http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:20
Faith Zaba
THE Zanu
PF youth league has said Zimbabwe should abandon the
constitution-making
process and go for elections under the Lancaster House
constitution, adding
its voice to calls by President Robert Mugabe and his
loyalists that the
process should be ditched if the delays persist and the
draft constitution
does not include “majority views”.
Disengaging from the constitution-making
process is part of Zanu PF’s grand
plan to force early elections which
Mugabe wants this year with or without a
new constitution.
The
youth league’s statement seems to be part of a spirited effort to
undermine
the constitution-making process by Zanu PF diehards working with
security
chiefs.
The youth leaders told journalists on Wednesday that they
would not accept a
draft constitution that did not include their party’s
position, which they
said was the majority view expressed during the Copac
outreach meetings.
Zanu PF youth league secretary for indigenisation
and economic empowerment
Innocent Hamandishe said: “It (constitution-making
process) is depriving us
of our democratic right to vote.
“We
want to vote for our president. We don’t need the constitution.
Otherwise if
that US$40 million was channeled to ARVs or something, some of
us who are
HIV-positive or suffering from cancer could have been cured. This
is money
wasted.
“We want elections. To hell with the constitution! If people
want to deprive
us of our democratic right to vote, the next time these
people give us
another deadline which does not suit us as Zimbabweans, we as
the Zanu PF
youth league are going to give a deadline of our own and if they
fail to
meet that deadline, we will force them to disband Copac and we’ll
call for
elections.”
He added: “We are tired of this marriage of
convenience (unity government)
and we are tired of this dilly-dallying. We
want elections as of yesterday.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:19
Owen
Gagare
SENIOR Zanu PF politburo members in Mashonaland Central have drawn
their
daggers against provincial governor Martin Dinha whom they believe to
be too
close to President Robert Mugabe, while they fear he is no longer
working in
their interest.
Dinha is said to have had a bitter fallout
with party heavyweights Nicholas
Goche and Saviour Kasukuwere who are now
reportedly using provincial party
chairman Dickson Mafios to fight the
governor— Mugabe’s representative in
the region.
On Sunday the
provincial executive resolved to take Dinha to task for
allegedly giving
land to a white farmer, Georgina Brown, at a crucial time
ahead of
elections. This case has triggered fierce infighting within the
province,
threatening to destabilise Mugabe and Zanu PF’s only remaining
stronghold.
Although Zanu PF and Mugabe are still relatively
strong in Mashonaland
regions, Mashonaland central province remains their
fortress. The MDC-T has
not been able to sufficiently penetrate the region
like it has in all
others.
Zanu PF is currently torn apart by
internal strife, triggered by district
coordinating committee elections.
Mugabe last week denounced factionalism
and greed in Zanu PF, saying it was
destroying the party. The Zanu PF
politburo is going to hold an
extraordinary meeting to tackle the burning
issue which was raised at the
decision-making body’s meeting last week.
Sources in the province
said this week senior politburo members in the
region were accusing Dinha of
undermining them before Mugabe and abandoning
working in their factional
interests. This has left Dinha exposed to the
rage of heavyweights,
including Vice-President Joice Mujuru, Goche and
Kasukuwere.
The
infighting in Mashonaland Central intensifiedthis week amid reports that
Mugabe would appoint a new politburo team anytime from now. Mashonaland
central bigwigs fear Mugabe might elevate Dinha into the politburo, given
his loyalty to the president, making him more powerful and difficult to
contain.
“There is a belief that Dinha is too close to Mugabe and
this seems to have
been confirmed when the president visited Mount Darwin on
April 20,” said a
member of the provincial executive.
“On arrival
at Mount Darwin Primary School Mugabe requested that Dinha
accompany him in
his car as he went to view an exhibition by small-scale
enterprises. He was
also in the president’s car when he went for lunch at
Mujuru’s
home.
“The situation got worse later when Mugabe complained about the
state of the
roads in the province and country in general and also expressed
disappointment with some aspects of the indigenisation programme. This was
seen as a direct attack on the responsible ministers, Goche (Transport,
Communication and Infrastructure development) and Kasukuwere
(Indigenisation), and some people felt the attack was as a result of Dinha’s
briefing.”
Asked about the wrangling, Dinha said word that he would be
appointed to the
politburo was just speculation although he was ready to
serve the party in
any position from cell to the politburo.
The
battle in the province has also sucked in Vice-President John Nkomo this
week as it emerged some party heavyweights were trying to block him from
attending a national integration meeting in Mvurwi next week and visiting a
primary school which teaches Ndebele from Grade 3 – the only one playing a
formal cultural and linguistic integration role in
Zimbabwe.
The school has made headlines for teaching Ndebele in
Mashonaland region in
an unprecedented experiment which might result in
Shona and Ndebele, the
country’s two main vernacular languages, being taught
nationally.
Nkomo was invited by Dinha, but some officials reportedly
advised him not to
attend, claiming the province was divided and the meeting
would be
infiltrated MDC activists.
Dinha seemed to confirm there
were people baying for his blood although he
insisted he had good relations
with the party’s provincial leadership,
including Mafios.
“I have
a sound working relationship with the political leadership of
Mashonaland
Central,” said Dinha. “However, a few failed politicians,
opportunists and
misguided frog-jumpers, as well as disruptive former MDC
elements in Mazowe
are trying to divide the party and province,” he said.
Asked about
his briefing to Mugabe which has caused a storm, Dinha confirmed
he
accompanied the president on the tour and briefed him on developments in
the
province. He said he was not worried about plots against him because
only
Mugabe had the capacity to remove him from his post.
“I relate well with the
provincial chairman. We have distinct roles,” Dinha
said. “He is the
provincial chairman and I am the governor of the province
who is mandated to
govern by the president of the republic. I’m hired and
fired by one person,
His Excellency the President.
“I’m the president’s man in Mashonaland
Central by virtue of being the
governor and resident minister. I was
appointed by the president to
discharge his mandate. In terms of protocol,
there is nothing amiss for me
to escort the president, to receive him with
honour and decorum and to brief
him on relevant matters.”
On the
issue of giving land to Brown, Dinha said the recommendation was made
by the
Provincial Land Committee (PLC) but the final decision came from the
Ministry of Lands, the acquiring authority.
Mafios said the fact
that the provincial executive wants a clarification
from Dinha did not mean
he was under siege. “The governor is the deputy
secretary of lands but was
not available for our meeting on Sunday as he was
attending a funeral,” said
Mafios. “The fact that people wanted
clarification from him on certain
issues does not mean we are not in good
books. Those who are saying there is
bad blood are trying to fuel
confusion.”
Kasukuwere said he did
not need to have a good relationship with Dinha
“because he is not my wife”,
but said they worked well together.
The discord in Mashonaland
Central is indicative of the unstable and fluid
nature of Zanu PF factions.
Goche and Kasukuwere are broadly in the Mujuru
faction, although they now
firmly support Mugabe.
The Mujuru faction has been declining since
the Tsholotsho palace coup
debacle of 2004 when it trounced the rival camp
led by Defence minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa. Even though it triumphed during
the 209 congress before
the death of Genelral Solomon Mujuru, it has now
lost some key members like
Oppah Muchinguri, who played a crucial role in VP
Mujuru’s ascendancy.
Muchinguri has crossed over to the Mnangagwa faction.
Politburo member Obert
Mpofu has also left the Mujuru camp and is leaning
towards the Mnangagwa
faction.
Other key members of the Mujuru
group such as Dumiso Dabengwa and Simba
Makoni left after quitting Zanu
PF.
The Mnangagwa faction has also been significantly weakened by the
departure
of pivotal players like former Information minister and politburo
member
Jonathan Moyo and Flora Buka, among others. Zanu PF remains dominated
by the
two main Mujuru and Mnangagwa factions, although there are factions
within
factions.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:18
Elias
Mambo
WHILE President Robert Mugabe’s determination to hold elections
this year,
with or without a new constitution, may suggest he is likely to
avail funds
to run the polls outside treasury coffers, he is likely to face
hurdles as
experts say it is not legally acceptable for him to produce
money outside
the exchequer.
National elections are financed by the
treasury and the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) is on record as having
set its budget at US$220 million to
hold both a referendum and general
elections.
Analysts say in terms of the constitution and the law
money to fund
elections must be from the Consolidated Revenue Fund — the
main bank account
of government — even if it comes from sources other than
taxation.
Finance minister Tendai Biti has repeatedly said treasury
has no money to
fund elections.
Lovemore Madhuku, a
constitutional expert, said it would not be legally
possible for polls to be
run by funds other than those availed the treasury.
“It is not
legally acceptable for anyone to bring in money from any other
source
outside the treasury to finance the elections,” Madhuku said.
“When
Finance minister Tendai Biti says there is no money for elections, he
is
speaking on behalf of the government and President Mugabe cannot bring
in
his own money for a government programme because the minister has to be
accountable,” he said.
While addressing journalists in Harare
recently, Biti said his ministry had
only been able to budget for the
population census and a referendum.
However, some analysts believe
Zimbabwe might end up running a potentially
illegally-funded election with
funds sourced from the proceeds of the sale
of diamonds sold through
parallel channels.
“If Biti says there is no money then that is
reality because he is the
minister in charge of treasury which funds
national programmes,” said
Alexander Rusero, a local political commentator.
“The possibility of the
funds being sourced from somewhere else like the
Ministry of Mines is very
high but it will be illegal to run the polls using
such funds. It will be
unacceptable because we have a lot of priorities in
other areas.”
Another commentator Alex Magaisa, also a lawyer, said
the issue of funding
elections was secondary to a conducive environment to
hold credible polls.
“Elections cost money and unless there are sufficient
resources to fund the
election it will be impossible to hold a credible
election.
“In 2008, the delays over the election results were
explained on the basis
of resource limitations, which was a flimsy excuse,
so what would be the
point of going to an election without the necessary
resources? It would only
produce another sham result,” he
said.
“In any event the issue of funding is secondary to ensuring
that conditions
are properly created to have a credible election,” said
Magaisa.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:24
Elias
Mambo/Brian Chitemba
DEFENCE minister Emmerson Mnangagwa (pictured) has
for the first time openly
declared his interest in taking over from
President Robert Mugabe as the
leader of Zanu PF and the country, in remarks
showing the succession battle
in the party is intensifying.
Mnangagwa
told the Zimbabwe Independent last Friday at Heroes Acre during
the burial
of Zanu PF politburo member Edson Ncube he was ready to govern if
given an
opportunity. This virtually confirmed he is positioning himself to
succeed
Mugabe, remarks which could anger senior Zanu PF officials and fuel
factionalism and internal power struggles ahead of the next
elections.
“I am ready to rule if selected to do so,” Mnangagwa said.
“Zanu PF is about
observing the will of the people and I will respect the
people’s wishes if
they choose me.”
Mnangagwa’s pronouncement
comes at a time when his bitter rival,
Vice-President Joice Mujuru,
continues to skirt the burning succession
issue, saying she would only join
the fray when Mugabe is no longer in
office although it is known she is
working behind the scenes to angle for
the top position.
In
remarks which show succession is now hotly-contested, Zanu PF secretary
for
administration Didymus Mutasa this week poured cold water on Mnangagwa’s
ambitions, saying he would not waste his time commenting on individuals’
dreams. “I do not want to be drawn into baseless arguments by commenting on
individuals’ wishes,” said Mutasa. “I will comment on that issue when the
time comes; that is when the people - here I mean Zanu PF - have chosen him
as the leader of the party.”
Mutasa, who is number five in the
hierarchy, recently said Mnangagwa, who is
not in the top 10, was far down
the pecking order to succeed Mugabe compared
to Mujuru and
others.
While Mnangagwa for the first time came out in the open to
declare his
ambitions, Mujuru squandered an opportunity to project herself
during the
memorial service of her late husband General Solomon Mujuru on
Saturday.
Instead of laying claim to the throne, Mujuru, who has burnt her
fingers
over the issue before and forced Mugabe to denounce her in public,
spoke
about private matters between herself and her late
husband.
Mnangagwa has been battling the Mujuru faction for years in
a sustained turf
war to succeed Mugabe. The Zanu PF fight for power has
escalated as evidence
mounts that Mugabe is struggling with old age
complications and ill-health.
Factionalism and infighting recently
flared up in Zanu PF, forcing Mugabe
last Friday to slam faction leaders and
greed, saying they were destroying
his party.
Mnangagwa has been
fighting to take over from Mugabe for a long time. He
first tried to
position himself as heir apparent by vying for the
vice-presidency in the
run up to the 2004 congress but was ruthlessly
crushed by Mugabe and the
Mujuru faction. His camp was also trounced during
the 2009 congress, but is
now gaining ground. The succession race is
currently unfolding during the
party’s district elections, which have
fuelled bickering.
Zanu PF
spokesperson Rugare Gumbo also appeared to dismiss Mnangagwa’s
ambitions,
saying his party had laid-down procedures to be followed on
succession.
“In Zanu PF, we have a hierarchy and this is adhered
to whenever there is
need for promotion,” said Gumbo. “Whilst people may
harbour presidential
ambitions, it is unfortunate (for Mnangagwa) that we
follow this hierarchy.”
Insiders say senior Zanu PF officials want to
force polls this year to
secure victory using Mugabe and then press him to
resign afterwards.
Mnangagwa’s open declaration also comes at a time Mugabe
and members of the
Joint Operations Command (JOC) are fuming at Zanu PF
leaders they accuse of
fanning divisions.
Mugabe and JOC,
comprising army, police and intelligence chiefs, have
castigated factional
leaders of causing the chaos in the party ahead of
elections.
Sources JOC chiefs have been holding meetings and
denouncing Zanu PF faction
leaders.
Mugabe made a passionate plea to his
party’s bigwigs at the end of March to
close ranks and deal with the raging
factionalism threatening to ruin his
party.
According to minutes
of a politburo meeting held at the end of March, seen
by the Independent
this week, Mugabe acknowledged the growing fissures in
the party in his
closing remarks like he did last Friday.
He appealed to politburo
members to desist from infighting and unite to save
the party from potential
defeat in the elections. Mugabe also spoke strongly
against top party
officials who are already campaigning ahead of primary
elections.
His plea for unity ahead of the elections came after
Zanu PF national
commissar Webster Shamu gave a damming report of factional
fights which he
said were raging like a veld fire in all the
provinces.
Politburo sources at the same meeting said Shamu was also
interjected
several times by fellow politburo members who fingered him in
Mashonaland
West clashes.
The Zanu Youth league said factional
leaders causing chaos in the party
should be confronted and dealt with head
on.
“These are pretenders (factional leaders) and we don’t work with
pretenders
but the person elected at the congress. We deal with reality –
that is the
person in power,” National deputy youth secretary for external
affairs
Tongai Kasukuwere said. “If people are named for fanning divisions,
they
must be disciplined. We don’t want to work with people who cause
confusion.”
Zanu PF national secretary for youth affairs Absolom
Sikhosana said it was
taboo to discuss Mugabe’s successor. “Nobody at
whatever level of the party
should interfere with the processes
(succession). We want to put all that to
rest that people should not attempt
us beyond our ability to restrain
ourselves, we only have one president of
the party.”
Senior Zanu PF officials this week attributed growing
factionalism to Mugabe’s
divide-and-rule tactics, saying the clashes dated
back to the days of the
liberation struggle. However, the intra-party
divisions are now haunting
Mugabe.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:23
Clive
Mphambela
FORMER Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono’s advisor Munyaradzi
Kereke has
accused the central bank boss of stealing US$100 000 from his
Rock
Foundation Medical Centre (RMC) account two years ago.
In a move
which intensifies the battle between Gono and his former close
ally, Kereke
accused his ex-boss of corruption and theft of funds from his
company. In
February, Kereke accused Gono of a wide range of crimes,
including stealing
public funds, including US$6,5 million, to public real
estate properties all
over.
Gono however did not respond.
However, Kereke
yesterday alleged on July 30 2010, Gono through telephonic
and email
correspondence, irregularly gave an instruction to Rennaissance
Merchant
Bank (RMB) to transfer funds from RMC’s account number
1000-101683-151 to a
company called Dhobhadhobha Construction (Pvt) Ltd.
According to copies of
alleged email correspondence from Chengeto Dube, the
personal assistant to
Gono, the payment was supposedly for construction
services rendered by the
company to “the chicken project”.
Dhobhadhobha managing director
Edson Karekaivanani Gono swiftly dismissed
Kereke’s allegations as
misleading, saying the issue was resolved and there
was evidence to that. He
sent the media a letter from RMB lawyers Kantor &
Immerman to RMC
attorneys Gasa Nyamadadzawo & Associates dealing with the
issue.
“The media has been sold a dummy and taken for a ride. Our
files and
correspondence show the issue has been dealt with. Dhobhadhobha
has no dog
in this fight and we don’t understand why Dr Kereke wants to drag
us back
into this issue. The settlement was between him and his bank. That
is why
for us life goes on,” said Edson Gono.
“Evidence of what
I’m saying is contained in a letter copied to us by RMB
lawyers, Kantor
& Immerman, who have reminded Dr Kereke exactly what
happened. I wonder
why he didn’t he give you those communications between
lawyers?”
The letter from Kantor & Immerman to Gasa
Nyamadadzawo & Associates, dated
April 27, suggests RMB denied the money
to Dhobhadhobha was transferred
“fraudulently” as alleged because there were
“verbal instructions” from one
of the bank’s directors, Dunmore
Kundishora.
“In subsequent meetings between RMB and Dr Kereke, Dr
Kereke acknowledged
these instructions and thanked RMB for acting timeously
despite the absence
of written instructions,” the letter
says.
Documents further show the transaction was later reversed and
interest
accrued paid. “In the circumstances, there has been no loss to Rock
Foundation and the claim alleged in your letter of April 13 is denied in its
entirety,” the letter says.
At a press conference held at the RMC
offices in Mount Pleasant yesterday,
Kereke said that he sought, amongst
other things, to clear the air on the
matter.
“Let me first make
the following statements very clearly at the onset. Dr
Gideon Gono, Governor
of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe is a thief who stole
public funds and
private company funds for his own personal gain. Evidence
is there to prove
this,” he said.
“Please I want to clearly state here that there are
attempts by Dr Gono to
scare me, by him moving around sending very senior
members in government
holding ministerial posts saying that ‘Kereke, Gono
says don’t pursue this
matter because you will be exposing senior people in
government who
benefitted from him’. Fellow Zimbabweans, for the avoidance
of doubt, Dr
Gono must know that what I am talking about here has absolutely
nothing to
do with government. It has nothing to do with any minister. It
has nothing
to do with any members of the security forces. I am talking
about the acts
of theft that Dr Gideon Gono committed to benefit his own
business
interests, including the chicken project he now flaunts as a clean
project.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:21
Faith Zaba/Clive
Mphambela
THE Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe has proposed a raft of measures,
which among
other things seek to eliminate what RBZ Governor Gideon Gono
termed a
“concoction of distortions” in Zimbabwe’s money and capital markets
that
have arisen since the adoption of the multi-currency system.
In an
exclusive interview with the Zimbabwe Independent this week, Gono
revealed
that the central bank was taking aim at problems arising from the
lack of a
vibrant money market, the widening gap between deposit and lending
rates and
the subsequent lack of a stable interest yield curve.
Gono contends
that the financial market is liquid but the problem lay in the
immobility of
funds within the banking sector. He said the overall market
position was in
huge surplus, averaging US$100 million in 2011 and as high
as US$386 million
as at March 19, 2012.
“One of the major reasons for the silos or
pockets of surpluses is the
absence of a properly functioning money market.
Banks are therefore not
willing to take risks among themselves, especially
in a market where
acceptable collateral is limited or not available at all,”
he said.
The RBZ governor lamented government’s decision to bank with
some commercial
banks as this resulted in those financial institutions
assuming some of the
functions of the central bank, including that of Lender
of Last Resort
(LOLR) but without the ability and legal mandate to perform
that function.
Neither can commercial banks conduct open market
operations. This refers to
purchases or sales of government securities and
commercial paper by a
central bank in an effort to regulate money supply and
influence credit
conditions. When the central bank buys these securities
from banks,
liquidity increases, while the reverse applies when it
sells.
Gono said one of the biggest distortions in the Zimbabwean
economy related
to interest rates, noting that, “there is such a wide margin
between deposit
and lending rates and no properly discernible yield
curve”.
He said the interest rates regime currently prevailing was
distorted,
resulting in bad signalling to the market. Normally, monetary
authorities
guide the interest rate structure of the economy through the
bank rate or
overnight accommodation rate.
Nominal lending rates
quoted by banks have ranged between 8% and 32% with
most banks quoting
average lending rates of around 20%. However, deposit
rates have ranged
between 0,15% for savings accounts and up to 17% on time
deposits.
With the government operating on a strict cash
budgetary framework, the
market has been starved of short-term, tradable
securities, especially
treasury bills, which were the most widely-traded
instrument. This has
resulted in the money market being dormant and with it
the inter-bank
market.
Gono said urgent action needed to be taken
to bring government back to the
market to issue credible, well priced
instruments of varying maturities that
will cater for the needs of the
market.
While the issuance of instruments will result in an interest
cost to the
government as well as the accumulation of domestic debt, the
benefits to the
economy are much wider. The instruments will allow for the
resuscitation of
the money market and also lead to the re-activation of the
inter-bank
market.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:20
Paidamoyo
Muzulu
MOST Zimbabweans will have to contend with ZBC radio news
programmes in the
run-up to the next elections as the two new broadcasting
entrants will limit
their coverage to urban centres, particularly Harare and
Bulawayo.
This emerged when representatives of Zimpapers Talk Radio and AB
Communications’ ZiFM Stereo appeared before the parliamentary portfolio
committee on Media, Information and Technology to outline their rollout
plans.
The stations won the two national free-to-air broadcasting
licences last
year when the government started the process of liberalising
the airwaves as
part of the GPA.
The pair goes on air in 60 to 90
days.
Zimpapers chief executive officer Justin Mutasa said his
station’s
broadcasts would initially be received in Harare and Bulawayo
before
coverage is extended to the Midlands, the Eastern Highlands as well
as the
country’s growth points.
Mutasa categorically told the
committee that Zimpapers’ print editorial
policies would be used at the new
broadcasting station and anyone who had
other ideas should open their own
radio stations.
“As to Zimpapers’ bias in the programmes, people are
free to open and
compete with us. Let us compete on the market,” said
Mutasa.
ZiFM Stereo chief Supa Mandiwanzira revealed that his station
would cover
Harare, Bulawayo, Gweru, Masvingo, Mutorashanga, Kadoma, Mutare
and Nyanga
“and then we would be expanding as our new equipment is installed
at other
sites”.
However, losing bidders Kiss FM and Voice of the
People (VoP) were not
convinced by the adjudication process and petitioned
the courts. Parliament
also tried in vain to have the licences withdrawn.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 09:17
Herbert
Moyo
ZIMBABWE has been forced to import maize from Zambia to avert
starvation as
a result of a massive maize deficit largely attributed to the
country’s
disastrous agricultural policies.
Ironically, Zambia
used to import maize from Zimbabwe, but has recorded a
surplus in the last
two seasons having profited from the influx of white
commercial farmers
displaced by its southern neighbour’s controversial land
reform
programme.
Agriculture minister Joseph Made has admitted Zimbabwe
would have a deficit
of about one million tonnes, which has to be covered by
imports from
countries like Zambia.
“About 45% of the maize that
was planted this season is a write-off,” said
Made recently. “Last season,
333 637 hectares of maize were written off.
This year, the hectarage written
off rose to 722 557, an increase of 117%.”
The Zambia National
Farmers Union (ZNFU) said on Monday the Food Reserve
Agency had begun
destroying the huge stockpiles of rotting maize in a bid to
create space for
this year’s harvest from June 1.
“Over 102 tonnes of rotten and
discoloured maize is expected to be burnt in
the presence of the district
authorities. Lombelombe is one such depot with
415,1 tonnes of maize on
makeshift storage facilities made of pole,” ZNFU
said.
ZNFU’s
head of outreach and member services Coillard Hamusimbi told the
Zimbabwe
Independent through an email on Wednesday his country produced
2,853 million
metric tonnes of maize this year with 1,035 million metric
tonnes as
surplus. Last year Zambia produced a record three million metric
tonnes.
“Zambia exported and hopes to continue exporting to the
DRC, Namibia, Kenya
and South Sudan in addition to Zimbabwe,” Hamusimbi
said.
He also confirmed former Zimbabwean commercial farmers who were
displaced by
the land reform programme were helping Zambia’s phenomenal
agricultural
growth.
Hamusimbi said his country’s “new” farmers
engaged in diversified production
of tobacco, maize, wheat and soya
crops.
Commercial Farmers’ Union president Charles Taffs described
Zimbabwe’s maize
deficit as a “deplorable state of affairs” which, however,
could still be
reversed by adopting “investor-friendly policies guaranteeing
security of
tenure to farmers”.
“Right now the land is of no
value and we are in a spiral of diminishing
returns, thanks to the land
reform programme which pushed farmers off their
land,” said Taffs. “Factor
in the indigenisation policy and you have
self-inflicted harm. lt is time to
stop this,” he said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012
09:03
Wongai Zhangazha
ZANU PF bigwigs in Mashonaland West have
been accused of conducting a forced
voter registration process as the party
prepares for elections which
President Robert Mugabe insists should be held
this year.
Informed sources said Zanu PF Mashonaland West Provincial chairman
John Mafa
had attended a meeting last month in Chegutu at which teams were
set up to
conduct door-to-door voter registration in the
province.
The meeting was attended by the MP for Muzvezve Peter
Haritatosi, MP for
Sanyati Kudakwashe Chaderopa, MP for Chakari Zechariah
Ziyambi, youth leader
Mike Gava and war veterans, among
others.
However, Mafa denied that such a meeting was convened. “I
usually attend
several meetings, some which will be organised at DCC
(District Coordinating
Committee), but I do not know the meeting you are
talking about,” said Mafa.
Despite his denials, the sources were
adamant the meeting was held. “There
was a meeting last month in Chegutu and
one of the resolutions was to set up
teams that would go to constituencies
and tell people that instead of going
to district offices to register to
vote, youth officers in the area would
write down their names and their
national identification numbers and forward
them to the registrar in
Kadoma,” the sources said.
The sources said the campaign was in
progress in areas such as Muzvezve
Block 8 and Windmill with Chenjiri,
Golden Valley and Sanyati being
earmarked for the next
phase.
Youths are being lured with promises of government-funded
business projects,
but the exercise has also reportedly been causing
apprehension as people are
not sure whether their names are simply for voter
registration purposes or
being used to create a parallel Zanu PF voters’
register.
The Election Resource Centre said voter registration is
currently riddled
with serious problems, including closure of some
registration centres,
limited time for registration and registration through
coercion.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 08:58
Tendai
Marima/Wongai Zhangazha
THREATS by Media, Information and Publicity
minister Webster Shamu last week
to “take off gloves” against the media are
in stark contrast to developments
in South Africa, which he used to justify
his warning, where the governing
ANC recently backed down from establishing
a statutory Media Appeals
Tribunal to police journalists.
Shamu used
World Press Freedom Day last week to threaten journalists in the
privately-owned media with a return to an era of vicious media repression if
they persisted with an “anti-African and anti-Zimbabwe frenzy”, whose
meaning he did not clarify.
However, Shamu did not seem to
realise his threats were actually markedly
dissimilar to what is currently
happening inSouth Africa where the ANC is
now on the back foot over its bid
to establish a punitive statutory media
regulatory body or a media appeals
tribunal.
The ANC had been pushing for a Media Appeals Tribunal, but
this was viewed
as political repression aimed at gagging the media to
prevent them from
exposing abuse of power and
corruption.
However, the ANC, which was widely criticised for trying
to stifle the
media, is now being forced to consider a proposal by the Press
Freedom
Commission (PFC) to regulate the media.
The PFC, which is
chaired by former chief justice Pius Langa, was launched
last year by the
Print Media South Africa and the South Africa National
Editors Forum. It
consists of nine people selected from outside the media
community to review
the system of press regulation in South Africa.
In a report titled
Press Regulation in South Africa April 2012, the PFC
carried out research
and came up with recommendations to act as alternatives
to ANC proposals on
the ideal regulatory framework for print media in South
Africa.
The PFC suggested after meetings with civil society
groups, academics from
journalism and media studies, political parties,
newspaper editors and
ordinary people that a system of co-regulation
independent of government and
comprising people from various sections of
society outside the press
industry be established as a media
watchdog.
Although the report is still to be reviewed by the ANC’s
national executive
committee, the party is reportedly “very comfortable”
with the proposals.
Unlike Zimbabwe, the PFC is an independent body without
state interference.
While the ANC is being forced to retreat, the Zimbabwe
Media Commission
(ZMC) is busy trying to come up with a statutory regulation
body even though
there is already the Voluntary Media Council. Groups like
Alpha Media have
an internal ombudsman to enforce ethics and
professionalism.
According to the PFC report, there were proposals to
develop a “hierarchy of
sanctions” ranging from minor breaches to more
serious infringements.
A hierarchy of sanctions for print media was listed as
anything from
correction, retraction, apology, rejoinder, reprimands by the
regulator, a
range of space fines, monetary fines and expulsion from the
press council in
extreme cases of persistent recidivism.
It says
sanctions for ethical infractions were important because the press
was in
the public domain and, therefore, has an obligation to function in
accordance with the moral, values and norms of society which it
serves.
The report states ethical breaches include common human
errors like faulty
observations, wrong spellings and other minor omissions
as well as wrong
conclusions such as faulty analysis, poor judgment, genuine
error of facts
and using misleading sources.
Publication of
indecent material, plagiarism, distortion, fabrication,
defamation and other
wrongs committed with the intent to cause harm are some
examples of ethical
violations.
The PFC notes the press regulatory mechanism must result
in the press
correcting its errors and improving on accuracy,
accountability,
compensation for any damage inflicted by the media,
promoting the right of
free speech and promoting higher professional and
ethical standards.
Developments in South Africa show Shamu was either
ill-informed or
deliberately pulling in the opposite direction as he sought
to justify a
renewed crackdown against the private press.
Every
year on May 3 people around the world commemorate World Press Freedom
Day,
but rather than sharing in a global desire for media freedom, Shamu’s
address was widely condemned.
Shamu threatened a new wave of
repression if the media continued with its
“anti-African and anti-Zimbabwe
frenzy”.
Shamu’s threats to renew media tyranny are a chilling
reminder of previous
assaults when state-sponsored attacks on journalists
led to the arrests of
journalists, including the the murder of the country’s
first black cameraman
and ZBC reporter Edward Chikomba.
Although
politically Zimbabwe is far more stable now and is ranked above
emerging
leaders of the Global South, China, India and Russia, it is ranked
177 on
the 2011 Press Freedom Index indicating the highly restrictive
environment
in which the press operates.
Shamu’s threats against the local and
foreign media came against backdrop of
previous warning targeted at
journalists for writing stories about President
Robert Mugabe and his
family’s Zesa bills, internal party succession battles
and persistent
rumours of the president’s ill-health.
Government officials in
Zimbabwe have always shown discomfort with the
private press which has
widely exposed abuse of power by the political and
business elites as well
as corruption.
As a result the private media has been subjected to a
systematic campaign of
repression, with journalists being intimidated,
arrested and detained, while
newspapers have been closed down or
bombed.
Of late there have been renewed threats to clamp down on the
media by
banning foreign newspapers –– which Mugabe’s diehards do not like
–– from
entering the Zimbabwean market, even though local papers circulate
freely in
neighbouring countries.
The banning of newspapers from
the region, especially from South Africa, is
likely to trigger a diplomatic
quarrel as that would amount to unfair trade
practices. Newspapers are
treated as any other product, paying necessary
taxes and
duties.
ZMC chairperson Godfrey Majonga has said the process of
setting up a media
council started early last year but there has been “some
resistance” from
other stakeholders.
Zanu PF politicians have
been pressuring ZMC to crackdown on the private
media and ban foreign
newspapers. ZMC is trying to force foreign newspapers
to register with it, a
move deemed unlawful as this is tantamount to
applying Zimbabwe’s laws
extra-territorially.
The private media has already established the
Voluntary Media Council of
Zimbabwe (VMCZ) to deal with complaints against
journalists. The move to
establish a statutory body –– which is a counter to
VMCZ –– to police the
media is bound to have a negative effect on the media,
particularly in view
of Shamu’s attitude and remarks which reflect Zanu PF’s
thinking on press
freedom.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May 2012 17:54
Brian
Chitemba/Nqobile Bhebhe
THE MDC-T Bulawayo East district has passed a
vote of no confidence in its
legislator Thabitha Khumalo as factionalism in
the province intensifies
ahead of elections expected this year or next
year.
MDC-T party insiders told the Zimbabwe Independent this week the
vote of no
confidence was part of a wider factional fight between Khumalo,
who is also
deputy national information and publicity secretary, and Deputy
Prime
Minister Thokozani Khupe.
The infighting
intensified after Khumalo challenged Khupe for the MDC-T’s
vice-presidency
during congress held last year in Bulawayo.
In a letter dated March
19 to the Bulawayo East district, the provincial
leadership led by Gorden
Moyo and Bulawayo Central MP Dorcas Sibanda said
they wanted Khumalo sacked
with immediate effect for failing to hold
feedback meetings after congress.
She is also accused of failing to conduct
district leadership
workshops.
Khumalo confirmed receiving the letter, saying it was
written at the
instigation of Bulawayo East district youth chairperson
Tinashe Kambarami
who is allegedly Khupe’s ally. The district is also baying
for its chairman
Dominic Shumba’s blood.
Although Khumalo
declined to discuss the matter, she said it was
unconstitutional for
Kambarami’s group to pass a vote of no confidence in
her. She said the plot
to axe her would fail because she enjoys tremendous
support from the
grassroots where she was establishing structures for the
first time since
1999.
Efforts to get comment from Moyo were fruitless as his mobile
phone went
unanswered.
Last year, MDC-T was sucked into a messy
factional clash as Moyo battled
with Mzilikazi senator Matson Hlalo, who is
the former provincial
chairperson, for the control of Bulawayo
province.
MDC-T youths aligned to the warring factions were involved
in bloody running
street battles resulting in some of them being injured
while others were
arrested.
Meanwhile, the party’s Bulawayo
province is proposing that people with
criminal records or pending
disciplinary cases should be barred from
contesting parliamentary and
senatorial elections.
A document being circulated in Bulawayo states:
“As we prepare ourselves for
a New Zimbabwe we embarked on from 1999
promising Zimbabweans a
democratically ruled nation, our leaders at all
levels should be exemplary.
“Therefore, with crucial elections
approaching as a party we must review our
selection criteria from
councillors to legislators. Any party member wishing
to be a candidate must
have a clean criminal record and not have appeared
before any disciplinary
hearing. This applies from the last national
election.”
Sources said the
proposal was being pushed by Moyo’s camp targeting members
from the rival
faction headed by Hlalo facing various disciplinary measures
and have
pending cases before the courts.
“The lobby is being pushed by people
in Moyo’s camp who want to create an
opportunity to further consolidate
their positions and control of party
structures,” said the party insider.
“As it stands, some MPs viewed as Hlalo
backers would be disqualified if
such a clause is included in the
guidelines.”
Provincial
organising secretary Albert Mhlanga, who is also Pumula MP, said
although
the party was still drawing up guidelines, no major changes should
be
expected. The MDC-T will also debate coming up with a party list of
candidates which junior members fear would be used to ring-fence senior
officials unable to win primary elections.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May 2012 17:49
GREEN Fuel has
dismissed claims by government that it has not furnished it
with the cost
structure into its wholesale price of E10.
Senior officials of the company
outlined its cost structure at a meeting
between it, the Zimbabwe Energy
Regulatory Authority (Zera), and the Inter
Ministerial Pricing Sub Committee
in March.
Officials said Green Fuel was not responsible for
the pump price of fuel,
which government and other stakeholders would like
to see much lower than
the US$1,36 a litre being charged by retailers. The
Green Fuel spokesperson
said the company wholesaled its E10 fuel at US$1,00
and this was at 19 cents
discount to what the company ought to charge. The
wholesale price was
disclosed to all potential ethanol fuel dealers,
including those that
visited Green Fuel’s stand at the recently-ended
Zimbabwe International
Trade Fair.
“The current selling price of
the ethanol blended fuel is at a discount of
US 19 cents so as to encourage
market up-take,” one official said.
However, government still insists it has
not received the official costing
structure of theE10 fuel. Government is a
30% stake joint venture partner in
the project through the Agricultural and
Rural Development Authority.
Agriculture minister Joseph Made this
week reiterated his assertion in an
interview with the ZBC that government
is yet to be furnished with the full
pricing structure of E10 fuel.
Expectations are that the fuel should be
retailed much cheaper than 100%
unleaded fuel. E10 blend is a nine-to-one
blend between unleaded petrol and
ethanol.
Although government denies having full knowledge of the E10
pricing
structure, minutes seen by the Independent of a meeting held among
the
Zimbabwe Regulatory Authority, the Inter-Ministerial pricing Committee
and
Green Fuel on March 14 this year, indicate the pricing structure was
disclosed.
According to the minutes Bianca Rautenbach highlighted
that the current
selling price of US$1,00 instead of US$1,19 was implemented
to encourage
market up-take despite that some costs, including processing
cots had gone
up.
Rautenbach said the processing cost had gone up
from US 7 cents to US 13
cents. The processing expense included costs
relating to chemicals and
associated inputs for distillery. This was after
Zera had enquired if there
was documentation to support the cost structures.
Green Fuel highlighted
that cost figures did not take into consideration the
inflation factor.
In the meeting, Rautenbach said the total cost for
cane production was US$35
million of which 8% needed to be paid to Arda in
terms of the
Buy-Operate-Transfer (BOT) agreement.
Rautenbach
also said ethanol only makes up 10% of the E10 petrol blend and
this has a
limited ability to affect the price.
Green fuel officials say the
current US 6 cents saving to the consumer on
purchasing E10 petrol has a
large saving to the economy.
The Zimbabwe Regulatory Authority raised
the issue of Value Added Tax on
cane but Green Fuels said ethanol was exempt
from paying.Green Fuel said the
total of US$12,5 million was set aside for
working capital requirements.
Storage and handling fees amounted to
US$5,2 million. Green Fuels has to pay
back its US$25 million loan.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May 2012 17:44
By
Freedom Mazwi
POLITICAL developments in Zimbabwe over the past two months
have been
worrisome and yet revealing, providing an opportunity for
democratic
players, both in the civic society and progressive political
formations, to
start seriously thinking about the future of the country by
rising above
narrow partisan interests.
Democratic forces need to
reflect on the political situation and direction
Zimbabwe may take in the
next three to 12 months if some matters — which
include the crisis affecting
the constitution-making process, calls for
early elections and growing
factionalism and succession battles in Zanu PF
that have sucked in security
forces — are not addressed.
Factionalism, now linked to President
Robert Mugabe’s succession war, has
always been inherent in Zanu PF and
represented by two major antagonists,
namely Joice Mujuru and Emmerson
Mnangagwa. To a larger extent, people
within or outside Zanu PF should not
decry this situation as it is essential
and healthy in any given political
organisation or democratic society.
Vigorous competition for
leadership provides party functionaries and the
electorate at large an
opportunity to elect candidates based on merit and
good societal standing.
What should instead give Zimbabweans and the region
sleepless nights is the
involvement of securocrats not only in Zanu PF
factionalism and succession
politics, but also Zimbabwe’s electoral
politics.
Remarks by
senior army commanders, including Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF)
Chief of
Staff Major - General Martin Chedondo on Tuesday and others before
that,
show a disturbing trend of the growing involvement of security forces
in
politics.
It is a generally accepted constitutional, legal and
international principle
uniformed forces should not dabble in politics.
Consequences of the military
participation in politics in many countries
have been disastrous.
What has been happening in several African
countries, including Guinea and
Mali among others, is still fresh in our
minds. What has also happened in
countries like Egypt and Libya where there
were mass uprisings, civil wars
and military takeovers as a result of
political and economic failures must
serve as a lesson for Zimbabwe. We have
witnessed social, economic and
political upheavals and given our explosive
situation, swift and decisive
actions should be taken to preserve democracy
before the country degenerates
into a military dictatorship.
It
is thus important for political players and stakeholders to put the
national
interest above party political and individual agendas to prevent
Zimbabwe
descending into chaos.
One serious threat which factionalism in Zanu
PF — which has a military
dimension — poses to the country’s political
stability is the call for early
elections whose outcome will inevitably be
disputed. This destabilising push
for early elections being spearheaded by
the military, the real power behind
Mugabe’s throne, has of late been
playing out at the party’s politburo
meetings, state-owned media and other
public platforms.
While Zanu PF’s volatile factionalism and
Mugabe’s intensifying succession
battle are contributing significantly to
making Zimbabwe a political powder
keg, it is the role of the military in
politics which is most disturbing and
dangerous.
Agitated calls
for early elections, with or without a new constitution, have
been
accompanied by calculated attempts to destabilise and paralyse
operations of
the inclusive government. The strategy here is to ensure that
the democratic
forces, in a fit of rage and frustration, agree to the call
for early
elections as a way of solving the current political impasse.
Hawkish
elements within Zanu PF are mainly being coordinated through the
Joint
Operation Command, which brings together army, police and intelligence
chiefs.
Related to the campaign for early elections is the
current stalemate in the
constitution-making process. There is growing
confusion as to when the
document will be finalised. At one point we are
told that there is only one
issue which relates to devolution which remains
parked. The following day
the nation is informed issues to do with sexual
orientation alongside
the death penalty have arisen and before sunset we
are told the draft
constitution, currently being serialised in newspapers,
is not the
authentic document.
We are aware that much of the
confusion has been caused by Zanu PF’s
factionalism and succession battles,
but at the same time the MDC formations
and the civic society are losing the
plot through their strategy of focusing
on the constitution-making process
which they want to use to remove Mugabe
and Zanu PF, while neglecting the
most viable method of change — mass
mobilisation and
recruitment.
This approach betrays a defeatist attitude on the part
of the democratic
forces. The current constitution, with electoral reforms
reforms enacted
prior to the 2008 elections, can be used successfully to
create conditions
for free and fair elections. The obsession with things
like gay rights and
other such issues have made democratic forces shift
their eyes away from the
ball and lose sight of the bigger
picture.
There is therefore a need for an immediate paradigm shift
and change of
strategy. Attendant to this also would be a serious diplomatic
offensive in
the region highlighting the dangers of Zimbabwe descending into
chaos in
months ahead as a result of these simmering problems. It is however
unfortunate that most countries in the region are presently worried about
their domestic economic and political challenges.
Countries
like South Africa, Malawi, Zambia, Swaziland and the DRC are
absorbed with
internal problems.There is also the conflict between Sudan and
South Sudan
which the African Union is currently seized with. This however
should not
stop local parties from highlighting burning Zimbabwean issues.
A
bigger issue which democratic forces have been unwilling to attend to when
it comes to electoral politics is the 2006 split of the MDC and possible
coalitions going to elections. The issue is about a need to form a coalition
by all parties not just to tackle Mugabe, but also the rise of the
securocrats which could take Zimbabwe down the road to brutal dictatorship.
The democratic forces must stand up and speak with one voice. The tendency
to think that Zanu PF will collapse in the post-Mugabe era is
delusional.
Political tools of analysis indicate we are most likely
going to see a
reinvigorated party under a new autocratic leader with a
military or
repressive background. It thus becomes necessary now more than
ever to rise
above party politics in pursuit of a national cause which will
benefit
current and future generations.
Mazwi is a political
scientist with Abammeli (A Network for Lawyers for
Human Rights). He writes
in his personal capacity. Email: fmazwi@gmail.com
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May 2012
17:06
SO, Webster Shamu chose World Press Freedom Day to threaten to take
off his
gloves if the independent media persisted with “an anti-African and
anti-Zimbabwe frenzy”? Here is a minister who has refused to comply with
cabinet directives to reform the media, doing exactly the opposite! He has
compounded the problems in the media by acting as an agent for the
reactionary elements around the president.
If he wants to launch
a campaign against the independent media, let him. He
will be the loser. We
are not likely to lose any sleep over the fulminations
of former Rhodesian
DJs. We know we are doing the right thing. Our standards
are international,
his are parochial. Who will the public support: a free
press or a captive
press?
Perhaps we should remind Charles Ndlovu that the keyboard is
stronger than
the sword. No more threats please from the reactionary cabal
he represents.
We will happily take them on. And let’s hope that Catherine
Ashton and Aldo
Dell’Ariccia note the delinquency of Zimbabwe’s rulers when
they meet in
Brussels this week. Here are ministers who have wilfully
blocked change. Why
should Zanu PF be rewarded for its persistent
obstinacy?
The MDC-T which will be represented at the Brussels talks
hasn’t exactly
been proactive either. What have they done to advance press
freedom?
In a sense we welcome the
shocking remarks by Major Martin Chedondo this
week. He insists the army has
a duty to participate in national politics on
the spurious grounds that it
is protecting the integrity of the nation. Let’s
hope those remarks are
noted in Brussels.
Singing the same song as Shamu, Zimpapers boss
Justin Mutasa chose World
Press Freedom Day to argue that freedom of the
press should be curtailed
where necessary. There was no absolute freedom
anywhere in the world, he
claimed.
And do newspapers have to
adopt a confrontational approach to government, he
wanted to know? That of
course depends on whether they are good governments
or bad governments. He
has chosen to side with a manifestly bad one.
Shouldn’t he be
extending the parameters of press freedom instead of
limiting them? He tells
journalists that they were expected to operate
“under the confines of the
law”. Does that include bad law of which there is
plenty? Instead of
identifying repressive laws that newspapers should be
campaigning to remove,
he talked about newspapers abusing press freedom.
Meanwhile the
Zimbabwe Media Commission has done little to challenge the
partisan
occupation of the public media space by media which parrot Zanu PF
propaganda –– an abuse if ever there was one.
Shouldn’t the
public media be open to a variety of publics? Shouldn’t its
output reflect
the diversity of views that can be found across the nation?
Why just a
handful of half-baked columnists who sound as if they are related
to the
nomenklatura that presides over the mess we are
in?
Last week we had a columnist giving
us the benefits of his opinions on
Copac. These opinions were then
translated to the newspaper’s front page
where they were offered up as news.
So you had the same story on the op/ed
pages as on the front page written by
the same writer pretending to be
somebody else!
Shamu’s speech on
Press Freedom Day was a disgrace and Unesco did nothing to
mitigate the
toxic remarks. “If the last five years of change,” Shamu said,
“do not show
the media industry and the journalism profession to have
fulfilled their
promises, then the sovereign people of Zimbabwe have no
option but to
intervene and protect themselves through the instruments of
the
state…”
Are these the same “sovereign people of Zimbabwe” who
decisively rejected
Shamu’s party in
2008?
What an example of vote-counting
the French have given us. How long did it
take them to get the results out?
Just a few hours was it? And no
complaints. This is the standard time it
takes throughout Europe. And our
electoral officials? How long did it take
them? Five weeks was it?Justice
George Chiweshe got a medal for
it.
Despite this glaring disparity, ZBC’s political “analysts” say
the defeat of
French president Nicolas Sarkozy should spur Zimbabwe to
launch a new
diplomatic offensive under the newly-elected Socialist,
Francois Hollande.
While noting that Sarkozy’s leadership “was very
bad in every context”,
Chris Mutsvangwa says his fall should spell a new
dispensation for
Zim-French relations.
“Observers say it was
Sarkozy’s personality more than his policies which
cost him his job. He was
also the first sitting president to get divorced
and remarry while in office
and the French never forgave him for failing
that moral test,” we are told
which shows just how little knowledge of the
French there is at
ZBC.
Mutsvangwa would be better advised not to pop the champagne
corks just yet.
French voters were more concerned about economic issues
closer to home than
Zimbabwe-French
relations.
The Standard reports that
President Mugabe’s nephew, Patrick Zhuwao, was
last week held hostage for
hours by workers at his Gwebi Junction Estate
near Norton after failing to
pay them their wages for the past three months.
The 115 workers sang
revolutionary songs, beat drums before sealing off the
farmhouse exit,
demanding their money, the Standard states.
“Sensing danger, a frightened
Zhuwao, who is Zanu PF MP for Zvimba East,
scaled the fence and eventually
escaped using a back exit much to the
chagrin of the irate
workers.”
The workers said they were also infuriated by the fact that
whenever they
raised the issue of payment, Zhuwao would accuse them of being
influenced by
Francis Mukwangariva, a Central Intelligence Organisation
operative also
eyeing Zvimba East in the upcoming polls.
Zhuwao
confirmed that he was held hostage and that the workers had since
sealed him
off the farm until he brings their wages.
“Remember, I am a tobacco
farmer and I can only pay them after selling my
tobacco, which can be
anytime soon. But the unfortunate part is that they
have sealed me off the
farm,” Zhuwao bleated.
In an application for a show-cause order to
Chinhoyi Provincial Labour
Office, Zhuwao requested the labour office to
provide a ruling declaring the
strike illegal.
“The illegality of
the strike and its associated disturbances is premised on
the understanding
that the workers failed to give 14 working days notice of
their intention to
engage in such an action,” reads the letter.
It seems that anything
that Zanu PF officials do not agree with, they deem
as “illegal”. At least
he did not attribute his failure to pay his workers
to “illegal”
sanctions!
Meanwhile adding to the
ever-growing list of “empowerment” organisations is
the Zimbabwe
Entrepreneur Youth Association (Zeya). According to the Sunday
Mail Zeya
vice-president James Pande said youths were concerned that
foreigners were
still dominating sectors reserved for locals.
“We are worried as the
youths of this country because foreigners are still
dominating the reserved
sectors like retailing around town,” he said.
He urged government to
move with speed so that the young indigenous people
would start to benefit
from the fruits of the liberation struggle.
Our question is why do
they need to close down running businesses for them
to enjoy the “fruits” of
the liberation struggle? Who then would fill the
gap left by these foreign
companies?
We are told that Zeya is led by businessman Munya Maoresa
who has recently
held meetings with the Indigenisation minister Saviour
Kasukuwere to discuss
various “empowerment initiatives”.
Will
these “empowerment initiatives” benefit the unemployed youths or remove
competition for bigwigs who have dismally failed to measure up on the free
market?
We were amused by David
Chiweza’s article in the Herald last week in which
he attempts to rope
Nigerian prophet TB Joshua into Zanu PF propaganda.
“If TB Joshua
serves the same God who appointed President Mugabe and
anointed him, like
Moses, to stand against the power of the superpowers of
this world and
triumph, then surely his coming can only settle Zimbabwe’s
squabbles over
the direction and ownership question,” chirrups Chiweza.
“As I see
it, TB Joshua has already made a big statement that resonates with
Zanu PF
during the New Year messages this year. Listening to his message
this year,
he declared that God wants Nigerians to stop using oil money to
import
consumer goods, but to use oil money to import machinery and
technology to
manufacture goods locally,” he says.
Despite trying to portray TB
Joshua as subscribing to the Zanu PF ideology,
Chiweza goes on to state that
“any attempt to own him is an attempt to put
God in one’s
pocket”.
Clearly the irony is lost on
him!
As they say, you can put
lipstick on a pig but it will still be a pig. This
is what the mandarins at
The Patriot newspaper are finding out after readers
and advertisers alike
have shunned their hatchet-job publication which has
been attacking Weaver
Press.
Even Zanu PF supporters seem to be tired of the dreary
propaganda judging by
the subdued reception The Patriot has
received.
Zanu PF-aligned companies and state enterprises have also balked at
wasting
scarce resources by advertising in a publication no one wants to
read
because they have seen it all before.
The situation, we are
told, has gotten so bad that they are now muscling
state-owned companies to
advertise in their newspaper, using their links to
Zanu PF for leverage.
Their attempts to use political muscle have hit a
brick wall, however, with
several state enterprises refusing to be bullied.
Desperate times call for
unpatriotic measures it
seems!
NewsDay reports that a
50-year-old Nyanga woman died on Sunday after
drinking illicit traditionally
brewed liquor known as kachasu in Magadu
village.
Anna Makore had gone
for a drinking binge with a male companion where Makore
allegedly had one
too many and could not walk back home.
According to NewsDay, she
sought refuge at a neighbour’s place for the night
where “she woke up dead
the following morning”.
How did she manage
that?
Another Hifa closed last weekend.
It was Manuel Bagorro’s swan song and he
deserves a tribute to his
dedication and professionalism over the years. He
turned a small-town music
show into a major celebrity event. Nothing like
this had been seen in our
neck of the woods. It was no exaggeration to say
it was on a par with
Edinburgh and Grahamstown.
Sadly security was unable to keep up with
the threat posed by criminals who
thought it was
Christmas.
Disappearing cellphones and handbags soon entered double
figures. And the
door to the greenroom became increasingly a scene of battle
as people
attempted to get in.
The organisers spoke of the vast
amounts they were levied by the authorities
who saw the prospect of making
money everywhere. But despite such official
opportunism, all in all Hifa
2012 was a great success. It will be under new
management next year. We wish
them all the best. As for the city of Harare,
what would it cost them to
clean up the pavements (those hazardous
litter-filled holes) and generally
tidy up the place?
Finally, joke of the
week: 80% of the population do not want a new
constitution, says Jonathan
Moyo.
We all recall his claim in 2000 that those voting against the
draft would be
returning the country to colonialism. Is there any chance of
him being
consistent for more than five minutes?
And why do the
regime’s apologists become so prickly over any mention of the
flag or
National Anthem?
They are trying to cover themselves in history. But
don’t we recall Ishe
Komborera Africa before Solomon Mutsvairo came along?
Was it so sacrosanct
then?
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May
2012 17:02
IN about two months, the Minister of Finance Tendai Biti is
due to present
his 2012 mid-year budget review. It is yet again a most
unenviable task,
for not only must he valiantly (but inevitably
unsuccessfully) try to ensure
a balanced budget and results in tandem with
budget, but he also has to
persevere in his efforts to assure economic
recovery and growth. That is a
virtually impossible task as long as his
government “colleagues” continue to
pursue diverse counter-productive and
destructive policies.
Despite attempts to persuade them to recognise and
acknowledge the need for
dynamic, positive policy changes, the proponents
and implementers of
economically destructive policies are dogmatic in their
adherence to those
disastrous policies, and in their implementation. They
blind themselves to
realities, instead attributing the economic ills to
alleged misdeeds and
evil machinations of others. Nevertheless, Biti has to
strive to
conceptualise and implement fiscal policies which can counter and
reverse
the ills inflicted upon the economy by negative
policies.
There are many vital actions that Biti must
consider which must be
energetically pursued within government, which
include:
Containment of government expenditure. There are many
opportunities to do
so, although undoubtedly some will be strongly resisted
by sections of the
political hierarchy, especially by Biti’s opponents and
even some within his
party. Among the expenditure cuts is the achievement of
a marked reduction
in public service salaries, albeit paying fair salaries
and allowances.
The reduction of the public service salary bill
can be achieved through
elimination of ghost workers. This is
authoritatively said to exceed 70 000.
The reduction can also be achieved by
a progressive reduction in numbers
actually employed through natural
attrition.
Reduction of expenditure by cutting the number of
ministries. A country
with less than 12 million residents does not require
a president, two
vice-presidents, a pime minister and two deputy prime
ministers, 28
ministers and more that 20 deputy ministers. Similarly,
although
constitutionally prescribed, a two-tiered legislature of 200
legislators and
attendant personnel cannot be justified, let alone proposals
for such number
to be doubled in the envisaged new
constitution.
Due to the salaries and ancillary allowances
payable over and above
associated expenditure, the legislative and
administrative infrastructure is
excessive both in terms of remuneration and
innumerable underlying costs,
far beyond Zimbabwe’s means. It is not within
Biti’s power to override the
constitution or the Global Political Agreement,
but he can influence change
both by appropriate representation, and by
curtailing funding allocations to
reinforce his
representations.
Similarly, Biti should strive to influence a
progressive reduction in
Zimbabwe’s military services personnel. The only
enemy Zimbabwe has is
itself, in the form of a deep political divide and
gross political
mismanagement, and its only war is an economic one, yet it
has one of the
biggest military infrastructures in the
region.
Unjustified foreign trips by government are an expenditure
area which is
within Biti’s powers to contain. It is incomprehensible and
unjustifiable
that numerous delegations to meetings of the UN, AU, Comesa,
Sadc and other
entities include ministers, senior civil servants, spouses,
security
personnel and others, generally ranging from 20 to 80 in number.
Surely
such delegations could be effective if they numbered between five and
10?
Further cost reduction by government can be achieved through the
containment
of corruption, ranging from public service ghost workers to
unauthorised and
unproductive travel costs, misappropriation and misuse of
state assets,
fictitious expenditures, secret commissions from suppliers and
contractors
(which inflate their prices and charges), civil servants’
personal
consumption of consumables ranging from stationery to communication
services, cleaning materials and fuel.
Biti needs not only to
minimise expenditure, but also help revitalise the
economy, for a vibrant
economy yields far greater direct and indirect taxes
than does one which is
quasi-moribund. Admittedly, Biti can justifiably
claim much of the credit
for the containment of the economic demise which
prevailed greatly prior to
the “inclusive government” and his concomitant
appointment as minister. In
contrast to many successive years of economic
decline, 2009, 2010, and 2011
witnessed some economic upturn.
Although significant in
percentage terms, the economic growth was, in real
terms, minuscule, for it
was attained from a disastrously low base. The
harsh reality is that
Zimbabwe’s economy continues to be one of the weakest
in Africa, yet it has
the potential for stupendous growth.
Achieving that growth requires
continuous political and economic stability
which is dependent upon
government as a whole, and the electorate, but it is
within Biti’s ability
to influence as he has valiantly striven to do over
the last three years.
Amongst the measures and opportunities available to
him are:
Once
again to state emphatically and convincingly that under no
circumstances
will Zimbabwe revert to its own currency before there is real,
and
continuing, economic stability. Many of the ill-informed populace
continue
to press for reversion to the Zimbabwe dollar, which would be a
catastrophic
return to the shattering hyperinflation of yesteryear.
Such a
return would intensify distrust of the banking sector, hence
exacerbate the
already grievous levels of financial sector illiquidity. This
would in turn
constrain availability to the private sector of working
capital for
productive operations. Fears of reversion to the Zimbabwe
dollar are also a
major deterrent to investment.
In order to assure viability of the
mining sector the minister needs to
review recent increases in mining
licence fees and royalties which are
vastly in excess of those charged by
all other countries with meaningful
mining operations, as is also the
enforced and envisaged increase in the
sector’s tax rates. Mining
development has already been severely retarded
by the ill-advised
indigenisation policies, but is further impeded by
existing and intended
imposts.
These are a few of the mid-term budget review considerations
which must be
addressed by Biti. This column will next week address more of
these.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May 2012 15:36
Elias
Mambo
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s calls for an end to political violence
and
factionalism in Zanu PF ahead of general elections should be regarded
with
suspicion since he has immensely benefited from those problems to keep
himself in power for 32 successive years.
Political analysts say in fact
Mugabe has a long history of being two-faced
and misleading on a variety of
issues by “indicating left when turning
right” as long as such manoeuvres
help him maintain his grip on power.
They say Mugabe has shrewdly
managed to manipulate political and economic
situations to his advantage, in
the process suppressing debate about his
leadership and succession.
Political violence or threats of it and
factionalism have helped him to
cling onto power against strong internal and
external
opposition.
This year on Independence Day (April 18), Mugabe used his
speech to call for
“peace” ahead of elections he wants held this year,
saying Zimbabweans have
suffered enough from violence.
During the
burial of Zanu PF politburo member and veteran nationalist Edson
Ncube at
Heroes Acre last Friday, Mugabe slammed factionalism and the
imposition of
candidates in his party. He said these problems, coupled with
greed, were
going to destroy Zanu PF.
Professor Eldred Masunungure, a political
science lecturer at the University
of Zimbabwe, believes Mugabe’s growing
double standards are a manifestation
of his diminishing control of complex
forces and circumstances around him.
“The issue here is that there is
a continuous lack of grip on forces that
have kept him in power,” said
Masunungure. “He has awakened to the
realisation that the centre cannot hold
any more, hence his rhetoric which
makes him navigate around issues like
factionalism and inter-party violence.
In fact, he has been overwhelmed by
the multiple centres of power around
him,” said Masunungure.
Just
over a week after he had said Zimbabweans should shun violence Mugabe
arrived at the Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo International Airport in Bulawayo for
the Zimbabwe International Trade Fair singing a different tune. He told his
party’s supporters at the airport that “now is the time to remove all the
snakes on our way and ensure that Bulawayo and the whole of Matabeleland is
vibrant”.
Mugabe seems to like the snake metaphor. During the
1980s, he used the same
figure ofspeech to signify a crackdown against Zapu
and Nkomo, his former
allies in the liberation struggle. What followed after
that is now a matter
of public record: massacres of innocent civilians who
had resisted voting
for Zanu PF; killings which still haunt the
nation.
Mugabe has always used political double-speak and deception
to manage events
and manoeuvre his way through difficult
situations.
Another political analyst Charles Mangongera said Mugabe
was two-faced and a
good performer on stage because what he usually says on
public platforms is
often the exact opposite of what would be happening on
the ground, although
sometimes his rhetoric is indicative of his
intentions.
“Mugabe is an excellent performer and that has always
been his modus
operandi since the formation of Zanu PF in 1963. He is the
first beneficiary
of factionalism and has thrived on it,” Mangongera
said.
“He is the main culprit in candidate imposition because he imposes
himself
as the permanent Zanu PF leader and every time they (Zanu PF) want
to go for
congress he whips all the provinces into line so that he is not
challenged.
He is a ruthless schemer who thrives on double
standards.”
Mangongera said violence and factionalism had helped
Mugabe maintain power,
so his remarks on the issues must always be treated
with a pinch of salt.
“He has thrived on violence and factionalism to
maintain his firm hold on
power. On the ground, he might appear to be
castigating it, but the reality
is that he has used violence to hold on to
his post,” he said.
Besides, politics, Mugabe also has a record of
constantly somersaulting on
economic issues, especially on the controversial
policies on macro-economic
fundamentals and matters like land reform and
indigenisation policy. During
the 1980s, Mugabe strongly resisted pressure
from Nkomo to redistribute
land, saying his hands were tied by the Lancaster
House constitution,
although he always told villagers he was going to give
them land.
In the 1990s Mugabe’s government, which had run down the
economy through
commandist policies, accepted IMF and World Bank economic
policy
prescriptions and adopted Esap Programme, although he routinely
condemned
the IMF.
Mugabe has also previously claimed he would
not criticise African leaders in
public, especially when he was under fire
from Botswana President Ian Khama,
but of late he has been publicly blasting
his African Union and Sadc
colleagues.
Mugabe has also been
inconsistent on the land reform policy. While he
publicly repeats the
one-man-one-farm slogan, he has allowed Zanu PF
ministers and other senior
officials to have multiple farms. He has also
openly denounced corruption,
but failed to act.
He has also been inconsistent on indeginisation.
Only late last year, Mugabe
told Implats chief executive David Brown to “go
and tell your shareholders
that we don’t intend to take over (Zimplats). We
don’t want to steal or rob
that which does not belong to
us”.
However, a few months later Zimplats was
seized.
Blessing Vava, a local political commentator, said Mugabe was
a master of
double-speak .
“Mugabe has always been a master of
double-speak, preaching peace at
national events and violence on Zanu PF
platforms,” said Vava. “Remember at
one time he declared that ‘we (Zanu PF)
have degrees in violence,’ so how
come he can now suddenly say no to
violence which he has used in all
elections,” Vava said.
“He is
one of the most unreliable and unpredictable leaders on this planet.
He is
not to be trusted or relied upon. His rhetoric must always be
interrogated.
Vava believes Mugabe has managed to consolidate
power by promoting
factionalism and through a campaign of violence and
intimidation when it
suits him.
In the run-up to the 2008
elections, Mugabe told CNN parties were free to
campaign and people could
vote as they wished, but a bloodbath followed
forcing MDC-T leader Morgan
Tsvangirai to pull out of the presidential
election
run-off.
Despite Mugabe pretending to be committed to the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA) when it is convenient, he has flouted the
agreement willy-nilly.
Alexander Rusero, a lecturer in Mass Communication at
Harare Polytechnic,
believes Mugabe’s dilemma is that of a captain who has
lost control of the
ship.
“Mugabe is very good when it comes to
instilling discipline in the party. He
can whip everybody into line, but
unfortunately he is now acting like a
captain who is losing control of the
ship. The man is in a Catch-22
situation in which he has to manipulate
factionalism in order to manage the
succession debate which is threatening
to spin out of control in his party,”
Rusero said.
Analysts say
while Mugabe has sometimes delivered on his promises, he has
however often
failed to live up to his rhetoric.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May 2012 15:33
Gideon
Chitanga
IN the article, “Is Zimbabwe Poised on a Liberal Path? The State
and
Prospects for Parties’’, one of Zimbabwe’s top pro-democracy scholars,
the
late Professor Masipula Sithole recites views of a certain observer of
the
liberation struggle during the 1970s on the issue of
factionalism.
The observer commented “if you were to put two Zimbabweans on
the moon and
visited them the next day, you would find that they had formed
three
parties”. The remark was said in respect of splits and divisions
bedevilling and weakening the liberation movement at the time. It seems the
observation has become a pervasive jinx that has come back to hound and
weaken the pro-democracy movement that is fighting against the militarised
dictatorship of President Robert Mugabe.
In his book, Struggles
Within the Struggle, Sithole details the fatal
degeneration of the armed
struggle into an internecine fight for power,
control and leadership of the
liberation movement with ethnicity being a key
weapon for the political and
military elites.
On reflection, this important book which has been
read mainly through the
ethnic ‘problematique’ with respect to the
liberation struggle, critically
sheds light on the kind of leadership
Zimbabwe would have after
Independence: selfish, tribal, parochial,
narrow-minded and destructive. For
these leaders Independence would mean
power retention and self-enrichment at
all costs.
Indeed,
Independence came and the Zanu PF elites have accumulated
immeasurable
wealth by milking the country dry, making ordinary people
poorer. The
challenges the country is facing today are a matter of public
record.
The spectre of the politics of splitting has hounded
post-liberation
Zimbabwe with a multiplicity of off-shoot parties which are
poorly-organised, with no resources and at certain instances no
constituencies.
Fast forward to a decade since the formation of
the robust labour-backed
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC); more parties
have come and gone. The
MDC itself has split into the MDC-T led by Morgan
Tsvangirai, MDC-N led by
Welshman Ncube, MDC-M, (Arthur Mutambara) and
MDC-99 (Job Sikhala). Other
new parties have also come up, for example
Zapu-Dabengwa sprouting from
Zapu-2000 and
Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn.
The Politics of splitting have also affected
the Zimbabwe National Students
Union and the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade
Unions, to name just two critical
social formations among others which are
following the same course taken by
political parties.
We don’t
seek to interrogate the causes of this political practice but to
point out
that for political institutions and actors claiming to be fighting
for
democratic transformation and not just for the reform of the electoral
system, access to power or patronage, these splits increase the costs of
attaining the ultimate goal while postponing the realisation of democratic
transformation. It also speaks volumes on the quality, interests, vision or
lack of a broad vision on the side of all our leaders.
What is
baffling is the failure of the pro-democracy movement to honestly
own up to
some of our national mistakes and to progress on the basis of
addressing not
merely the political authoritarian question but the broad
issues in favour
of a broad-based democracy anchored on the principles of
tolerance of
diversity, transparency, accountability and respect for human
life and human
rights.
There is no doubt that had former opposition parties united
in 2008,
collaborated closely with civil society and churches, Zanu PF would
be
history by now. Undoubtedly unity is important for itself, if not for
electoral benefits from the numbers of potential voters pulled together,
organisational capacity, skills and resources it draws
together.
Just like the liberation movement which failed to unite
several forces
against the Smith regime in 1980, largely for selfish
reasons, the
pro-democracy movement remains weakened by divisions and
suspicions which
have derailed chances for even minimum collaboration.
Accordingly, the
political costs continue to accumulate and everyday
democracy is postponed
while human suffering
exacerbates.
Acolytes and political hangers-on who by default find
themselves in some
privileged positions have escalated the political costs
of the struggle for
democracy by pitching against unity within their
political formations. But
leadership should be exercised to bear in
convincing these and other sectors
whose loyal sacrifice kept the struggle
on course at certain critical
points.
The benefits of pulling
political and material resources, collective
organisation, mobilisation and
a broad-based movement against the weakened
dictatorial resilience far
outweigh any possibility of a single party
beating Zanu PF at elections.
Other than laying a strong foundation for a
more democratic, broad- based
society, it provides irrefutable capacity for
building a critical mass,
ready for action to defend the people‘s will
against any possible military
machinations.
Negotiations and pacts are no substitute for
alternative strategising yet
viable political alternatives can provide solid
reinforcement for all forms
of pacts. Ignore the daily acts of bravado
publicly paraded by Zanu PF
actors, there is clear uncertainty and anxiety
within that party as old age
and failing health continue to take its toll on
President Robert Mugabe at a
time when his party is failing to stitch
together a viable succession
strategy.
And can the
pro-democracy leaders allow this despondence to spill into their
camp?
Ultimately the failure by all leaders in the pro-democracy camp to
seize
opportunities to salvage the country from this overdue crisis cannot
be
overlooked.
There is no doubt that the social base of all political
parties in Zimbabwe
has weakened in the past decade. While Zanu PF maintains
an illusion of
dominance in the rural Mashonaland areas, it has been losing
the same voters
to the MDC-T especially in Manicaland, Masvingo and parts of
the Midlands in
addition to its failure to retain
Matabeleland.
The MDC-T is not assured of its dominance in urban
areas as the shrinking
urban electoral base seems to be increasingly fluid.
Equally, the MDC-N
cannot draw pride of legitimacy if it remains confined to
isolated
constituencies in one region. The influence of other political
parties has
been very minimal.
While a broad front has its
challenges, its potential impact far outweighs
the politically divided and
at certain times conflicting efforts.
While the architects of the 2008
bloodless coup retained Mugabe as the head
of state, they sure did not rig
the elections for him but did so in
self-interest. Indeed, the military
remains the major threat to democracy in
Zimbabwe. While Mugabe struggles
with his health and age, they linger over
any democratic electoral
process.
This is not to say that Zimbabwe must be a one party state.
We argue that
democratisation has been slowed down by a culture of
splitting, whatever the
causes, and we blame everyone involved. But even
more, we are confounded by
the failure of leaders who share the same broad
vision for a democratic
Zimbabwe to at least collaborate to rid our country
of dictatorship.
The trading of barbs continues to harm the
integrity and public standing of
the concerned leaders, while minimising the
benefits they could accrue from
negotiations, first around Global Political
Agreement issues and in the
inclusive government. As national leaders,
pro-democratic leaders should
strive to respect each other, positively reach
out to citizens across the
whole nation cutting across class, race and
ethnicity.
Dethroning the Zanu PF dictatorship and the process to
build a new
government on the basis of new values will require the skills
that the MDC-T
or its side of government, or any other political party in
the inclusive
government does not currently have. Tsvangirai should seek to
lead a
broad-based movement that inspires all by its force of numbers,
presence and
skills so that finally Mugabe’s dictatorship is swept
away.
Gideon Chitanga is a PhD Fellow (Politics and International
Studies) Rhodes
University. Article edited by Trust Matsilele, a Masters of
Philosophy
Journalism candidate, Stellenbosch University.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Thursday, 10 May 2012
15:29
By Dumisani Nkomo
THE Select Committee of Parliament on the
New Constitution (Copac) continues
to be mired in speculation, innuendo,
polarisation, endless negotiation and
growing confusion. The reality however
is that the draft constitution
produced by Copac is a significant
improvement from the current Lancaster
House constitution. We should however
not fool ourselves into thinking that
a new constitution will solve all our
problems, although it may deal with
many of them. I would also like to
dispel other popular myths around the new
constitution as well as highlight
facts, fiction and realities.
Copac a political reality
It
is a fact that constitution-making processes do not occur in vacuums but
take place within particular environments and are thus influenced by the
prevailing socio-economic and political conditions or realities of the day.
To this extent the inclusive government and its Copac process are a
political reality no matter how undesirable they may be.
In the
absence of viable alternatives, the flawed Copac process remains the
only
politically feasible option for now. Whilst the constituent assembly or
constitutional commission model may in theory be the best and most ideal, it
is currently difficult and unrealistic to go this route given our explosive
transitional context. Copac may indeed be a circus but it cannot be
dismissed entirely as this would be tantamount to throwing away the baby
with bath water.
Negotiated constitution-making
process
It is an undisputable fact that the constitution-making
process in its
entirety will be negotiated. It is obviously undesirable that
three
political parties should define the constitutional destiny of the
country
but the reality is that the current process is built around the
inclusive
government’s architecture. The “unholy trinity of the two MDC
parties and
Zanu PF” will thus continue in the driving seat as a result of
the
“adulterous circumstances” that gave birth to the undesirable but
inescapable political arrangement.
No constitution is
perfect
It would be an absolute fallacy to think that the new
constitution will be
perfect as it may require amendments to suit changing
socio-political
demands and standards. We may produce a very good document
that will stand
the test of time but it would be naïve to conclude that the
new constitution
will be a perfect document, especially given the imperfect
political
conditions in which the constitution-making process operated.
These
imperfect conditions are the product of disputed elections and the
subsequent negotiated settlement; hence the new constitution would be a
compromise document.
Constitution will solve all our
problems
The new constitution will not solve all our problems. It
will build a solid
foundation upon which we can build a democracy but it
will not necessarily
deliver democracy as this will be dependent on other
variables such as
political will by the government of the day, sound
leadership, adherence to
the rule of law and the depth of constitutionalism
in our society. The new
constitution is the software upon which the
infrastructure of democracy is
built, but deliverables will remain the
domain of other functions and
assumptions such as a competent government and
capable leadership.
A new constitution will not necessarily deliver a
sound economy but it will
create an architecture to ensure an enabling
environment for economic
growth and social justice.
We may not
get everything now
Since constitution-making takes place in the
context of certain political
and economic realities, it would be impractical
to expect this imperfect
process to produce a perfect product. Not
everything that pro-democracy
forces are demanding will necessarily be
included in the new constitution
but we have to fight to the bitter end for
all our aspirations to be
contained in the draft. It would be unrealistic
and impractical for the
pro-democracy movement to expect all its demands to
be met in this
negotiated space intoxicated by Zanu PF dominance in the
inclusive
government and strong reactionary forces.
Democratic
change is sometimes incremental and evolutionary and wholesale
change may
not be attainable now. It may be possible in a more democratic
environment
which is not monopolised by three political parties but the
current
political reality created by the GPA framework is such that the
entire
process will be negotiated by the three parties.
What civil
society, the church and organised business need to do is to
continuously
engage, interrogate, advocate and negotiate for their demands
to be met.
Those who want to boycott the process have a legitimate right to
engage in
informed dissent or non-violent and non co-operation, but they
have to claim
their space demands on alternative processes.
It is therefore not
treacherous for the NCA, ZCTU or Zinasu to boycott the
process if they have
legitimate grounds to do so. They in turn should not
label those who
participate as sell-outs as we are all part of one struggle,
but our
strategies differ. Ultimately it is a belief in a new Zimbabwe
epitomised by
a new constitution, democratic values and social-economic
transformation
that should bind us together.
Elections need new
constitution
The new constitution is not being drafted merely to
facilitate credible
elections but to create good governance beyond polls.
However, in the
context of our political reality there has to be a new
constitution before
elections are held. The new constitution will not just
be an instrument of
regime change or regime retention but rather a
transformational document
creating democratic systems and structures in the
regulation of the
relationship between the governed and the
governing.
We are not creating a new constitution so that we have
democratic elections
only, but we are crafting a new charter so that we can
build a democratic
and prosperous Zimbabwe.
New constitution
certain
Despite all the talk, the fact isZimbabwe will get a new
constitution.
Whatever Robert Mugabe or Jonathan Moyo say or do, the fact
of the matter
is devolution of power in the new constitution is “an idea
whose time has
come” and nothing will stop us from marching into the future
with a new
system of government which respects and protects diversity,
promotes
equitable distribution of resources, equal opportunity and social
justice.
Zanu PF should wake up from its political Disneyland and accept
this
reality.
Nkomo is Habakkuk Trust CEO. He writes here in
his personal capacity. Email:
dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com or blog www.
dumisanionkomo.blogspot.com.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012 14:19
BRAZEN remarks
this week by Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) Chief of Staff
Major-General
Martin Chedondo that the military must interfere in politics
and support
Zanu PF, while branding other political parties as agents of
imperialism
will have dismayed many and sent alarm bells ringing across the
region and
elsewhere.
Addressing 3000 troops from 2 Brigade undergoing a battlefield
training
exercise in Mutoko on Tuesday, Chedondo said soldiers should be
involved in
partisan politics as they were a “political animal” and part of
the game.
“As soldiers, we will never be apologetic for
supporting Zanu-PF because it
is the only political party that has national
interests at heart,” he said.
As if that was not bad enough, Chedondo
continued with a straight face:
“The answer that I am giving those
politicians who always ask if it is right
for soldiers to be partisan is
that the defence forces must exhibit the
national outlook,” he
said.
“We cannot be seen supporting a political party that is going
against the
ideals of a nation, which came by as a result of a liberation
struggle. As
soldiers we must support ideologies that we subscribe to. I for
one will not
be apologetic for supporting Zanu PF because I was part of the
liberation
struggle.”
Frankly, there is nothing new in what
Chedondo said. He has previously said
much the same thing. In fact, before
every election, Chedondo and his
cohorts use the same scare tactics to
frighten voters from casting their
ballots for anybody besides Zanu PF and
President Robert Mugabe.
Most senior Joint Operations Command (JOC)
security service chiefs —
including ZDF commander General Constantine
Chiwenga — have taken the same
partisan and illegal stance on party politics
and elections. JOC, which
brings together army, police and intelligence
chiefs, is the power behind
Mugabe’s throne and this is encouraging security
forces to meddle in
politics blatantly.
What would have
shocked many though were not Chedondo’s statements as such,
but the bravado
and recklessness with which they were delivered. Had the
remarks been made
by a junior and naïve military officer, they could have
easily been
dismissed as overzealous and wet behind the ears, but coming
from a senior
army commander — the Chief of Staff himself — they must be
viewed seriously
by all those who believe in the tenets of a constitutional
democracy and the
rule of law.
Firstly, Chedondo’s remarks are not just unlawful and
dangerous to the
security of the nation and himself, but also
foolhardy.
To begin with, the constitution and the law are clear. The
army is there to
defend Zimbabwe from external enemies and that has nothing
to do with
internal partisan politics. The ZDF troops are state employees,
paid by
taxpayers’ money contributed by workers who belong to different
political
parties, and should not be allowed to act in a partisan and
unlawful manner.
Secondly, Chedondo does not seem to understand
the role of a professional
army in a democracy. He seems to think soldiers
are employed to defend
Mugabe and Zanu PF — which he appears to confuse with
Zimbabwe’s territorial
security and interests. Yet it is very clear from the
constitution and the
law their role is not to meddle in
politics.
Thirdly and lastly, it must be said that what Chedondo and
his colleagues
are doing is dangerous. More than anything else happening
now, it
destabilises peace and security. In fact, it is no exaggeration to
say that
if this was a democratic and civilised society, Chedondo would have
been
court-martialled and punished or dismissed.
Several other
army commanders and security force chiefs have done the
same –– showing this
is a systematic and coordinated campaign to undermine
the constitutional
order and create chaos, to give a pretext for military
intervention.
If the truth be told without fear or favour,
his remarks border on treason,
the very same charges Zanu PF frivolously
brings against legitimate and
democratic dissent. What Chedondo has said are
not legitimate democratic
comments but an attempt to undermine the
constitutional order and the rule
of law.
The explosive situation
the military has created can easily deteriorate and
reach a flashpoint but a
day will come when bullets will be overcome by
votes. As Victor Hugo said,
“No army can stop an idea whose time has come”.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012
14:14
Dumisani Muleya
UNITED Nations Human Rights Commissioner
Navanethem Pillay’s expected visit
to Zimbabwe should be used to bring the
country’s checkered human rights
record under close scrutiny at a time when
political tensions are
resurfacing ahead of decisive elections for President
Robert Mugabe.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights spokesman,
Rupert Colville said last
Friday said Pillay, a former South African high
court and International
Criminal Court judge and president of the
International Tribunal for Rwanda,
would be in Harare in just over a week’s
time to assess the country’s human
rights situation.
Colville
said Pillay would on May 20 begin the first ever mission by a UN
Human
Rights chief to Zimbabwe, at the invitation of the government. During
the
five-day mission, Pillay will meet President Robert Mugabe, Prime
Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, ministers of Foreign Affairs, Justice and other
relevant
authorities, as well as the Chief Justice, Speaker of Parliament,
President
of Senate and Thematic Committee of Human Rights.
Pillay will also
meet with the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission and members
of civil society
in the country. The High Commissioner is considering a
number of field
visits within and outside Harare, including to the Marange
diamond fields.
During these visits, she will also meet local communities
and civil society
members in the area to listen to their experiences and
views.
Pillay’s visit would be very important, given Zimbabwe’s
appalling human
rights record. The visit would come at a time when the
country is going
through some national healing process, which has been
ineffective,and also
preparing for elections.
Her trip would also
come against the background of a landmark ruling in her
own country where
the North Gauteng High Court on Tuesday ruled that
authorities in South
Africa can probe and prosecute not only high-level
crimes committed in
neighbouring Zimbabwe, but anywhere else in the world.
The Southern
Africa Litigation Centre and the Zimbabwe Exiles Forum filed
the case in
Pretoria seeking to force prosecutors to open an investigation,
citing South
Africa’s obligations to the International Criminal Court.
The two
groups want South Africa to arrest and prosecute 17 Zimbabweans
accused of
torture in 2007 if they enter the country for holiday, shopping
or medical
treatment.
This means Pillay would arrive at the right time in
Zimbabwe. So her work is
cut out for her. What is now needed is for her to
have the courage of her
convictions and speak truth to power.
It
can be done. Executive director of the UN Human Settlements Programme
Annan
Tibaijuka did it on Murambatsvina in 2005. She spoke her mind.
A number of
countries in Africa have celebrated 50th anniversaries of
Independence while
the hopes and aspirations of many people remain
unfulfilled because their
human rights were violated.
The devastation caused can be seen in
the hardships, repression and violence
endured by people across the
continent.
Human rights violations by security and law enforcement
forces continue to
plague the region.
Pillay’s visit to Zimbabwe
would bring the country under the spotlight,
given its long record of human
rights abuses, ranging from the Gukurahundi,
Murambatsvina to the 2008
election killings. It would also draw attention to
the controversial Marange
diamond fields where human rights abuses have
reportedly been committed
despite government denials.
Mugabe is reportedly afraid of retiring
partly because he is scared of being
held accountable for human rights
violations committed by his regime.
According WikiLeaks disclosures,
Mugabe’s fears and insecurity dramatically
increased after the arrest of
former Liberation president Charles Taylor in
2006.
Taylor, whom
Mugabe’s supporters are defending under the excuse that other
human rights
violators mainly in the West have not been punished, was two
weeks ago
convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity for his
involvement in
the Sierra Leone civil war from 1991 to 2001 in which he
supplied rebels
with arms in exchange for diamonds. He will be sentenced on
May
30.
Zimbabwe last October came under scrutiny at the United Nations
Human Rights
Council’s periodic review in Geneva, Switzerland, before it was
further
grilled in March. Pillay has a perfect opportunity to further drive
the
message home.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
Friday, 11 May 2012
14:08
Itai Masuku
IT was interesting to read that the Zimbabwe
Revenue Authority (Zimra) wants
to place dogs at the country’s entry points
as part of its efforts in the
fight against drugs and also to curb graft.
That is commendable, especially
in so far as trying to curtail drug dealing
is concerned. But in so far as
curbing smuggling is concerned, the authority
will have to look within.
Anyone who has crossed the borders will
tell you that paying duty is an
option, not a must. It is not even a matter
of having well-placed contacts;
they are all over the show. Many of these
are so-called clearing agents.
They clear your goods alright. They do it so
well you won’t pay a dime to
government but to them. But they are obviously
linked to the Zimra
officials. If the dogs could smell out corrupt officers
that could really be
useful.
And the whole thing is quite a big
racket. It’s not the guy behind the
counter, it’s the supervisor in the back
office, all the way to top
officials in Harare and even the police. The
minions at the border posts can’t
pull off the big deals on their
own.
This is how convoys of truckloads may go through without
paying a cent. The
fact that Finance minister Tendai Biti said he wants the
ports computerised
so that he can track companies that don’t pay duty is
testimony enough. We’d
like to think he had information on good authority.
Working for the state
media once, the writer made unsung history by being
the only person in
Zimbabwe to move from a police cell into a presidential
plane. This was
during an investigation more than 10 years ago into
allegations of corrupt
operations at Beitbridge border post. Word got out
and it wasn’t long before
the then Chief Customs Officer pulled his strings
and got the news crew
arrested.
However, when the writer pleaded
he was covering the president on an
external trip, and this was verified,
the release was secured. So, the
corruption at our border posts is not a new
story. However, it is one that
needs political willpower and an integrated
approach involving Zimra itself,
its parent ministry Finance, the Reserve
Bank, the Home Affairs ministry and
its agencies the Department of
Immigration and the Police, intelligence
services, the Anti-Corruption
Commission as well as the general public.
Revenue authorities play a
critical role in economic development and
sustenance. The fact that many
people know of the existence of the United
States’ Internal Revenue Service
(IRS) underscores the importance of this
agency to the world’s biggest
economy. Of course, the IRS is not immune to
tax dodgers and has meted out
heavy penalties to defaulters, including
celebrities, even putting them in
jail, in order to drive the message home.
That Zimbabwe is officially
said to be losing more than 70% of its potential
revenue from customs duty
through leakages at the borders is tragedy of
stupendous proportions. The
country just simply cannot afford this. As the
saying goes, it takes two to
tango. Apart from attempting to deal with its
corrupt officers, Zimra should
intensify its massive education campaign to
the general public, who are the
clients for corrupt Zimra officials.
Frankly, many law-abiding citizens have
been lured into corruption after
Zimra officials quoted them unrealistic
duties, then went on to offer them
cheaper options by referring them to
agents.
Therefore, the public information campaign should empower the
man on the
street in terms of what they should expect to pay for any goods
they bring
in. The public must also have an automatic appeal channel if
confronted with
a payment they don’t understand. Otherwise they will be left
at the mercy of
the corrupt Zimra officials who play god to returning
residents, including
the many hapless women trying to eke out a living from
cross-border trading.