how important the independent press has become
    for the transformation that we all yearn for.

    Assuming The Standard, the Zimbabwe Independent, the Financial Gazette
    and The Zimbabwean were not there, who would have led the crusade against
    the Zanu PF propaganda in its daily Pravda? I therefore wish to extend my
    profound gratitude to the gallant and unflinching independent newspapers and
    say that you are truly the voice of the voiceless.

    Yes, we can talk of the opposition and civic leaders’ constant
    harassment by this regime, but some of us will also not lose sight of the
    fact that the activities of these people could never have been highlighted
    without the relentless work of the Fourth Estate.

    Thank you, guys.

    You have been in the trenches for a worthy cause. You have been the
    silent, unacknowledged armour in the Herculean task of demystifying the
    notion that Zanu PF is invincible.

    Some of you have been imprisoned or have had bullets posted to you but
    you have remained steadfast, convinced that you are doing it for the
    downtrodden.

    Your place in our history has already been cemented and we owe it to
    you. I only wish The Standard was a daily as we anxiously waited for our
    results.

    I sympathised with the vast majority who have no access to satellite
    television, our vote-counting was manifestly stage-managed to the utter
    dismay of all voters.

    Those who could access SABC, etv, and FTV at least were kept informed
    of the goings on.

    May I also extend my gratitude to SABC stations for devoting much of
    their time to covering the Zimbabwe election results? One could actually see
    how we miss independent and unmuzzled television stations in Zimbabwe.

    As we move towards a re-run, this surely is uncharted waters in
    Zimbabwean politics. We move with apprehension, we move with trepidation. We
    don’t know what lies ahead.

    What with Jabulani Sibanda and his cohorts declaring they will defend
    their ill-gotten wealth? Are we poised for another nightmare similar to the
    one witnessed after the referendum?

    I have two appeals to make. Firstly, it is my sincere wish to see The
    Standard being distributed in remote areas maybe for this coming period
    only.

    Please do it in order to empower rural voters, even having some of
    your pages in local languages for the purposes of accessibility by our
    communities in the rural areas.

    More importantly, Morgan Tsvangirai, Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa
    must come together.

    Long live the independent press. We salute you.

    Odrix Sithole Moyo

    Pelandaba

    Bulawayo

    Back to the Top
    Back to Index