Principals to make announcement on GPA issues on Friday

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
12 May 2009

Morgan Tsvangirai spent the day in meetings on Tuesday, first in cabinet and
then with Robert Mugabe and Arthur Mutambara, to try to iron out the
outstanding issues still facing the inclusive government.
Although it was reported that they met on Monday, that meeting turned out to
be extremely brief.
Maridadi confirmed to us that the principals met Tuesday and tabled all
outstanding issues on the Global Political Agreement.

'The principals have taken a position on all the issues and they are going
to make an announcement on Friday,' Maridadi said.
Tuesday's meeting has been predicted as being the last in the round of talks
talks on all the various outstanding issues, which are negatively affecting
the unity government.
The MDC, and Zimbabweans generally, have been unhappy at the slow pace of
resolving disputes over the appointment of ambassadors, permanent
secretaries, the swearing in of Roy Bennett as deputy minister of
Agriculture, the political detainees, the ongoing farm invasions and the
contentious issues of the Reserve Bank governor and the Attorney General.
Analysts say the unity government has yet to make key reforms to guarantee
political and media freedoms, highlighted by the arrest Monday of two
leading journalists from the weekly Zimbabwe Independent.
The meeting of the principals on Monday was apparently adjourned so that
Mugabe could attend to one of his allies, the visiting President of North
Korea, Kim Vong Nam.
In 1981 North Korea's infamous founding president Kim Il-Sung, sent troops
to train a Zimbabwe National Army brigade, which went on to create
widespread atrocities against people in the Matabeleland region.
Led by Perence Shiri, now the commander of the Airforce of Zimbabwe, the
notorious fifth brigade was responsible for the massacre of an estimated 20
000 civilians in the mid 1980's.

Newspaper editors released on bail

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Violet Gonda
12 May 2009

Zimbabwe Independent editors, Vincent Kahiya and Constantine Chimakure, were
released on US$200 bail after appearing in court on Tuesday, a day after
they were arrested for publishing a story that quoted from a court document.
They are facing charges of publishing or communicating a statement 'wholly
or with the intention of undermining public confidence in law enforcement
agents.'

The newspaper published a story last week entitled: CIO, police role in
activists' abduction revealed, which named some police officers and Central
Intelligence officials who were allegedly involved in the abduction of MDC
and rights activists last year. They reported that these names had been
revealed following the formal notices of indictment for trial of some of the
activists this past week. The court documents also revealed that the
activists were either in the custody of the CIO or police during the period
they were reported missing.

However the police claim the law enforcement agents named by the newspaper
were in actual fact summoned as witnesses by the State.

Magistrate Catherine Chimhanda remanded the editors to 28th May and ordered
them to report once a week to the Police Law and Order Section in Harare.

Mugabe Congratulates N. Korea on April Rocket Launch

http://www.voanews.com

By VOA News
12 May 2009

Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe has congratulated North Korea on its
rocket launch last month and expressed hopes for even warmer bilateral ties.

The North's official Korean Central News Agency said Mr. Mugabe made his
remarks during a meeting Monday in Harare with Pyongyang's number two
leader, Kim Yong Nam.

It said the two men discussed improving "long-standing relations of
friendship and cooperation."

North Korea said it sent a satellite into orbit on April 5 as part of a
peaceful space program. But the U.N. Security Council and much of the
international community condemned the launch, which was widely seen as a
test for a long-range missile.

Zimbabwe and North Korea, both of which have few friends internationally,
have maintained strong ties for several decades.

In the early 1980s, the North helped train a Zimbabwean army brigade that
allegedly committed widespread atrocities against Mr. Mugabe's opponents in
Zimbabwe's Matabeleland region.

The U.S. military said no North Korean satellite entered orbit last month.
It said part of the missile fell into the Sea of Japan, while the rest
landed in the Pacific Ocean.

The rocket launch was considered a violation of a U.N. Security Council
resolution approved in 2006 forbidding North Korea from long-range ballistic
missile tests.

Some information for this report was provided by AFP.

Zimbabwe targets at least 6 pct growth: Biti

http://af.reuters.com/

Tue May 12, 2009 1:36pm GMT

By Mark John

DAKAR (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's devastated economy can post growth rates of at
least 6 percent from this year onwards, its finance minister said on
Tuesday, urging foreign investors to come forward or "miss the boat".

Tendai Biti, an ally of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, told Reuters that
South African investors in particular were showing interest after Tsvangirai
and former rival President Robert Mugabe launched a unity government in
February.

"We should be able to obtain sustainable growth rates in real terms of at
least 6 percent," he said in an interview on the sidelines of an African
Development Bank meeting in Dakar.

"We are beginning to resuscitate this carcass."

The new unity government says it needs about $8.5 billion to fix an economy
hit by hyperinflation, 10 years of negative growth and with jobless levels
soaring close to 95 percent.

African funding has so far touched $800 million but Western donors continue
to withhold support over policy differences with Mugabe, and want to see
political reforms before resuming help.

"Those who are sitting on the sidelines waiting for politics to completely
resolve itself, waiting for what I call the landmine period to blow over, I
think they will miss the boat.

"I think South African capital is ready to move and to move very quickly ...
We've got keen interest from business people in Botswana, in Mozambique and
so forth," Biti added.

Biti hailed government efforts to tackle hyperinflation, noting data showing
a slight easing of prices, a result of the government's decision to allow
the use of hard currency and abandon the Zimbabwean dollar.

He said the state of near-collapse of Zimbabwe's economy meant the global
slowdown had to a large extent passed it by, but acknowledged that it would
suffer the impact of falling trade flows as it sought to recover.

But he added: "If you ask me how long it will take us to get the economy to
where it was in 1996, it will be a much, much faster level. We have reached
rock bottom."

Zimbabwe Needs $200 Million in Urgent Aid to Avoid Collapse

http://www.bloomberg.com

By Nasreen Seria

May 12 (Bloomberg) -- Zimbabwe needs $200 million in aid to pay for
salaries, electricity and sanitation to prevent a collapse of the unity
government and the country becoming a failed state, Finance Minister Tendai
Biti said.

The government collects about $20 million a month in tax revenue, which isn't
enough to pay the $30 million bill for public servants, Biti told reporters
in Dakar, Senegal today. Total government services amount to $100 million a
month, he added.

"Without this budgetary support the situation is very fragile," Biti said.
"The International Monetary Fund warns of a collapse" of the unity
government. "That would be a disaster. Zimbabweans don't have any other
option but this experimental government. Otherwise we'll sink into the
realms of failure, like Somalia, Sierra Leone and Liberia."

Zimbabwe's economy contracted 40 percent between 2000 and 2007 after
President Robert Mugabe seized white-owned farms for redistribution to
blacks, slashing export earnings and leading to shortages of food, fuel and
foreign exchange. Mugabe agreed this year to share power with the Movement
for Democratic Change, enabling Zimbabwe to begin talks with the IMF and
other lenders for loans. Biti is the secretary general of the MDC.

The country has secured millions of dollars in credit lines from African
lenders, though only South Africa has agreed to give it budgetary funds of
300 million rand ($35.6 million), Biti said. The African Export-Import Bank
will provide $250 million in credit lines that can be accessed by private
companies to pay for imports, he added.

Fragile States

Biti yesterday held talks with Donald Kaberuka, president of the African
Development Bank, which has agreed to give Zimbabwe funds from the Fragile
States Facility, the minister said, declining to say how much was requested.
The IMF has said Zimbabwe needs to clear its arrears of $133 million before
it can give new loans to the country.

Zimbabwe is also in negotiations with South Africa to provide guarantees for
$150 million in credit lines, Biti said.

The IMF said on May 6 that Zimbabwe's economy may expand 2.8 percent this
year, after plunging 14 percent in 2008, as inflation eases and the
government takes steps to rebuild industries.

The Zimbabwean dollar was abandoned this year and the central bank has been
prevented from printing money to pay debts and subsidies to state-owned
enterprises, a practice that had fuelled hyperinflation.

Biti said he planned to introduce legislation to change the structure of the
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe to include a supervisory board aimed at preventing
the central bank from abusing its role. A monetary policy committee will
also be established to determine monetary policy, he added.

Judge to rule on 3 detainees' bail application Wednesday

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Violet Gonda
12 May 2009

The three individuals still in police custody, on charges of plotting to
overthrow the Mugabe regime, will find out on Wednesday whether or not they
will be freed on bail. On Tuesday High Court Justice November Mtshiya heard
the bail submissions by the legal representatives and said he would give his
judgment after going through the arguments. This is a day after the judge
ruled that MDC officials Chris Dlamini and Gandhi Mudzingwa, plus freelance
journalist Shadreck Manyere, could make a fresh bail application.

State prosecutor Chris Mutangadura once again argued against the granting of
bail, saying the three were a flight risk as they face serious terrorism
charges. He also argued that they could commit similar offences if committed
to bail and pose a danger to public order and security. However defence
lawyer Charles Kwaramba argued that his clients would not flee and that they
could have absconded during the period they were briefly released last
month.

Kwaramba told SW Radio Africa that the chances are high that this time his
clients will be released on bail. He also said the judge should be given
some credit for a swift ruling on the preliminary points, which saw him
ruling in favour of the accused persons on Monday, in a case that has been
highly politicised. "Through the passage of time sometimes these judges gain
some courage and start doing what's proper," the lawyer said.

The individuals, who are under police guard in hospital, have been in and
out of the courts trying to get bail but have met stiff resistance from the
Attorney General's office. They were granted bail on the 17th April but were
re-arrested a few days later, because the State said their release was
'un-procedural.'

Commenting on the pending ruling their lawyer said there is always the fear
that the AG's office would invoke a section of the Criminal Procedure and
Evidence Act, a counter-measure used by the State to block bail orders.

"There is always the ghost of Section 121 hanging above our heads that the
State may invoke, but when I talked to the PT (prosecutor) he made a
preliminary indication that if they get bail he will not invoke. I am not
sure if overnight he will get further instructions," Kwaramba said.
Meanwhile Constance Gambara, a clerk to High Court Justice Chinembiri Bhunu,
is still being held in remand prison with her nine month old baby. She was
arrested for allegedly assisting defence lawyers in an earlier bail
application for the three detainees and is charged with criminal abuse of
duty as a public officer. The clerk of court was granted bail on Friday, but
the AG's office invoked the section 121 to appeal against this. She remains
in detention waiting for the State to appeal within the time limit of seven
days.
Kwaramba said Gambara doesn't have anyone to leave her baby with, so her
baby is in prison too.

More reforms needed, UK diplomats tell Tsvangirai

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Lance Guma
12 May 2009

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai met British Junior Foreign Minister Mark
Malloch-Brown in South Africa, on the sidelines of the inauguration of Jacob
Zuma as President. This is the second high level meeting between the two
countries within weeks, after almost a decade of frosty relations. An
ice-breaking trip a few weeks ago saw Finance Minister Tendai Biti travel to
London where he met Malloch-Brown and British Foreign Secretary David
Miliband.

Over the weekend the same courtesy was extended to Foreign Affairs Minister
Simbarashe Mumbengegwi, who had a separate meeting with Malloch-Brown in
South Africa. The ZANU PF minister is one of many officials still under
targeted travel and financial sanctions by mainly western countries.
Malloch-Brown is quoted as saying the talks were frank and fruitful with
both sides pledging to maintain close dialogue. The state owned Herald
newspaper went as far as suggesting the UK would send diplomats to Harare
for more talks. This is still to be confirmed by the British government.

With the coalition government having clocked up 100 days in power
Malloch-Brown used the meetings to emphasize the need for further reforms.
This he said was necessary before 'the UK and the international community as
a whole can engage more fully. In the meantime, the UK remains fully
committed to helping Zimbabwe with its most pressing humanitarian and
essential needs.' Of concern are the continued detention of political
prisoners, on-going farm invasions and the unilateral appointment of
officials by Mugabe.
A South African Bloomberg news agency report meanwhile says Tsvangirai has
blamed 'hardliners' in ZANU PF for delaying the resolution of outstanding
issues in the unity government. In a phone interview from Harare the Prime
Minister said the party would meet to decide whether 'lines need to be drawn
in the sand' to resolve these issues. He said the delaying tactics were
disappointing, but the MDC had sufficient leverage to deal with them.
'Mugabe cannot govern without us, he can't act unilaterally,' Tsvangirai
added.
Tsvangirai's optimism is in stark contrast to the frustration building
within his own party. Insiders told Newsreel that although some senior
officials were vying to get positions in the coalition government, a good
number of ordinary supporters were unhappy at the clear lack of political
power demonstrated by the MDC. The party has helplessly watched the
continued detention, jailing and harassment of senior party officials like
Gandhi Mudzingwa, Chris Dhlamini and Chipinge East MP Mathias Mlambo.
Chipinge South MP Mike Makuyana is awaiting sentence for similarly dubious
charges.

Sikhala gives Korean leader ultimatum to leave Zimbabwe

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Lance Guma
12 May 2009

Former St Mary's Member of Parliament, Job Sikhala, has issued a 48 hour
ultimatum to the visiting North Korean leader Kim Yong Nam, to leave the
country. Sikhala said the visit was not welcome since North Korea helped
train Mugabe's 5th Brigade which was responsible for the massacre of over 20
000 people in Matabeleland and the Midlands in the 1980's.

Sikhala, who was recently suspended from the Mutambara MDC for denouncing
party leader for Arthur Mutambara for being too close to Mugabe, issued a
statement saying he lost his aunt 'in that horrendous and hellish crime
against humanity' now commonly referred to as the Gukurahundi Massacres.

The outspoken politician argued that, 'North Korea represents the most
satanic outpost of tyranny and urged Mr Kim to go and organise elections in
his country where people are languishing from unmitigated poverty and gross
human rights abuses.' Sikhala also accused his party leader Mutambara of
being in the company of Mugabe while he was with the Korean dictator.

Sikhala also expressed outrage at Mugabe for thanking the Koreans for the
training facilities which they provided to the 5th brigade, saying this has
infuriated thousands of Gukurahundi victims.

Zim thugs and cops harass reporters

From The Star (SA), 11 May

Harare - Zanu PF thugs representing former information minister Nathan
Shamuyarira have terrorised four Spanish journalists visiting a white-owned
farm under siege. And police raided Zimbabwe's weekly newspaper, The
Independent, on Saturday as a conference was under way to discuss a new way
for Zimbabwe's media. Jose Antonio Guardiola and three colleagues from TVE
visited Ben Freeth's beleaguered farm at the weekend. The journalists were
freed after Spanish diplomats protested to the Foreign Affairs Ministry.
Chief Inspector Manyika, of Chegutu police station, went to rescue the
journalists from Freeth's farm, which has been overrun by Shamuyarira's men.
"I can't comment," said Manyika. He has refused to arrest any of those on
Freeth's farm despite numerous court orders ruling that Freeth be allowed to
stay and work the land undisturbed.

Dumisani Muleya, assistant editor of The Independent, said police from
Harare Central's notorious Law and Order Department visited the newspaper's
offices on Saturday looking for editor Vincent Kahiya and news editor
Constantine Chimakure. The Independent ran a report recently quoting from a
state indictment against 18 human rights and Movement for Democratic Change
activists who were abducted and charged with plotting to oust President
Robert Mugabe. Dumisani said: "This is reprehensible, outrageous, and
signifies the continued repression of the media, when police want to arrest
journalists over documents in the public domain. It is also ironic that this
should take place during a media conference." MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa
condemned the "intimidation" of media in Zimbabwe. "We need a free media to
bolster efforts to steer Zimbabwe towards democracy. This doesn't help. We
want a vibrant, responsible media."

Laws used to "criminalise journalism", minister

Photo: IRIN

Journalists continue to be harassed

HARARE, 12 May 2009 (IRIN) - A senior Zimbabwean government official has admitted that laws passed by the previous administration were still being used to "criminalise journalism" and needed to be changed, after two journalists more were arrested earlier this week.

"The developments are really unfortunate, in the sense that we still have clauses in our statutes which are used to arrest journalists and criminalise journalism, and hence infringe on media freedom and freedom of expression," Jameson Timba, the deputy minister of media, information and publicity, told IRIN. Timba is from the main faction of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) the former opposition party.

Vincent Kahiya, editor of the Zimbabwe Independent newspaper, and Constantine Chimakure, the newspaper's news editor, were arrested on 11 May for publishing an article that fingered intelligence and police officers allegedly involved in the abduction of journalist and human rights activist, Jestina Mukoko, and members of the MDC in late 2008.

Kahiya and Chimakure were released on bail on 12 May, but a police spokesperson was quoted in the media as saying that the journalists had sought to "undermine public confidence in law enforcement and security agents".

Dumisani Muleya, a senior political reporter, told IRIN: "Journalists continue to be harassed and to work in a repressive environment, which means nothing has really changed since the inclusive government was formed almost 100 days ago."

Timba underlined the need to review existing media laws, which had been the objective of a conference held on 9 May. However, the gathering was boycotted by media unions after Mukoko and freelance journalist Andrison Manyere were arrested for the second time last week. Mukoko has since been released.

Under the Global Political Agreement signed by Zimbabwe's three main political parties in September 2008, which underpins the unity government, the government committed itself to immediately start processing applications for the registration of media houses, but not much has happened so far.

Two other journalists, the editor of the government-controlled The Sunday News, Brezhnev Malaba, and journalist Nduduzo Tshuma, are also expected to appear in court soon to face criminal defamation charges, after naming senior police officers allegedly involved in a grain distribution scandal in a report published in 2008.

The media reform conference, which recommended that the draconian media laws be repealed, and that parliament control the public media, was overshadowed by the arrest of the journalists.

The Zimbabwe Union of Journalists commented: "The irony is that the manhunt for journalists at The Zimbabwe Independent was launched on the day" that the conference on media law reform got underway.

HOT SEAT : Journalist Violet Gonda speaks to Prof Brian Raftopoulos and Dr Alex Magaisa

 http://www.swradioafrica.com/pages/hotseat120509.htm

SW Radio Africa Transcript

HOT SEAT teleconference: Journalist Violet Gonda speaks to political analysts Prof Brian Raftopoulos and Dr Alex Magaisa reflecting on Prime Minister Tsvangirai's first 100 days in the power sharing government:

Broadcast 08 May 2009

VIOLET GONDA: On 11 February Morgan Tsvangirai was sworn in as the country’s Prime Minister marking the beginning of an extraordinary new government which brought bitter enemies together in an uneasy coalition. The Prime Minister and his MDC would have been in government for 100 days on the 11th of May. This week on the Hot Seat programme political analysts Professor Brian Raftopoulos and Dr Alex Magaisa give us an analysis on the last 100 days.

Let me start with Alex, the PM said on the day of his inauguration and I quote: ‘For too long, our people’s hopes for a bright and prosperous future have been betrayed. Instead of hope, their days have been filled with starvation, disease and fear. A culture of entitlement and impunity has brought our nation to the brink of a dark abyss. This must end today.’ Now Alex, 100 days down the line, what changes have you seen since this statement was made?

ALEX MAGAISA: Well Violet, first of all you have to say that 100 days is always a figure that you pick out because it’s just 100 days, it’s very difficult to judge whether or not there is anything tangible that has taken place within that period. What I have to say is that whatever we discuss in relation to this 100 days we have to appreciate that it has been tainted very much so by the tragedies that has affected the Prime Minister Mr Tsvangirai.

Firstly the loss of his wife and secondly the loss of his grandson, so if anything this is the biggest highlight of what has happened in the last 100 days although it’s a negative highlight. So everything we say and everything that we discuss will have to have that caveat.

What you cannot doubt about Mr Tsvangirai over the last 100 days is that he has shown the will, commitment and a genuine interest in furthering the national interest. In fact in many ways I think he has given way too much in order to make sure that things work but he is dealing with people who have enjoyed power for too long and people who are finding it very difficult to give up the old ways.

So in terms of the achievements - I’m sure we will be touching on a number of things - there have been a lot of challenges, there’s no doubt about that but I’ve always been one of those people who have felt that Mr Tsvangirai and the MDC didn’t have much of a choice in March and did what they had to do to join this inclusive government because they were genuine in their interest to make things work for Zimbabwe. And I still see it as a process rather than as an event and what we have seen in the last 100 days is part of that process and no doubt there have been huge challenges.

GONDA: Let me go to Professor Raftopoulos and perhaps he can give us some tangible examples and also to go back to what Mr Tsvangirai said on the day of his inauguration, he said: “To achieve this vision the new government must implement the democratisation process without delay.”

He said: “Parliament will pass legislation to restore the peoples’ freedoms, create the mechanism through which a peoples’ constitution can be created and re-establish the rule of law and promote independent media.” Now Brian, how successful has he been in implementing these plans - granted it’s early days and, as Alex has said, the prime minister was hit by a set of personal tragedies in the first few months?

BRIAN RAFTOPOULOS: Yah I just want to reiterate what Alex has said in that I think we all knew this was going to be a fragile, tenuous, very uneasy relationship but one where the MDC had little option. Having said that, it was also very clear from the beginning that this kind of arrangement was going to be a battle for the State between the two parties from its inception and indeed that’s what it’s turned out to be – the battle over the ministries, the battle over what portfolios fall under particular ministries, the continued detention of abductees and the sense of continued obstructive behaviour of the more retrogressive elements of the security wing of Zanu-PF.

But I think we’ve also seen a kind of new hope that emerged in the 100 days, a sense that something else was possible and the beginning of, at least the first steps of accountability of the ruling party, within parliamentary discussions, over discussions on the Reserve Bank, the discussions that are taking place around the media and of course the very controversial discussions that are taking place around the constitution.

These are difficult processes but they are also processes that open up new possibilities as well as hold a danger of a relapse if things begin to fall apart. So I think it is early days but there have been both pros and cons. I think there are still enormous challenges ahead and I think that the MDC certainly still has to assert its strength within the State, within the government, to demand more of Zanu-PF and to be able to create more spaces for democratic practise.

GONDA: Alex, let me come back to you. He did set out what many have described as a very ambitious agenda – you know the issue of the civil servants remuneration, detainees’ release, engaging with the international community so in your view which of these issues has he gotten the most success?

MAGAISA: Well sometimes politicians, their business is to make promises and to try and fulfil those promises and not every promise is always fulfilled. What we have seen with the new inclusive government is that Mr Tsvangirai did promise that there would be some changes in the way that the civil servants would be remunerated and I don’t think that you can go to any civil servant today who does not appreciate the fact that they are getting at least that 100 US dollars which they could only dream of last year this time.

So in terms of fire-fighting I would say re-stabilisation of the economy, we can’t say it is stable but in terms of the fire-fighting role that the government has, I would give them 8 out of 10 for that because it has really stopped the downward slide that the country was going through for the past ten years or so which was becoming accelerated by the day. In terms of growth of course, it’s no more than 2 out of 10 there because we haven’t seen anything tangible to say that the economy can actually grow in any big way, mainly because the government does not have sufficient cash resources to make these things work.

And that’s where I want to point out one of the achievements in fact of this government in the last 100 days, is the re-engagement with the international community. When you see Minister of Finance Biti going to Washington, talking to the administration, the US administration, Congress, the IMF, World Bank, coming to the UK to speak to the British government – these are things that Zanu-PF has not been able to do for the past ten years or so. So, it is the first step in trying to rebuild that relationship, but we know, as everybody does, that it’s not going to work unless Zimbabwe itself also reforms politically because it’s always going to be a condition upon which that engagement is going to be predicated.

GONDA: Still on that issue of re-engagement with the international community Alex, at the stage we are at, what would be better for Zimbabwe right now, humanitarian aid or developmental aid, and is humanitarian aid necessarily a good thing?

MAGAISA: Well, humanitarian aid is there as an act of necessity. You’ve got people who are starving, you’ve got people who cannot have things otherwise and therefore you need to assist them. That you will find in any countries or places where there is crisis – Darfur, the Congo, anywhere. And then there is development aid – this is aid assistance that is designed to help the government carry out projects. You could say in a sense, that if somebody is sitting by the river, do you come and give them fish or do you give them an opportunity to catch their own fish? I think if you continue to give them fish without giving them the opportunity to do the fishing themselves it creates an unnecessary and unhelpful dependency syndrome.

So I do think that the aspect of humanitarian aid has to be explored a little further, I’m not an expert in the area but I don’t believe that humanitarian aid on its own is the panacea to Zimbabwe and I think there’s got to step up, there’s got to be some belief in Mr Tsvangirai and the MDC is now in government and try and help them to see if they can actually catch the fish by themselves.

GONDA: Is that possible Brian, and also what do you think about the international response to the call by the inclusive government to support the GNU, despite the fact that there are still some ‘toxic issues’?

RAFTOPOULOS: I think that the need for assistance is absolutely essential. I think that the international community have very quickly to come to a more decisive position. The humanitarian plus position is just a holding operation. Certainly the humanitarian assistance is necessary but there’s a very strong need now for more substantive developmental assistance and I think therefore that the call by the MDC government is indicative that they realise without some very strong support on the economic front this GPA will die. It’s a real threat to the future of the GPA and any future prospects of building support, building mobilisation in the country around getting through this crisis depends on some sustainable or at least initiation of sustainable growth in the economy.

So in a sense while one understands the concerns of the international community around the continued issues that they would like to see addressed, I think waiting for all those issues to be addressed is very problematic and I think it’s likely to produce more deleterious results than they might possibly imagine. I think they are going to have to take some more imaginative and some more risky steps in producing more development assistance because the future of opposition politics and democratic politics depends on some kind of sustainability and stabilisation of the economy.

GONDA: Some will say isn’t that what the Mugabe regime would actually want – you know international help to come in and then they just revert to the same old ways?

RAFTOPOULOS: Of course it’s a danger but to me the biggest danger is to allow the situation to continue to deteriorate or after this initial beginning of stabilisation to then starve the economy of future assistance - that’s more likely in my view to threaten the democratic forces than it is Zanu-PF. So I think it is a calculated risk but one that must be made on the basis of what are the balance of forces in the country and who is likely to gain from a greater stabilisation, a greater sense of security amongst the working people of this country and with that, the capacity to fight for more status within a more stable economy.

GONDA: What about on the issue of the civil servants as Alex has been talking about, does the teachers’ threat of strike tarnish Morgan Tsvangirai’s early victory for example, of being able to pay the civil servants 100 US dollars per month?

RAFTOPOULOS: Yah certainly I think any major public sector strike will threaten a new arrangement like this, which sends us back to the point of what kind of assistance needs to be given now to stabilise, to re-professionalise the civil service and to the get the basic social services, particularly health and education going, so that that kind of culture of growth, of social net is seen to be viable both for the parents of those children and for the teachers.

GONDA: What kind of assistance do you think would be needed actually?

RAFTOPOULOS: Well I think first of all, what you see in this country is real massive unemployment and a real breakdown of the production structures and at the heart of re-growing this economy therefore is redeveloping the productive structures. In industry, the mines and of course on the land and therefore not just giving assistance on the necessary humanitarian side but also beginning to see how to redevelop the productive sectors of the economy. Out of which any future sustainability of state expenditure will also be based. And I think that aspect of the current situation is what is most urgently needed now of course in addition to the humanitarian assistance.

GONDA: Alex, what are your thoughts on that and also does the MDC in particular have the power to drive its reform programme without losing political capital, doing public relations or rather covering up and defending the Zanu-PF rule?

MAGAISA: Well you have to appreciate that one of the risks of this political arrangement is that it’s always short term in the way that things are designed in the sense that there are elections that are to be held at some point, we don’t exactly know when and so each of the parties is going to have to do things, and manoeuvre, try and out-manoeuvre the other party - and so that is why I called the inclusive government more of a fire-fighting perhaps a restabilising agent more than anything else. Zimbabwe definitely does need to come to a point where it can have a more permanent arrangement in terms of governing the country and carrying out more stable and more long term economic and social policies.

In terms of development assistance, I mean as Brian has rightly said, definitely we do know that this government will fail unless there is some resources available to it. While of course it is important to get that external assistance I would also challenge the government to try and look inward as well. We are a poor country in terms of the resources that we need as of now but we do have immense natural resources in the country and enough potential to try and regenerate. We don’t want to get to this point next year still begging for money without planning for it. We need to be working on things like agriculture, try and stop these things which are causing disruption on the farms, try and see how the parastatals like Zisco Steel, Hwange and many others which can be productive and bring in foreign currency into the country.

These are things that need to be attended to and I think government, in addition to the external begging that we are doing we can also try and dig in from within and see how much we can get from the resources that we have.

GONDA: Right, Mr Tsvangirai famously said at his inauguration that, and I quote: “It hurts that as we celebrate here today, there are some who are in prison. I can assure you that they are not going to remain in those dungeons any day or any week longer.” Now Alex, what does the bail debacle really reveal about the MDC’s power or leverage?

MAGAISA: Well I think it simply shows us that there are many retrogressive elements within the elements of the old regime and who are refusing obviously to accept that change has come and that things have got to be done differently which is why if I was to give a mark on the rule of law I think it’s no more than two per cent - which is essentially a nominal mark because the attitude has not changed, the personnel have not changed, the security of individuals is not guaranteed and you’ve got some very big people, people who are closer to Mr Tsvangirai like his security advisor, like his former personal aide Gandhi Mudzingwa, Chris Dhlamini and journalist like Manyere. These are people who continue to suffer under the old rules and we see that there’s no change in attitude and we saw this week as well with Mukoko and others who were re-arrested or re-detained rather in a case which was quite ridiculous.

But you can see that the MDC is obviously having problems because it doesn’t have control of the military or the security structures of the State which Zanu-PF has steadfastly held on to. And also I think there is one aspect which is the judiciary itself. There are some good people there in the judiciary who have to be commended but there are also elements which will continue to refuse to change and I think that one of the things that the MDC or indeed the new government needs to do is to try and carry out some judiciary reforms. I know that it wasn’t a big issue during the negotiations but we certainly see that it is an important issue in terms of getting this government moving forward.

GONDA: Brian the detainees were freed, well some of them, but they all still face charges of trying to overthrow the regime. Is it being unrealistic to say the charges against the political detainees should be dropped in the spirit of the inclusive government?

RAFTOPOULOS: No I don’t think it is being unrealistic. I think this should be dealt with politically. I think that these detainees should all be freed. I think it’s a real problem, it’s a real obstacle and clearly being engineered by those elements of the security that have been behind the violence for a long time. I think that this is clearly an indication of the continued role of this very regressive element in trying to break this agreement and that continued efforts must be made both by the MDC but also by the civic, the generality of the civic to have all the detainees released unconditionally. If Zanu-PF is talking about the rule of law, that rule of law has to be applied to the thuggery that has dominated Zanu’s violence over the last decade. So I think that, for now I think good will, certainly on the part of Zanu-PF would be shown by having these detainees released unconditionally.

GONDA: Let me read you part of an email that was sent by one of our listeners on this particular issue and the listener said: “If these individuals are accused of trying to topple Mugabe, were they doing it for their own benefit? If they were doing it for the MDC then is the MDC also being indicted? What purpose is this serving if these persecutions serve to undermine the mirage we thought was a unity government?” What can you say about this Professor?

RAFTOPOULOS: Well I think it’s an indication that people understand that there are forces at work within the State, who are trying to undermine the MDC, trying to undermine this transitional arrangement because their livelihoods, in a sense - they have depended on the kind of looting that the Reserve Bank governor openly admitted to recently, and the kind of access to quasi fiscal activities that have kept an elite in this country exceptionally rich. So there is a question of the kind of class needs, the class requirements of those who have benefited from the turmoil that has taken place in Zimbabwe and this is showing itself of course in the kind of regression in political fortunes that sometimes overtakes this GNU.

GONDA: Now Alex, it has been said in this discussion that the issue of the detainees should be dealt with politically and we understand that Jestina Mukoko and others were actually granted bail after the Principals intervened. Now, is it the job though of politicians to intervene in legal matters on the other hand?

MAGAISA: Well, absolutely no, that shouldn’t be the case, but I think we have to understand the case in the context that it’s actually a political case. These cases we are seeing now, and I think Brian probably has a better account of the history than I do, we have seen these things before. I was a young boy in the 1980s when people like Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and many other people were kept in jail on precisely the same kind of charges and then later on they became ministers in the government. You had Ndabaningi Sithole in the late ‘90s being accused of the same and I believe that these are accusations that have been put up from time to time. Even Mr Tsvangirai himself was accused of trying to do the same thing.

So your correspondent, the guy who wrote the email is absolutely right, it makes no sense that you can charge these people trying to topple the government and yet the people who are supposed to be the beneficiaries of those activities are the same persons who are now in government. In all normal cases, even we saw that in the transition from apartheid in South Africa, the issue of the release of political detainees is always top of the list because you know that these are political charges, these are political offences they are being charged with and you try and deal with that at a political level. So my view really is that this whole charade of saying that the cases before the courts of law and that the law should take its course should really be taken for what it is and politicians should just deal with the issue, at a political level and let this thing go.

GONDA: And what about the issue of Roy Bennett’s appointment as Deputy Minister of Agriculture where Robert Mugabe is refusing to swear him in, is this not a sign that Mugabe is still caught up in the racial mode?

MAGAISA: Well in a way I think that it’s pretty much obvious that it’s more than the fact that Roy Bennett is facing charges because there are many other people in government, including indeed the Minister of Finance and the Deputy Prime Minister who are still facing some charges, I believe so. So the issue is not about Roy Bennett being before the courts of law. I think the issue has more to do with Mr Bennett’s race as well as the sensitive issue of him being a former commercial farmer, now being given the position to lead the Ministry of Agriculture.

I think if they were being honest I think they would tell us that that is the case. I don’t think that it is for Mr Mugabe to determine for the MDC whom it wishes to get nominated if indeed the idea was that the MDC would nominate its own ministers then it was up to them to do so and this is what they have done and I think that there is nothing reasonable at all about what is happening at the moment.

GONDA: Brian – what are the implications of Mugabe refusing to swear Bennett in and also do you think that Tsvangirai should perhaps relent and look for someone else for this position?

RAFTOPOULOS: No I think that for the moment Morgan is and will stand his ground. I think I agree entirely with Alex’ analysis, Mugabe continues to view the MDC and elements of it through kind of racialised spectacles and therefore it is entirely to do with issues of race, on issues of him being a former commercial farmer, the issue that having him as a Deputy Minister on what is one of the central pillars of Zanu’s legitimising ideologies which is the land question. But I think certainly the MDC should remain firm on all its demands. And I think also the MDCs must work much closer together, both formations, they have to take much stronger unity position around these principled issues which they have done up to now and should do so in an even stronger way and to remember what the common enemy is, especially in this transition period.

GONDA: What are your thoughts on the MDC’s deadline? Was it a PR stunt given that there was an agreement to complete negotiations on Monday?

RAFTOPOULOS: When one reads Minister Biti’s statement, he made very clear not withstanding the deadline, he had no intention of leaving the GNU and I think that’s the key. They certainly will consider putting more pressure on Zanu-PF and there’s certainly one mode of doing that is of course greater regional pressure once again on Mugabe but clearly there are questions about what can be done internally to put more pressure and one of the things I think is lacking now is the lack of coherence between the civics and the MDC. Their close relationship that existed in the past is certainly no longer there and I think particularly around the constitutional question and I think rebuilding this relationship and the tactics with the broad civic movement is absolutely key to putting more internal pressure on the Zanu-PF regime.

GONDA: I was actually going to ask you about the constitutional reform issue and the question is given the difference of approach, what must the MDC watch out for in dealing with the constitutional rewriting process?

RAFTOPOULOS: Well I think certainly there has to be greater effort in trying to bridge the gap between the position of some of the civics like the NCA, ZTCU and ZINASU and the current process underway. There’s clearly a huge gulf that exists and I think that there needs to be much more effort put into trying to rebuild that process. The real danger is if this process continues and you get these kind of divisions within the broad democratic movement, it only plays into the hands of the regressive aspects of Zanu-PF and if the worse happens and you get another NO vote, I think that can only hurt the democratic movement in this current context.

GONDA: Alex, what are your thoughts on the constitutional reform issue and are civil society’s claims valid that they want a people-driven process?

MAGAISA: I think you have to acknowledge that the MDC and civil society have been in the trenches together trying to achieve basically in effect the same goals, good governance which is predicated on a democratically created constitution and so forth. What I think the MDC need to be more aware of, is that when you get into power, you begin to see things in a different way, you begin to approach things in a different way. I think that it is important that they remain true to their ways and understand the views of their former colleagues in civil society.

We may use all sorts of arguments and say they were not elected and so forth but they were in the trenches together, they were partners and I don’t think that should change at any point in relation to the constitution-making process. So if I were part of the MDC in terms of the cabinet and so forth, the decision makers, my view would be let’s do things differently, let’s open up to hear what Lovemore Madhuku and other people are saying and sometimes you’ve got to swallow your pride and humble yourself and accept that there are some things that you may have done wrong. You don’t lose points for it; in fact you gain points for it. That would be my view.

But also in relation to parliament, I think this is one body which has been underused over the past 100 years. What we know is what it only did really was to endorse the Constitutional Amendment No 19 and the National Security legislation. Beyond that we haven’t seen anything tangible that has come out of parliament in terms of changing some of the elements of the legal architecture in Zimbabwe. We know for example the media laws, the security laws and many other things that we continue to point out in our analyses that need to be changed and I think that parliament should be busy on those things to try and show exactly what they are doing.

GONDA: On the issue of the constitution, how is the current process by the government not people-driven?

MAGAISA: Well you have to appreciate Violet that this is a committee which is constituted by three political parties, Zanu-PF and the two MDCs but there’s more to Zimbabwe than those three political parties and it’s not just about politics. Constitution-making yes it’s an issue of power, it’s an issue of politics, but you also have to include various other people who may not be represented in parliament and so for that reason it’s quite short term.

But you also have to understand that the balancing act between the MDCs and Zanu-PF has always been about trying to secure the best compromise between them and so there’s a real danger that whatever comes up in the end would be something to try and accommodate those three political entities and individuals within them compared to a more broad based and national constitution. And I have to say this Violet, that in many cases these guys may actually do the right thing, this committee may come up with the most beautiful constitution but as we say with justice sometimes you must not only be producing the right thing, but you must be seen to be doing the right thing in that process. I think the process is definitely important in coming up with that product.

GONDA: Professor Raftopoulos talked a bit about the deadline that the MDC issued this week, now the MDC has a history of setting deadlines and not actually following through on them, should they be more cautious when they make demands?

MAGAISA: Well it’s difficult to say so because I think when they set those deadlines sometimes you want to be sitting in those shoes of those people; they probably know something, that’s why they do what they do and sometimes it’s very difficult for us when we are looking at it without getting the information about the inside - because what you see, if I’m not wrong, I think Zanu-PF responded very quickly to the issue after the deadline was issued which I think you might say that the issuing of the deadline elicited a response from Zanu-PF and perhaps shows Zanu-PF that the MDC is serious about it.

Of course I agree the history has not been good. You set a deadline and you don’t follow it up, the danger is that you’re not taken seriously in future. But one would hope that if they do set those deadlines they actually indicate what they will want to do in the event that the deadline is not met.

So for example in this case, does it mean that the MDC will pull out? I don’t think so. I think Mr Biti said they would not but would they take it to SADC? Maybe that’s the resolution that will come out of the national council. And the question is therefore whether SADC will have the capacity and will and desire to actually try and resolve this. Of course there’s a new dynamic here with Mr Zuma coming into power in South Africa. Who knows what approach he might take to Zimbabwe in light of his new election. We don’t know.

GONDA: Brian finally looking at the entire 100 days, how would you score Mr Tsvangirai’s performance on a score sheet of 1 to 10?

RAFTOPOULOS: (laughs) I’m not big on scores Violet! Let me just say this, going into the agreement was a necessary step. I think there’s been a change of the political terrain in Zimbabwe for the better, not withstanding all the challenges. I think both the MDC and Mr Tsvangirai are having to learn very quickly how to deal with State power and in that learning they’re also making mistakes but I think there’s also new opportunities and those opportunities have to be used and particularly creating good strategic alliances when confronted with Zanu-PF in this period is absolutely necessary.

GONDA: But for the purpose of this discussion, I would need to get some kind of… (both laugh) because I’m also going to ask you about Robert Mugabe and Arthur Mutambara, so just briefly, on a scale of 1 to 10, where would you put him?

RAFTOPOULOS: OK I’ll put him on 5.

GONDA: And Mugabe? Robert Mugabe?

RAFTOPOULOS: Mugabe? Mugabe – I’ll put him on 2. He’s still got a long way to go.

GONDA: And Arthur Mutambara?

RAFTOPOULOS: Yah also about between 4 and 5.

GONDA: OK. And Alex?

MAGAISA: Yah I think it’s very difficult to score them as individuals in the sense that none of them is completely in power so you’ve got to measure them in accordance with the fact that they don’t have power to do everything that they would do. For example, measuring Obama because Obama is in power in the US, he can put a measure. But what I would do, for Mr Tsvangirai I think as an individual, his genuine desire, will and commitment to get things running in Zimbabwe, I would give him the same score as Brian I think it’s about 5 - because he still doesn’t have sufficient power to do the things that he wants to do but he has shown that he is willing so 5 to 6 for me on that one.

And for Mr Mugabe, I think it would simply be a nominal 2 again out of respect more than anything else that he is there because clearly nothing seems to have changed except at long last he did accept that he could not continue on his own without Mr Tsvangirai and Mr Mutambara.

As for Mr Mutambara I think again, he seems to have come in to government I think you need to reduce some of the rhetoric, anti-west - for example the Obama comments were not helpful. But I think by and large I’ve seen some of the things that he has done with the farms where Tsvangirai appointed him to go on a fact-finding mission and some of the interviews have been very fascinating and very thorough from what I have seen, although of course you can see that the MDC doesn’t have power because they can’t do anything about those people. I would give him same marks, 5 to 6 as well.

GONDA: Dr Alex Magaisa and Professor Brian Raftopoulos thank you very much for participating on the programme Hot Seat.

MAGAISA: It’s a pleasure Violet.

RAFTOPOULOS: Thank you very much.

For comments and feedback please e-mail violet@swradioafrica.com

For comments and feedback please e-mail violet@swradioafrica.com

Thousands flock to Beitbridge as South Africa removes visa restrictions

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
12 May 2009

The border town of Beitbridge has been besieged by thousands of Zimbabweans
taking advantage of the removal of visa restrictions by the South African
government.
Last week the Home Affairs ministry signed an agreement with the Government
of South Africa to drop visa restrictions for Zimbabwean passport holders
traveling into that country.
The deal, signed in Pretoria, permits Zimbabweans entry into South Africa on
a 90 day pass basis. This only applies to travelers with valid passports or
emergency travel documents.
MDC activist, Solomon Chikohwero, who was visiting the border town of Musina
in South Africa, told us there seemed to have been a communication breakdown
over the visa issue, as those with just ID cards and birth certificates
thought they would be allowed to use them to cross the border.
'The only thing that has changed is the removal of the visa. People will
still need passports or ETD's to move across borders. There is congestion at
the border as people rush to Messina to buy groceries and other necessities,'
Chikohwero said.
Business people in Musina are reporting a flurry of activity as streets are
thronged with shoppers from Zimbabwe. It's reported that waves of
Zimbabweans are crossing the border on a daily basis, but it is not clear if
most of them are temporary shoppers, or are hoping to find work in South
Africa. There are concerns that such a mass influx could trigger another
round of xenophobic attacks.
The mass cross border movement will inevitably put a strain on South Africa's
housing, education and health sectors and South Africans are known to react
violently to such pressures.

Dubai's big property investment in Zimbabwe

War of Words Between Mahoso, Journalist

http://www.radiovop.com

BULAWAYO, May 12 2009 - The Chairperson of the now defunct statutory
media regulatory board, Media and Information Commission (MIC) Tafataona
Mahoso was dressed down at the recently ended media stakeholders' workshop
in Kariba by a state journalist, who openly described him as a "media
hangman".

According to sources who attended the three-day workshop, which was
boycotted by the Media Alliance of Zimbabwe (MAZ), Chronicle political
editor Dumisani Sibanda, described Mahoso as a media hangman after the
former MIC chairperson had during his presentation, strongly opposed media
reforms in the country.

"Sibanda shocked everyone at the workshop, including the Zimbabwe
Newspapers Group Chief executive officer Justin Mutasa and the Minister of
Information Webster Shamu, when he called Mahoso a media hangman.

"Sibanda asked a stunned Mahoso right to his face who he was to stifle
media reforms in the country when the three principals, who are the
signatories to the Global Political Agreement, had already agreed that there
was need for media reforms in the country," said a source who attended the
workshop.

The source said Sibanda received a standing ovation from some
delegates including Kindness Paradza whose publication, The Tribune, was
closed down by MIC allegedly under Mahoso's instructions. Following the
incident, the source said the moderator, the Vice Chancellor of Solusi
University Professor Maphosaclosed the session, leaving Mahoso to lick his
wounds.

During Mahoso's reign at MIC several newspapers including the Daily
News, were closed. Several journalists were also barred from practicing.

Mass Exodus From Boarding Schools

http://www.radiovop.com

MASVINGO, May 12 2009 - Boarding schools have been hit by massive
student transfers following their refusal to heed a government directive to
lower school fees, with students flocking to government owned schools, where
the fees are generally affordable.

A survey conducted by RadioVOP this week revealed that most boarding
schools dotted across the province have been left with very few students,
mostly from well to do families.

The generality has flocked back to government and other day schools
where the fees are pegged between USd 10 and USd 5, depending on the
location.

Schools opened last week amid chaos and confusion as some parents
withheld their children in anticipation of a teacher's strike, which was
later aborted, while other schools turned away students demanding last term's
fees.

Most boarding schools are charging between USd150 to USd300.

Among the most affected schools are the Reformed Church in Zimbabwe
(RCZ)-run Pamushana, Zimuto, Jichidza, Gutu High, and Zimuto schools, while
Roman Catholic Church owned Gokomere and Serima schools have not been
spared.

Sources at some schools revealed that many students had packed their
bags and left for other institutions where the fees are generally low.

"About 100 pupils have so far sought transfer letters, and indications
are that many will follow suit due to the high fees," said a teacher at one
of the schools.

He added that the same scenario prevailed at other boarding schools.

One parent RadioVOP caught up with said she had been forced to
withdraw her child owing to the high fees, being demanded upfront.

"How can they demand such large amounts of cash upfront? Where do they
think we will get the money? I am taking my son to a government school,
after all, the quality of education is just the same," said a parent whose
child was once a Mutendi High school student.

The school is demanding USd 250 per term.

Provincial Education Director, Clara Taridzo Dube confirmed the
massive transfers.

Huge public response to archbishops' Zimbabwe appeal

http://www.ekklesia.co.uk/node/9424

By agency reporter
12 May 2009

Public donations for the joint Zimbabwe emergency and development appeal
launched by the Anglican Archbishops of Canterbury and York have reached
£292,330, the administrators of the fund have announced this week.

The appeal has particularly highlighted the support needed by churches in
the southern African nation, which are struggling to feed the hungry and to
provide health care against the backdrop of a social and economic system
that has exsted for many moths on the brink of collapse.

In a joint statement at the weekend, the two archbishops, Dr Rowan Williams
and Dr John Sentamu, said: "The support of the general public has been
overwhelming, and we have been humbled by the response so far. We know that
rebuilding Zimbabwe is a long-term aim, and this short intervention is still
only reaching a small number of the many millions in need. Thank you for
enabling us to do this."

They continued: "Our brother Bishops in Zimbabwe have highlighted the need
for immediate relief activities to address the cholera epidemic and
starvation, but also that we support programmes that provide long term
solutions to poverty. So at their request we will be providing seed-corn for
crops in time for the planting season which normally starts [at the] end of
October.

They added: "More of the dioceses of Zimbabwe are expected to send in their
specific requirements in the next few weeks, and they have told us that
their focus will be on the most vulnerable in their communities; those
living with HIV, the elderly as well as children."

Staff from the Anglican mission agency USPG and from Lambeth Palace have
recently returned from meeting with the Zimbabwe Anglican bishops and their
staff to hear their long terms plans for community work in the areas of
health, agriculture and peace building.

"While we know that food is the first priority we have also committed to buy
medicines, initially for six clinics, and we expect the first of these vital
medical supplies to be dispatched in the next weeks." a spokesperson said.

Three Anglican dioceses, those of Central Zimbabwe, Masvingo and
Matabeleland, are the first ones to roll out the supplementary feeding
programme in schools, and Easter week saw the first food distributed through
church schools.

The Rt Revd Michael Doe, general secretary of USPG: Anglicans in World
Mission, said:
"We've been astounded by the response of the general public, and we thank
all those that have supported the Archbishops' appeal over Lent - we know of
many more churches and dioceses who have pledged to support the appeal in
the Easter season and beyond."

The Archbishops' appeal, which is being administered on their behalf by
USPG, will be accepting donations for the rest of 2009, it says.

Cahora Bassa probe intensifies

http://www.iol.co.za

    May 12 2009 at 05:30PM

Maputo - Mozambican police have asked their South African counterparts
to analyse samples of the orgonite thrown into the Cahora Bassa dam as part
of alleged efforts to sabotage the structure.

Samples had been sent to Pretoria and it was not clear when the
results would be known, police spokesman Pedro Cossa told a press briefing
in Maputo on Tuesday.

German Georg Ritschl, Botswana national Tino Phuthego, Portuguese
national Carlos da Silva and South African Joseph Ngwato were arrested on
April 21 for putting a "highly corrosive" substance into the lake. Cossa
said they had told the police that orgonite corrodes concrete.

The management of Hidroelectrica de Cahora Bassa, the company that
operates the dam, said police never informed them of the alleged sabotage
attempt.

When the four were arrested, they were "close to the dam", he said.

The four belong to a group called Orgonise Africa which, according to
entries on its website, dabble in activities such as "cloud busting" which
they claim can prevent a drought, "tower-busting" which counters cellphone
mast radiation, and neutralising spells around countries such as Zimbabwe.

"We can turn this planet around and create paradise on earth -
armageddon does not have to happen! We can heal ourselves from many dread
diseases including Aids and cancer by using a simple zapper", an entry on
their website proclaims.

The group had undertaken "countless orgone healing expeditions" in
Africa to reverse the negative consequences of "new world order technology",
it added.

The four had been transferred from Songo to a prison in the provincial
capital, Tete, while investigations continued. - Sapa

MISA-Zimbabwe Communiqué: Access to democratic systems key to social justice-ACHPR Chairperson

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/


Tuesday, 12 May 2009

The Chairperson of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights
(ACHPR) Justice Sanji Mmasenono Monageng has challenged civic society
organisations to strengthen the capacity of citizens to access and
effectively utilise democratic systems at local, national and international
levels to enhance social justice.
Addressing delegates to the Forum on the Participation of NGOS in the
45th Ordinary Session of the ACHPR in Banjul, The Gambia, Justice Monageng
challenged civic society to generate new ideas to improve the quality of
life and standard of living of marginalised people in their respective
countries.
"The big lesson here is that without strengthening peoples capacity to
access and effectively utilise established democratic systems and processes
to further the goals of social justice they (people) risk becoming simply
tools of political elites," she said.
She warned that violators of human rights were refining their skills
adding: "As members of civil society we need to respond. We need to be able
to rise to the challenges. An effective way to do that is through capacity
building for our members so that they can carry out their functions and
within a clear understanding of their responsibilities."
The Commissioner's remarks dovetail with MISA-Zimbabwe's campaign for
the enactment of a democratic access to information law in Zimbabwe as
projected through its World Press Freedom Day theme for 2009: Info-Powered 4
Media Freedom; Access to information in a new democratic constitution.
Meanwhile, The ACHPR's Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders in
Africa, Commissioner Reine Alapini Gansou, said parliamentarians should be
sensitised on the critical role played by human rights defenders saying the
Commission remained concerned with the situation in countries such as
Zimbabwe, Burundi, Sudan, Gabon, Tunisia, Rwanda, Egypt and Ethiopia among
others. Commissioner Gansou noted that the trend of violations against human
rights defenders in these countries was almost the same with cases of
curtailment of free speech, the right to freedom of assembly, kidnappings,
harassment and physical aggression.
She, however, said the Commission had embarked on 'some work' to
protect human rights defenders and will be following up on the work that has
already been done in that regard.
The NGO Forum which opened in the Gambian capital on 9 May 2009 ahead
of the 45th Ordinary Session of the ACHPR will, among other issues, discuss
the human rights and democracy situation in Africa, convene special interest
group discussions on freedom of expression, elections, social and cultural
rights, death penalty and networking for human rights.

PEACE WATCH of 11th May 2009 [Political Abductees - Trial Details ]

JAG open letter forum - No. 628- Dated 11th   May 2009

Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw

Please send any material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to
jag@mango.zw with "For Open Letter Forum" in the subject
line.

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1.  Rooftop food - Cathy Buckle

2.  Ponto

3.  Private Property and Freedom - Eddie Cross

4.  Farai Madzongwe

5.  News of Anton and Dube MacLachlan?

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1. Rooftop food

http://www.moneyweb.co.za/

Farms have lain fallow because of no seed, no fertilizer or quite simply
no interest from the people who took them over.

Cathy Buckle

10 May 2009 03:48

Winter is moving into Zimbabwe and even though the days are shorter, the
wind cooler and the temperatures dropping, it is a beautiful time of
year.

The grass is tall and gold, the cassia and mimosa trees are covered in
yellow flowers and the aloes are promising a spectacular display in the
weeks to come: their spikes a mass of blooms waiting to open. On the
roadsides the white poinsettias are covered in flowers, the Munondo trees
are crowned with chocolate pods and in the vleis and wetlands the red hot
pokers are a sight to behold.

As our growing season comes to an end and after the good rainy season
we've had this year, I'd like to be able to tell you that out here in the
country areas there is a great bustle of harvesting underway. Sadly that
is not the case this May 2009. Roads out of once busy commercial farming
areas are stagnantly quiet. All season many of our farms have lain fallow
because of no seed, no fertilizer or quite simply no interest from the
people who took them over. Zimbabweans travelling east, west, north and
south can testify to seeing this same picture of empty fields in all
directions.

Thankfully in urban areas the small roadside, suburban plantings (similar
to allotments) of maize, beans and sunflowers have done quite well. Maize
cobs are lying out to dry on verandahs and roofs in urban areas and this
has become a common sight; it is a graphic demonstration of how hunger
has infiltrated right into our cities, towns and urban neighborhoods.
This rooftop food is how Zimbabwe's teachers, nurses and civil servants
are going to survive the months ahead - on what they've grown on the side
of the road.

We are reminded this week that the MDC have been participating in
Zimbabwe's power sharing unity government for a hundred days. Most days
it's been very hard for ordinary people to see the power sharing as
it has had so little effect on our daily lives. Criminals still walk free
on our streets; political prisoners are still juggled in and out of
detention; chaos continues on farms; water and electricity supplies are
pathetic and an undoubtedly fierce battle for real power rages just out
of view.

Most people are saying that 100 days is long enough, the honeymoon is
over and its time to get down to business. No more delays, stalling,
empty ultimatums and promises. We want to see action from this enormous
government that we have, real action that will improve our lives and lift
us out of the filth and despair that we've tolerated for the last decade.
Until next week, thanks for reading, love cathy

(C) Copyright Cathy Buckle 9th May 2009

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Dear Jag,

Our family had a very dear pointer called Ponto. Ponto was a great
character and had a very good nose for birds, but deviated from his area
of specialization at times to chase squirrels. Squirrels could literally
keep Ponto incredibly busy for hours because they were always jumping
from tree to tree and Ponto was still busy barking up the wrong tree. He
took squirrel hunting very seriously and focused a lot of attention on it
but achieved nothing apart from perhaps enjoyment. Clearly he should have
had his nose to the ground not up in the air.

My deep concern is that the GNU has allowed a geriatric but extremely
canny squirrel to attract their attention away from the real issues
facing the country. This canny squirrel has been doing it for years. He
keeps everybody barking up the wrong tree to divert attention away from
what he is really up to. The result is that the real issues are sidelined
and he and his cabal are allowed a free hand get it all to happen on
their terms.

It seems that the only threat to the squirrel is Jacob, but this has not
manifested itself yet.

J.L. Robinson.

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3. Private Property and Freedom

The concept of freedom is not new; it has been an idea that previous
generations have sought with passion and determination. The first
European settlers in the United States were people fleeing religious
persecution in Europe, so were some of the first settlers in the Cape. It
was this motive, amongst others, that drove the Afrikaners to set out
from the secure confines of the Cape to undertake a great trek into the
remote hinterland of Africa where they sought freedom.

In turn, the people they oppressed as they occupied new lands, sought
freedom in a struggle that took on political and even military form. The
very freedoms the Afrikaners desired from the "uitlanders",
they in turn denied the indigenous people they displaced and subjugated.
In the United States the settlers swamped the indigenous peoples and in
their turn not only denied them their own rights, but nearly wiped them
out.

Today the struggle for real freedom is less obvious but is still an
important issue. In my view the modern Africans struggle for freedom has
more to do with property rights today than political rights. The latter
struggle is won, the former is still with us and it is in this context
that the current farm invasions in Zimbabwe must be seen.

The greatest threat to African progress today is the near universal
denial of individual ownership rights to property that characterises
traditional society. The roots lie deeply imbedded in a culture where
Chiefs hold the title to the land and made use of this to establish their
power and authority. The fragile ecosystems that dominate the majority of
the land surface of the continent meant that communities had to move when
the land they were using became exhausted and over grazed. Few
communities built permanent homes - they did not own them and
anyway, in a few years time they knew they would have to move on to new,
virgin land.

Such socio economic systems were fine so long as there was ample land
available and no fences. This changed with colonialism as arbitrary
boundaries were drawn in the sand and then settlers started to fence the
land they claimed as their own. Cultures that lived by roaming over vast
swathes of country as nomads and military raiding parties (the Zulus and
the Ndebele) found themselves hemmed in and facing new untenable
restrictions.

The introduction of the modern economy and health systems led to rising
populations and these soon outstripped the capacity of the land to carry
the burden of traditional agricultural practices.

The marauding Impi's of Africa went to war with the settlers only
to be cut down and defeated by the Maxim gun and superior technology. The
villages settled down and resigned themselves to living on pieces of land
that were too small to sustain their forms of agriculture. They slid into
poverty, relieved only by the dispatch of sons and daughters to the
cities of gold where they earned money that they could send back to the
village to help sustain life. The migrant labour system of life became
the norm and the rural African family followed the village into poverty.

It is for this reason that the African family is in crisis with over two
thirds of all children on the continent growing up without a resident
father figure in their lives. Such children will remain handicapped all
their lives as adults because of this and their societies will suffer as
a consequence.

For this reason, despite its rich resources, I am not at all surprised
that Africa remains the one continent that is poorer than it was 50 years
ago and continues to stagnate. It also explains why political freedom,
bought at such a cost in human life and material resources, still proves
so tenuous and fragile.

It is all about property rights. The colonists, when they occupied and
subjugated the land, restricted the indigenous people to specific land
areas and did nothing to see to it that they enjoyed property rights
there. Rather they chose to use the inherited powers of the traditional
leaders to maintain control in those areas and for this they had to leave
their power over land intact. Without security of tenure and subject to
the arbitrary dictates of the State and the traditional leaders, the
villagers could not invest in their land or their homes with security. If
they did, such improvements had no market value.

In towns the situation was no better. The presence of thousands of single
migrant workers created a whole new culture. Poorly paid and working
mainly to send money home, they were also often denied the right to own
their own homes in towns. So vast slums were created with millions of
people in them, no go areas for law enforcement agencies and where even
security over a locked trunk of clothes was difficult to maintain.

In such situations people cannot be free. They are subject to the whims
of their leaders and the people with wealth and power in their midst.
They are easily persuaded to use violence for one end or another and can
be forced by their dependence on others to vote this way or that.

To bring freedom to people caught up in this cycle of violence, poverty
and subjugation requires access to secure property rights. In town, the
right and even the capacity to own a home large enough to accommodate a
family. In the rural areas, security to establish a home with real value
and which can be sold if not needed and secure rights to agricultural
land so that it too can be the subject of investment - both of
labour and cash to manage it and keep it productive.

By destroying the property rights of the commercial farmer in Zimbabwe,
the government of the day took the process of reform in the wrong
direction.

That they did so in violation of their legal rights is another matter. It
was the violation of property rights that has done the damage. Yesterday
I saw a clip that said, "Zimbabwe's maize crop will run out
in a couple of months". Am I surprised? Not at all and I am not
surprised that small peasant farmers have suffered as much as their large
scale commercial counterparts as a result of the destruction of security
over assets in Zimbabwe.

It has long been a goal of the MDC to bring secure property rights to all
who must live on the land and to ensure that every family that chooses to
move to the towns, is able to buy their own home and live with security.

Freehold property rights create freedom and secure democracy.

That is why tyrants try to destroy them whenever they have the opportunity.

Eddie Cross

Bulawayo, 8th May 2009

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Dear JAG,

Farai Madzongwe who defended her mother Senate President Edna Madzongwe's
takeover of a citrus farm in Chegutu to the media last month, is a holder
of an American passport, since she was born in the US. She has also lived
in Germany for some years and has permanent residence there. She was on
the farm on the night her mother's guards murdered somebody for
'stealing' oranges from the orchard.

Also, she has been selling oranges from the farm for US$5 a pocket and is
trying to organize for them to be exported. She is also busy looking for
a job with international NGOs and the UN agencies. I think it is in
everyone's interest that she be stopped and I hope that you as JAG can
inform ALL the UN agencies and relief agencies that this is who she is
just in case they consider her for a job.

Regards

Gerald

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Dear JAG,

We are concerned about friends of ours who are farming near Banket, at
Crocodile Pools Farm - Anton and Dube MacLachlan, and Anton's
mum, Maja MacLachlan.  Dube's parents the Braunsteins are also
farming there.  The last thing I heard there were people encamped at
their farm but we have not heard anything lately - they don't have
email or internet and are hard to get on the phone - does anyone
have news of them?

If bush telegraph is working well, please could someone get a message to
them, say we are thinking of them and would welcome news?

Claire and Andrew Gray

ERA21 Ltd.

Aspirations achieved....

Pentre Melyn

Buckland

Bwlch

LD3 7JJ

Wales, UK

Landline Tel: +44 (0)1874 730243

Mobile Tel: +44 (0) 7703 195830

era21@era21.co.uk

www.era21.co.uk

Skype: era21ltd

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