http://www.namibian.com.na/
18.05.2011
By: CATHERINE SASMAN
THE attendance of South
African President Jacob Zuma at the extraordinary
Southern African
Development Community (SADC) summit remained in doubt by
late yesterday
afternoon, while confusion also reigned over the actual date
of the
event.
The South African High Commission in Windhoek could not confirm
Zuma’s
attendance yesterday and attempts to get comments from the SA
Presidency’s
Office and the country’s Department of International Relations
and
Cooperation proved futile.
However, Namibia’s Ministry of Trade and
Industry, as the focal point of the
Government’s organisation of the summit,
said the event would continue as
planned at the end of this week, despite an
impression among some regional
bodies that the event was moved until the
middle of June.
Concerns were also raised that discussions on the crisis in
Zimbabwe might
be deferred to a later date – on June 10 or 11 - should the
matter be
scrapped from the summit agenda due to Zuma’s possible no-show in
Windhoek
this week as a result of the municipal elections in South Africa
today.
Zuma is the SADC mediator in the Zimbabwe crisis.
The SW Radio
Africa, a Zimbabwean civil-society-led media outfit, reported
that SADC
was apparently “jumping at the chance to delay” discussions on
the
Zimbabwean situation, and it was not the first time that discussions on
this
matter have been delayed.
It further reported that the Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition said it would push
SADC to put on record its minimum conditions
for Zimbabwe for the creation
of a conducive environment for a free and fair
election, for constitutional
reform, and for reforms in the security
sector.
A meeting between a special envoy of President Robert Mugabe, Patrick
Chinamasa, with President Hifikepunye Pohamba as the chairperson of SADC,
slated for today, has in the meantime been postponed, reportedly because of
Pohamba’s busy schedule.
The Namibian understands that coup leader and
head of the High Transitional
Authority (HAT) in Madagascar, Andry
Rajoelina, met with Zuma in South
Africa on Monday.
Rajoelina has
reportedly been seeking council with Zuma for some time to
lobby support for
the current SADC roadmap that is said to pave the way for
a peace election
and transition in Madagascar.
The roadmap was criticised by three major
political movements in Madagascar
as not inclusive enough and for giving
inordinate powers to the Rajoelina,
who is managing an unelected caretaker
government.
It is not clear what the outcome of the meeting between Zuma and
Rajoelina
was, but it is speculated that it might have some bearing on
SADC’s position
on the Madagascar roadmap.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
18
May 2011
There was still no confirmation on Wednesday that Zimbabwe will
be on the
agenda of the upcoming Summit of leaders in the Southern African
Development
Community (SADC), with growing speculation that the issue will
be deferred.
Speculation is rife that the hotly anticipated meeting will
now only take
place in June, because South African President Jacob Zuma
looks unlikely to
attend the Summit taking place this weekend. Zuma, the
regional mediator in
the Zimbabwe crisis and a key figure in talks on
Zimbabwe’s future, is said
to have conflicting commitments.
Dewa
Mavhinga from the Crisis in Zimbabwe Collation, which is attending the
SADC
Summit this weekend, told SW Radio Africa on Wednesday that there is
still
no official confirmation about the Zim meeting. He said that ‘a
proposal has
been voiced’ for a special meeting to take place on the 10th or
11th June,
possibly in Johannesburg.
The delay will give ZANU PF more time to
conclude its regional offensive,
with envoys being sent by Robert Mugabe
across the region to get support.
Presidential spokesperson George Charamba,
has also written in the state
media that the newly adopted tougher stance by
SADC is a result of
‘misinformation’ and ‘interference’ by the UK and the
United States.
He further stated that the government’s position regarding
the Namibia
summit on Friday is to defend the solidarity and unity of SADC,
which “is
now under attack.” Charamba said that the views given by the MDC,
that
Mugabe is now too incapacitated to run the country and that there has
been a
silent coup marked by widespread violence, were a fallacy.
The
Crisis Coalition’s Mavhinga said ZANU PF’s attempts to garner support
are
‘fruitless’, insisting that “SADC by now knows that kind of rhetoric
ZANU PF
uses.” He continued, that the Crisis Coalition remains confident
that SADC
is on the right track, and will do the right thing regarding
Zimbabwe.
“We are positive about SADC’s position, and we are mindful
of the delay,”
Mavhinga said. “But we are confident that ZANU PF will not be
able to dilute
what SADC has committed to doing in
Zimbabwe.”
Meanwhile the Crisis Coalition, together with a group of other
civil society
organisations, will continue lobbying SADC to remain firm on
Zimbabwe. The
groups will present a position paper to SADC leaders on
Thursday, calling
for the regional body to publicly state its commitment to
free, fair,
credible elections in Zimbabwe.
The groups said in a
statement that there are two critical options for
Zimbabwe; either to
proceed with holding elections in the current
circumstances, or to implement
an agreed roadmap to a credible poll that
would produce uncontested
results.
The coalition urged SADC to abide by its own Guidelines and
Principles
governing democratic elections, as “the regional yardstick on the
freeness
and fairness of elections.” The group also warned that any failure
by the
region to ensure that Zimbabwe adheres to these guidelines, would see
other
member states sliding down the same path as North Africa, where there
have
been unprecedented public uprisings.
“The organisation stresses
the critical role of SADC and of individual
member states in ensuring that
democracy, peace and human security prevail,
noting the political
developments in North and West Africa. Unless these
issues are addressed
there is bound to be instability which usually results
in the deaths of many
people,” the civil society groups said.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Munyaradzi
Dube
Wednesday, 18 May 2011 14:45
HARARE - Zanu (PF) has sponsored the
militant Upfumi Kuvadiki empowerment
group to demonstrate at tomorrow’s SADC
summit against putting the land
issue on the agenda.
According to
well-placed sources, the group’s youthful members will be
loitering on the
sidelines of the summit and will cause a commotion if there
is any attempt
to raise the issue of the SADC Tribunal’s ruling in favour of
dispossessed
commercial farmers.
An independent review of the Tribunal found last
month that SADC law should
be supreme over domestic laws, and all decisions
made by the court should be
binding and enforceable within all member
states. The Tribunal has ruled
that President Robert Mugabe’s land grab
policy was unlawful and
discriminatory, and Zimbabwe will be forced to abide
by the ruling if the
recommendations are adopted by the
summit.
Upfumi Kuvadiki is one of several Zanu (PF) projects designed to
prop up the
sagging fortunes of the former ruling party.
Flying on
the coattails of Indigenization Minister Saviour Kasukuwere, the
group has
already covertly secured lucrative business deals and now Zanu
(PF) intends
to use them to further its interests on the regional stage.
A member of
Upfumi Kuvadiki told The Zimbabwean that his group would be at
the meeting
“with the approval of the government of Zimbabwe”.
"We are going in large
numbers to the summit and we would like our presence
to be felt there. Our
primary objective is that Zimbabwe should not made an
issue at the summit
and the empowerment drive, this also includes the land
issue (sic)," said
the source.
The group’s spokesperson, Alson Darikai, declined to comment
on the matter,
but insiders said that the group, which has already ruffled
feathers in the
country, left for Namibia on Tuesday.
Analysts say
the move by Zanu (PF) to bus its supporters to the summit is an
attempt by a
cornered Mugabe, who historically relies on populist support,
to parry the
MDC’s diplomatic offensive, which resulted in the Zimbabwean
crisis being
put firmly on the summit’s agenda, as well as the recent
finding by a
research group that the Tribunal’s rulings are binding on all
member
states.
Zanu (PF) wing in the coalition government is eager to ensure
that the land
issue is not discussed at the summit therefore they have
invited the
militant youths,” said a source.
Zimbabwe has in the past
disregarded the Tribunal’s decisions on the land
issue, and sources at the
Ministry of Justice and Legal Affairs said on
Tuesday that Harare’s
disregard for the ruling would also come under the
spotlight.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Reagan Mashavave, Staff
Writer
Wednesday, 18 May 2011 17:06
HARARE - The Sadc
extra-ordinary summit provisionally set for Friday in
Windhoek, Namibia,
must push for the full implementation of the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA) including reforms of the security sector, the two
MDC parties said
yesterday.
The MDC led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday
said in a
statement, it would like to see the full implementation of the
GPA, an end
to the “selective application” of the law by the police and an
end to
politically motivated violence.
“At the very least we want to
see a clear roadmap to the holding of free and
fair elections in the
country. New security sector reforms must also be put
in place before the
holding of free and fair elections,” Douglas Mwonzora,
the party’s
spokesperson said in a statement.
“We demand an end to the selective
application of the law by the police and
other law enforcement agents. This
also includes the immediate removal of
soldiers and militia in the
countryside and arrest of all known political
violence
perpetrators.”
Nhlanhla Dube, the spokesperson of the MDC led by Welshman
Ncube said his
party wants the regional body to further push for the full
implementation of
the GPA.
“We expect the Sadc summit will make sure
that the GPA is fully implemented
and that a fair environment can result in
an election. We expect that Sadc
will push for the reforms in media and the
security sector. The security
sector reforms are part of the GPA and they
have never been introduced in
the GPA negotiations in the past years,” Dube
said.
He added that the GPA should reflect that the current realities
that the
country is now run by a coalition government.
“Change will
occur in the country through careful and systematic pressure on
Zanu PF.
There is movement towards that direction, I think you have heard
Patrick
Chinamasa (Zanu PF top official) saying that he does not foresee
elections
being held this year.
“That is a reality, the environment is not yet
conducive for holding
elections in the country at the moment,” said
Dube.
Media reports recently quoted Chinamasa saying elections might be
held in
2013 but his Zanu PF party last week said elections will go ahead
this year.
Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo said he could not comment on
the Sadc
summit.
“I don’t want to comment at the moment. We will talk
about it later,” said
Gumbo.
Sadc executive secretary Tomaz Salamao
said he was busy when contacted for
comment. Political analyst Takavafira
Zhou said if the regional body is
likely to be divided in taking a “harder”
stance on the country.
He said governments run by liberation movements
are likely to support
President Robert Mugabe Zanu PF position.
“We
are likely to see a divided Sadc on the Zimbabwe political crisis. They
are
likely to fail to reach a consensus on Zimbabwe or it is going to be an
extension of the Livingstone summit where a hard stance was made on
resolving the country’s problems,” Zhou said.
“The Zimbabwe issue
will set a dangerous precedence to all the other
liberation movements on the
region. There will be a possibility that if a
free and fair election is held
in the country that will see the fall of
other liberation movements in
Angola, Mozambique and South Africa.”
He said the Sadc leaders also fear
that if the Zimbabwe problems are left
unattended they will result in the
“Orange revolution” mass uprisings that
have been experienced in north
African countries like in Egypt, Tunisia and
currently in Libya.
“The
Sadc leaders agree that the Zimbabwe issue is an urgent issue, but they
may
buy time and the most convenient issue is to protect fellow liberation
movements. I don’t foresee a mere summit resolving all the issues that are
affecting the country. It is a problem that I think will be with us until
next year,” Zhou said.
http://www.nation.co.ke/
By AFP
Posted Wednesday, May 18
2011 at 13:43
Embattled flag carrier Air Zimbabwe has cancelled all of
its regional
flights after a creditor took back a leased plane over a
$460,000 unpaid
debt, the airline's boss said Wednesday.
The move
leaves the airline flying only one route between Harare and London,
in
addition to its two domestic routes, chief executive Innocent Mavhunga
told
AFP.
The national carrier was leasing a Boeing 737-500 from Zambia-based
Zambezi
Airlines, but the lessor has withdrawn its plane, resulting in the
cancellation of all of Air Zimbabwe's regional flights.
"Yes, there
have been problems with Zambezi Airlines, but we are negotiating
with our
partners," Mavhunga told AFP. "Only regional regional flights have
been
affected."
Last month, Air Zimbabwe retired three obsolete Boeing 737-300
planes after
entering a deal with Zambezi Airlines to ply the regional
routes.
The latest crisis to affect the national carrier comes days after
it was
suspended by International Air Transport Association (IATA) over a
$280,000
debt.
IATA spokesman Chris Goater said Air Zimbabwe would
not be able to sell
tickets through local or foreign travel agents until the
debt is settled.
"We hope that it will clear its financial obligations to
return to
participation in IATA's financial systems in short order," he
said.
Air Zimbabwe, which once flew 25 routes, is saddled with a
$100-million
debt, an ageing fleet and high staff turnover.
The
airline's problems have opened way for others such as South African
Airways,
Ethiopian Airlines and Kenya Airways to take over routes that Air
Zimbabwe
used to ply.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Thelma Chikwanha and Kumbirai Mafunda
Wednesday, 18 May
2011 14:13
HARARE - Crisis-ridden Air Zimbabwe plumbed new depths
yesterday when
damaging allegations surfaced that a cabinet minister was
behind the
controversial move by the Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe
(CAAZ) to
ground Air Zimbabwe planes.
Air Zimbabwe officials, who
requested anonymity for security reasons, told
the Daily News last night
that a “greedy and corrupt cabinet minister” (name
supplied) was behind the
grounding of some of the beleaguered airline’s
planes, in his bid to force
through the acquisition of new planes by the
national carrier.
Air
Zimbabwe’s three Boeing 737 planes were grounded by CAAZ yesterday, with
the
aviation authority claiming that they were now too old and should not be
in
service any more.
But the Air Zimbabwe officials insisted that CAAZ had
grounded the planes to
allow the senior government and Zanu PF official to
ram through the supply
of new planes, where he expects, or has organised
massive kick backs.
The supply of brand new planes around the world is
often accompanied by
controversies and the payment of huge
bribes.
CAAZ officials were not available for comment yesterday, with
chief
executive David Chawota’s number not available, together with that of
spokesperson Annajulia Hungwe.
Air Zimbabwe board chairman Jonathan
Kadzura said he had heard about the
grounding of the planes but said he
could not comment as he was out of town.
However, Kadzura is said to be
so disgruntled with Air Zimbabwe – where
ministry officials sideline him and
deal directly with management – that he
is reportedly contemplating
resigning.
When reached for comment, Air Zimbabwe acting chief executive
officer Peter
Mavhunga said: “I have no comment to make.”
But one of
our sources at Air Zimbabwe said as a result of the controversial
grounding,
the airline was now likely to suffer losses, with disastrous
consequences
for the carrier, tourism and the Zimbabwean economy.
“It’s a disaster at
Air Zimbabwe because after the grounding of the Boeing
737 planes, we were
forced to cancel all our flights. The South Africa route
was the most
affected because the flights were full. This is a clear case of
sabotage and
the top leadership in the country must investigate this.
“We have been
speaking to Boeing officials and they told us that our planes
are still fine
and better than similar planes even run by some South African
carriers. We
have been told that someone in government instructed them to
ground the
planes so that they create opportunities when new planes are
bought.
“CAAZ said the planes had reached the limit of 34 000 cycles
but Boeing
officials say the planes can reach up to 66 000 cycles. The
officials from
Boeing are so concerned they will be travelling to Zimbabwe
to make
assessments. Talk to Boeing in the United States and they will
confirm the
same. This senior government official is destroying Air
Zimbabwe,” the
official said.
To make matters worse for Air Zimbabwe,
the sub standard Chinese made MA 60
plane which was due to fly to Victoria
Falls yesterday developed a technical
fault and failed to take off. The
grounding of the planes comes soon after
pilots went on a paralysing strike
recently, where they were demanding
better salaries.
Saddled with a
huge US$100 million debt, Air Zimbabwe’s problems are said to
have worsened
in recent weeks as a result of the fallout between the
Minister of Transport
Nicholas Goche and the Kadzura board.
The grounding of the planes
however, did not affect the long haul Boeing 767
planes which fly to London
and the Far East.
Goche was not available to shed light on the
developments at the national
airline yesterday, although senior ministry
officials confirmed the standoff
between CAAZ and Air Zimbabwe.
Once
one of the best airlines in Africa, Air Zimbabwe has been run down due
to
successive years of mismanagement, corruption, political interference and
inadequate funding.
Air Zimbabwe took to the skies on Monday, despite
its suspension from the
International Air Transit Association (IATA), which
means its tickets were
not available through the IATA’s 60 000 accredited
travel agents.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Written by Zwanai Sithole
Tuesday, 17 May 2011
15:54
BULAWAYO - The Zanu (PF) politburo’s recent decision to defy Sadc
and push
for an early poll has ignited a fresh wave of harassment of the few
remaining white commercial farmers still on their land.
According to
the Southern African Commercial Farmers Alliance (SACFA) Zanu
(PF)
supporters and war veterans have been moving from one farm to another
in
Mashonaland and the Midlands provinces intimidating and harassing farmers
who are still in their homesteads operating on fractions of their
properties.
“Two elderly farmers were forcibly driven from their
homes in Somabhula
recently by Zanu (PF) members of parliament. In both
instances no use was
made of the courts by government to evict the farmers.
Instead police stood
idly by and allowed the violent expulsions to be
carried out by MPs
themselves and their thugs,” said Christopher Jarrett,
Zimbabwe SACFA
chairman.
Jarrett also cited the recent case of a High
Court judge whom he said tried
to extort a homestead, livestock and the
remaining portion of a farm that
was still held by its owner.
He said
some owners, who have formally remained in place as A2 settlers
having been
allocated portions of their own properties, had not been spared
the
harassment and abuse.
“Some farmers made agreements with the government
to stay on their
properties. These arrangements were confirmed by orders of
the
Administrative Court to the effect that they could remain on a
particular
part of their farm on condition that they parted with the rest of
their
property. All of these undertakings by government are now not being
honoured
and farmers are charged under the Gazetted Lands (Consequential
Provisions)
Act for occupying state land without an offer letter, permit or
lease,” said
Jarret.
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by James Mombe Wednesday 18 May
2011
JOHANNESBURG -- President Jacob Zuma’s office has failed to
back with
evidence claims that it could not release a report on neighbouring
Zimbabwe’s
violence marred presidential election in 2002, South Africa’s
Constitutional
Court was told on Tuesday.
Lawyers for the
Johannesburg-based Mail & Guardian newspaper that wants Zuma’s
office
compelled to release the report said affidavits submitted by the
presidency
showed a clear “evidential void” and appeared motivated only by a
desire to
provide justification for refusing to release the report.
The M&G --
owned by Zimbabwean newspaper mogul Trevor Ncube -- wants the
report that
was compiled by two senior South African judges on behalf of
former
President Thabo Mbeki made public, saying it was in the public
interest
because it would show whether President Robert Mugabe legitimately
won the
vote.
"[There] is an attempt to paper over the evidential void, and it is
simply
not enough," the newspaper’s lawyer, Jeremy Gauntlett, told the
court. "Our
case is unequivocally that the appellants are not over the hump
of
establishing any basis," he said.
Zuma’s office told the court
that the report contains information supplied
in confidence by or on behalf
of another state and therefore could not be
made public.
The
presidency’s lawyer said the judges dispatched by Mbeki to Harare went
there
as special envoys whose duty was to gather information pertaining to
the
constitutional and legal challenges in Zimbabwe. The information was for
use
by Mbeki in formulating policy, the presidency’s lawyer Marumo Moerane
told
the court.
“The disclosure of the record would reveal information
supplied in
confidence by or on behalf of another state,” said Moerane,
while also
rejecting the possibility of releasing some portions of the
report saying
that would be impractical.
However Gauntlett, in
rebuttal, said: "They went as judges, they are judges.
They could never stop
for a moment to be judges."
The court reserved judgment on the
matter.
The newspaper first requested the report in June 2008, but the
president
refused to release it on the grounds that it would reveal
information
supplied by Harare officials in confidence. ?
Section 44
of South Africa’s Promotion of Access to Information Act allows
access to a
record to be refused if it contains information related to
formulating
policy or taking a decision in the exercise of a power, or
performance of a
duty, imposed by law.
But the High Court and Supreme Court of Appeal have
both ruled in favour of
the M&G’s application to have the report made
public, forcing Zuma’s office
to approach the Constitutional Court – South
Africa’s highest court.
Judges Dikgang Moseneke and Sisi Khampepe --
acting as special envoys to
Zimbabwe -- for Mbeki visited the Harare
following the presidential poll in
which Mugabe narrowly defeated then
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
The run-up to the poll had been
marred by political violence and gross human
rights abuses including the
murder of Tsvangirai’s supporters, while there
were massive irregularities
on voting day in Harare and major cities were
the opposition enjoyed the
most support.
However the bloodshed and chaos did not stop Mbeki’s
government and the
Southern African Development Community from declaring the
Zimbabwe polls
free and fair. -- ZimOnline
http://www.radiovop.com
18/05/2011 17:09:00
Bulawayo,
May 18,2011 - There was chaos in Bulawayo on Tuesday as riot
police engaged
in running battles with Zanu (PF) youths who invaded yet
another building in
the second capital.
The Zanu (PF) youths invaded Victoria House block of
flats along Hebert
Chitepo Street owned by Essats family of Indian origin.
On Tuesday police
brought a messenger of court who was armed with a High
Court order to evict
them, but the more than 70 Zanu (PF) youths at this
building refused to
vacate claiming the building was now theirs, resulting
in clashes with
police.
“We are not going anywhere Victoria House is
now ours. Yourself you can’t
go to India today and own buildings. There
should go away we are not going
to listen to that, Zimbabwe is for
Zimbabweans,” said Andrew Manjoro the
Zanu (PF) secretary for economic
affairs in youth league in Bulawayo
district. Manjoro added that the Essats
family was wasting time and money by
trying to evict them.
When Radio
VOP visited Victoria House on Tuesday night the Zanu (PF) youths
were back
in the building claiming that they had engaged senior police
officers in the
province and they won't be evicted from the building.
In June last year
Zanu (PF) youths in Bulawayo seized three buildings
located in the central
business district owned by Indian and Italian
families.
The buildings
that have been invaded so far include Zambesia and Canberra
Flats located
between Leopold Takawira and Sixth Avenue and owned by Laloo
family, also of
Indian origin. The militant youths have also grabbed the
Capri which houses
the Pizzaghetti owned by Di Palma family who are of
Italian
origin.
The youths last month blocked businessman Khalil Gaibie from
evicting
tenants from his Elons Court between 3rd Avenue and Main Street
over late
payment of rentals, adding that they had taken over the
building
The takeover of the buildings in Bulawayo has caused divisions
between the
party’s provincial executive and the youths. Isaac Dakamela, the
Zanu (PF)
chairman for Bulawayo Province, had on numerous occasions voiced
his concern
at the takeover of city buildings by the party youths who have
also hit back
and threatened to topple him on charges of being a stumbling
block to the
black empowerment programme.
http://www.radiovop.com
18/05/2011
17:07:00
Chimanimani, May 18, 2011 Zanu (PF) officials in Chimanimani
are baying for
the blood of chief Mwareka Satiya of Chimanimani after the
chief failed to
account for more than 500 anti –sanction petition forms
which the chief was
allocated by the party to distribute to his
subjects.
Well placed sources in Chimanimani told a Radio VOP reporter
here on Tuesday
that the party had launched investigations into the
issue.
“Chief Satiya was among several chiefs and headmen who were
assigned to
distribute the anti-sanction forms to the people in the area.
Satiya could
not account for some of the forms which he given,” said a Zanu
(PF) source
in the area that refused to be named for fear of
victimisation.
The source said a Zanu (PF) delegation led by Jane Knight,
the Zanu (PF)
Chimanimani district coordinator, recently visited the chief’s
homestead and
threatened him with unspecified action if the chief did not
account for the
forms by the end of this month
“The chief’s
explanation to the Zanu (PF) officials that the forms were
soaked and
destroyed by rains did not convince the Zanu (PF) officials."
It was
being suspected that the chief deliberately destroyed the forms, said
another source.
When contacted for comment the chief confirmed the
incident but declined
further comment.
“Nhau yamurikureketa inhau iri
kuzivikanwa nevakuru vakuru kumahofisi kuti
chii chakaitika. (The issue
which you are asking about is already known in
higher offices,” he
said.
Zanu (PF) claims it has garnered more than two million signatures
for its
anti-sanctions petition which was launched when the campaign was
launched in
Harare by President Robert Mugabe a few months ago. Mugabe and
Zanu (PF)
want the West and the European Union to remove sanctions targeted
at Mugabe
and his cronies.
http://www.radiovop.com/
18/05/2011 13:42:00
HARARE, May
18, 2011 – POLICE on Tuesday cancelled a proposed peaceful
solidarity
demonstration by bank workers over a salary dispute pitting
Stanbic Bank
management and junior staff that are up in arms over low wages
and poor
working conditions.
Despite the police on Friday last week allowing the
Zimbabwe Banks and
Allied Workers Union (ZIBAWU) to proceed with the
peaceful
demonstration, Garikai Gwangwava, the officer commanding Harare
Central
District, wrote to ZIBAWU on Tuesday morning advising them that the
demonstration had been cancelled.
“Security information reveals that
certain political parties would want to
take advantage of your lawful
gathering at Stanbic Bank to
engage into political violence. Your location is
also strategic and any such
violence would have grave consequences to the
security of the
State,” said Gwangwava, in his letter to ZIBAWU President
Peter Mutasa.
“My office therefore regrets to advise you to shelf your
demonstration for
now until further notice,” he added.
But banking
industry sources said employees were seething with anger as the
police were
seen to be conspiring with management not to allow
employees to protest
against low salaries at Stanbic Bank, which is owned by
South Africa’s
Johannesburg listed Standard Bank.
The banks’ workers union was allegedly
planning to challenge the police
cancellation of the peaceful demonstration
at the High Court.
“”An urgent High application challenging the new and
unfortunate development
is one of the actions that can be taken,” said
Mutasa, the
ZIBAWU president.
Since the eruption of violent protests in
the Arab world, Zimbabwe security
forces are understood to have banned
public protests and gathering serve
those organised by ZANU-PF.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
by Irene Madongo
17 May
2011
Mziwandile Ndlovu, a journalist with the Bulawayo-based Weekly
Agenda, has
described how he was smacked and threatened by police while in
custody last
week. Ndlovu was charged with writing a fictitious story under
the notorious
Section 31 of the Criminal Law Codification
Act.
Ndlovu’s ordeal started last week Monday when he was told to report
to
Lupane police station for questioning regarding a story he had written in
April. His story was in connection with a National Healing meeting in
Victoria Falls, which had to be cancelled after speakers Vice-President John
Nkomo and Sekai Holland, Minister of State in the Prime Minister’s Office,
failed to turn up and National Healing Minister Moses
Mzila-Ndlovu was
arrested in Hwange on his way to the meeting.
When Mziwandile arrived at
the police station, he was held overnight and
then transferred to Hwange,
where he was grilled by the police there.
“I was told they were
deliberately keeping me in Hwange so that my lawyers
would not have access
to me. And should my lawyers know that I am in Hwange,
they would further
transfer me to another police station until I’d be taken
to court,” he
explained.
“I was pushed from one officer to another. I was interrogated
by some people
there. They tried to force me to sign a warned and cautioned
statement, and
I was also threatened with being harassed at night,” Ndlovu
said, “but my
lawyers had informed me I should not sign that in the absence
of a lawyer
and I refused. I was then assaulted.”
He eventually saw
his lawyers on Wednesday and was released on bail the same
day.
He
says the ill-treatment by the police shows ZANU PF is in fear and panic,
and
knows it’s on its way out. “These are the last days of a dying horse,”
he
said.
http://www.radiovop.com
18/05/2011 13:34:00
Bikita, May 18, 2011 – Bikita
resident magistrate Nyasha Vhitorini has
acquitted Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC-T) legislator for Bikita South
Jani Vharendini on
Tuesday.
Vharendini was arrested and detained in October last year after
Zanu (PF)
youths from Mazungunye area who disrupted a Parents Day meeting at
Mazungunye High School where the MP was supposed to be the guest of honour
made a police report that he had given them death threats.
Since last
year, Makuku was being summoned to the courts over the case.
However,
magistrate Vhitoriti said Makuku had no case to answer since the
state
failed to provide enough evidence to show that the MP committed the
offence.
In delivering his judgment, the magistrate said the report
by Zanu (PF)
youths were falsehoods fuelled by political differences. He
said it was
clear that one MP cannot suddenly start to insult a group of
party youths
from a different political party.
“The circumstances
brought before me shows that either the youths had
provoked the MP or they
are just making false report fuelled by differences
in their political
affiliations,” said Vhitorini.
The defence council was led by Martin
Mureri of Matutu Kwirira and
Associates.
Richard Nyamuhomba appeared
for the state.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
17 May 2011
The Zimbabwe
People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) is threatening to go ahead
and bury its
dead members at a provincial heroes acre without seeking
permission, as it
says it is fed up with ZANU PF refusing to grant hero
status to its members
who fought in the liberation struggle.
Although the conferring of hero
status should be a national issue, ZANU PF
has over the years made Heroes
Acre a place where only its members are
buried, much to the anger of many
Zimbabweans. In addition to ZIPRA, the MDC
and ZAPU have also attacked
Robert Mugabe’s party over the issue.
ZIPRA says four of its members who
died in recent weeks have been denied
hero status, despite fighting in the
struggle. In the past few weeks it lost
four members - Themba Khanye,
Sikhethabahle Mahlangu, Robert Mlalazi and
Stanley Donga - who all
participated in the liberation war but the
government refused to declare
them heroes.
The organisation says next time they will simply bury the
deceased at the
Nkulumane Provincial Heroes’ Acre, without seeking
government consent.
On Monday ZIPRA’s Andrew Ndlovu told NewsDay; “As a
Zimbabwean patriot who
has rights, I feel next time one of us dies, we will
go ahead and dig a
grave for them at the Nkulumane Heroes’ Acre. We deserve
to be there.
“We cannot beg to be there. We want to see who will arrest
us for burying
each other,” he said.
Another ZIPRA official said that
in the case of Khanye, they went to the war
vets provincial offices in
Entumbane and were referred to Nkulumane, where
his heroism was rejected.
They then ended up burying him in Luveve.
By Lance
Guma
18 May 2011
The
17-year old son of Strover Mutonhori has spoken exclusively to SW Radio Africa
about the 1999 murder of his father - a high profile case in which co-Home
Affairs Minister Kembo Mohadi was implicated.
Ian Tatenda Mutonhori got
in touch with us following the expose in our ongoing series every Tuesday, where
we look at some of Zimbabwe’s unsolved and deliberately ignored cases of
political violence, torture and murder.
Mutonhori snr, an employee of the
Lutheran World Federation, disappeared from the Omadu Hotel in Kezi and his
remains were later found in Mzingwane outside Bulawayo. Allegations at the time
were that he had had an affair with Mohadi’s wife Tambudzani and the then Deputy
Minister of Local Government ordered a hit on him.
On Wednesday Ian
Muntonhori told us ever since the murder of his father the family has been
struggling to make ends meet. Mutonhori left behind a wife and three children,
Ian who is 17 and two girls now aged 20 and 26.
“My mother is unemployed
and can’t get work,’ Ian explained. An added challenge to finding work is that
they keep having to move house, because Mohadi allegedly keeps track of where
they are staying and they are afraid of being in one place for too
long.
“My dad used to earn a good salary working for an NGO, the Lutheran
World Federation, but now things have changed and life is hard for us.” For
example Ian told us he needs to register to write ten “O” level subjects but
does not have the money to do so and the deadline is this Friday.
Although
police have in the past interviewed Mohadi in connection with Mutonhori’s
murder, he was later promoted to Home Affairs Minister in 2002. Ian told us
“ever since Mohadi was made Home Affairs Minister, nothing has moved,” in terms
of the investigation and a possible prosecution.
Those willing to assist
the Mutonhori family can contact Ian Tatenda Mutonhori on iantatenda@gmail.com
Please see previous article
of Mutonhori murder on this link
Wednesday, 18 May 2011
The State today admitted to inserting wrong
evidence papers in charging the MDC Deputy Treasurer General and Energy and
Power Development Minister, Hon Elton Mangoma.
Hon. Mangoma is facing trumped
up charges of abusing public office as minister when he averted a national
crisis by assisting in the sourcing of five million litres of fuel last
December.
Chris Mutangadura, a law officer in the Attorney General’s
Office (AG) today sought to substitute Annexure A that was brought as evidence
in court during today’s trial. Mutangadura admitted that Annexure A had been
wrongly inserted and sought to have new evidence which lists approved foreign
importers of fuel into Zimbabwe.
Before Mutangadura’s admission of using
incorrect documents to prosecute Hon. Mangoma, High Court Judge, Justice
Chinembiri Bhunu had granted the State a chance to re-cross examine the Energy
and Power Development Secretary, Justin Mupamhanga after it had made an
appeal.
Mutangadura’s appeal was brought about after the State was left
limping during the cross examination process, where Mupamhanga absolved Hon.
Mangoma of any wrong doing.
However, Mutangadura asked the High Court for the
deletion of the first list before submitting a new list for cross examination.
The trial continues tomorrow.
Hon. Mangoma was arrested early
this year and was remanded in custody for two weeks at the Harare Remand Prison
before he was granted a US$5 000 bail.
Together, united, winning,
voting for real change!!
--
MDC Information &
Publicity Department
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona Sibanda
18 May
2011
The majority of Zimbabweans are in favour of media diversity and
plurality,
so that the public can have access to a wide variety of sources
of
information.
Information from data recorded during the outreach
program of the
constitution making process reveals that in most districts of
the country,
participants advocated for the freedom and independence of the
media.
There was also a demand for media practitioners and institutions
to be
protected against any form of interference, censorship or control. But
in
many rural areas, especially ZANU PF strongholds, villagers were forced
to
toe the party line and said that they resisted changes to the current set
up
and wanted no independent broadcasters.
‘Most districts in
Mashonaland West province were against the privatization
of the broadcasting
sector. Villagers in Zvimba and Hurungwe were unanimous
that Zimbabwe should
not free the airwaves and said no to foreign based
stations like SW Radio
Africa and Studio 7.
‘But everywhere else people want a law that allows
Zimbabweans with the
resources to be allowed to operate radio and television
stations whose
content should be objective and stories balanced,’ a source
who has seen the
data said.
In provinces where the MDC has a majority
of parliamentary seats in
comparison to ZANU PF, there was agreement around
proposals to have self
regulation within the media industry. There were also
strong views that
freedom and plurality bring about competition and that
ensures quality in
the end product.
‘The quality of some of the
contributions was quite amazing for a country
that is limited in terms of
information. Most participants also underlined
serious concerns about
professional standards and ethics by the state media.
They said the state
media under the clutches of ZANU PF intentionally
spreads prejudice,
intolerance and hatred, which has largely contributed to
the polarization of
the country,’
An analyst told us that the new government that will emerge
after the next
poll should champion freedom of speech and help foster an
environment
conducive to a free media.
http://bulawayo24.com/
by BM
2011 May 18 17:51:00 | 519
Views
WIVES of men employed by the National Railways of Zimbabwe have
imposed
bedroom sanctions on their husbands saying they are too hungry to
enjoy
pleasures of the flesh after the parastatal failed to pay their
spouses for
the past three months.
The stunning revelations of the
sex embargo were made early this week during
a demonstration by the
disgruntled wives over NRZ's failure to pay salaries
to their husbands since
March. "Lathi sifuna ukulala sikholise lamadoda ethu
ngoba yikho okwenziwa
ngabantu abatshadileyo. Asisenelisi ukukwenza ngoba
siyabe singelamandla
ngenxa yendlala. Ngubani sibili ongafuniyo
ukuzikholisela into le sayiphiwa
ngu Nkulunkulu (We also want to have sex
with our husbands but we can not do
so on an empty stomach. There is no
motivation there,) said Mrs. Nyathi, the
women's representative.
Mrs Nyathi said they last had sex in February and
everyone in the crowd
concurred. "Sacina ukupha amadoda ethu ngo February
lapho abahola khona
njalo imali engakwananga. Njengaye wonke umuntu
silemizwa kodwa kunzima
ukuba silandele imizwa impilo isimele kubi kangaka.
(We last had sex in
February when they were paid. We are human and as such
we have feelings but
we are forced to suppress them because the motivation
is not there because
of the difficulties that we are facing). The
representative said that the
parastatal's management should be charged for
infringing their conjugal
rights.
"Every married person is entitled
to conjugal rights but the failure by NRZ
administration to pay our husbands
is tantamount to infringing those
rights," said Mrs Nyathi. She revealed
that some of them were demonstrating
without underwear. "Let me tell you one
thing my child some of the women
here are not even putting on underwear
because they cannot afford to buy
panties.
"How can an old woman like
me walk around the streets without underwear?
Those wearing panties bought
those funny Chinese ones which are going for $1
for three," she said drawing
raucous applause from other demonstrators. Mrs
Nyathi also said life was
becoming unbearable.
"The situation is dire especially for widows and
pensioners who are being
paid between US$10 and US$14 per month and to make
matters worse, they are
not even given that paltry amount." Another woman
interjected and said: "My
husband passed on two years ago and I am getting
US$10 per month, look at
me, I am putting on torn clothes, I have no shoes,
is that fair ?" asked the
widow.
Some women said they were on
Anti-retroviral therapy and a balanced diet was
a must to them but they were
failing to buy themselves descent food yet
their husbands were going to work
everyday.
Efforts to meet the parastatal management by the demonstrators were
fruitless as they were denied entry into the NRZ building along Fife Street
and 9th Avenue by security personnel.
As if that was not enough, riot
police were called in to quash the
demonstration which only fuelled the
protesters' burning zeal. They left
momentarily vowing they would return
with reinforcements and force their way
inside.
"Nxa becabanga ukuba
singamagwala manje abalibonanga ngoba sizaphenduka,"
(if they think we are
cowards they are in for a rude shock. We'll be back!)
declared Mrs Nyathi
sounding ominously like Arnold Schwarzenegger in the
movie Terminator .
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
18/05/2011 00:00:00
by Business
Reporter
GOVERNMENT plans to open the country’s railways sector to
private investors
in order to bring in new capital as well as help modernise
dilapidated
infrastructure and improve service delivery.
Vice
President Joyce Mujuru told a recent infrastructure development forum
in the
resort town of Victoria Falls that the National Railways of Zimbabwe’s
(NRZ)
virtual monopoly over the sector was under review.
"The Government is
currently reviewing the regulatory framework governing
rail transport with a
view to establish a regulatory authority for the
sub-sector,” Mujuru
said.
"The rail transport system will be opened for strategic
partnerships in rail
construction, while rail services will be opened to the
private sector."
The country’s railways infrastructure is virtually
inoperable due to lack of
investment over the years with the World Bank
recently advising the NRZ to
shut down some 75 percent of the rail network
because it had become
dysfunctional.
Nine of the parastatal’s ten
electric locomotives are understood to be
parked at its Dabuka marshalling
yards just outside Gweru as the company,
which is reportedly sitting on a
huge debt pile, cannot raise the funds to
repair them. At least $274 million
is required to re-capitalise NRZ.
The government recently announced that
it had acquired new locomotives from
China but these have not been delivered
over payment issues.
Meanwhile Mujuru said private sector capital would
be brought into the
sector through private-public sector partnerships
(PPPs).
"The Government adopted Private Public Sector Partnerships
(PPPs). Such
partnerships have brought a revolution to infrastructure
development,” she
said.
"Concepts such as Build, Operate and
Transfer, Build, Own and Operate, as
well as Rehabilitate, Operate and
Transfer are now common language in
Zimbabwe."
A similar arrangement was
done with the Beitbridge Bulawayo Railway (BBR)
company in 1995.
The
US$65 million project involved the building and rehabilitation of 317 km
of
line between Beitbridge, the busiest cargo border crossing point in the
region, and Bulawayo, ensuring providing quicker and more efficient access
to South Africa and its ports.
The line provided a more direct route
for freight giving transporters – who
previously had to go through Botswana
-- significant savings in time and
money for transporters.
BBR, whose
backers included South African companies, Nedcor Investment Bank,
New
Limpopo Project Investments and Old Mutual, was also awarded a US$270.5
million contract in 1999 to build the planned Harare--Chitungwiza line
although government later cancelled the deal.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com/
18/05/2011 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
TEN people died on Wednesday morning after a minibus
ferrying early morning
commuters was involved in a collision with a haulage
truck in downtown
Harare.
Four of the dead were residents of Kuwadzana
suburb, according to the MP for
the area, Nelson Chamisa.
Police were
called after the minibus travelling from Kuwadzana along Samora
Machel
Avenue ploughed into the truck driving across along Bishop Gaul
Avenue.
Witnesses claimed the traffic lights were not working at the time,
although
they appeared functional when our correspondent arrived at the
scene.
Ten people died on the spot, including the minibus’ driver who
has been
named as Jack Ndeketeya, 29. Only one passenger in the minibus
survived the
crash.
Police released three more names of the dead
passengers as Evas Kanoyangwa,
Idanai Alvin Kawanza, and Simbarashe Mwedzeka
– all of Kuwadzana.
Chamisa, who visited the accident scene, had by late
Wednesday also met the
families of his dead constituents.
“It’s
tragic. It’s probably true to say right now that there is a greater
chance
of dying in a car accident than from HIV/Aids. If that’s not a
national
crisis, I don’t know what is,” Chamisa said.
Chamisa called for a
government-backed national programme to reduce
accidents, while urging the
police to “work tirelessly in removing
unroadworthy vehicles on the road and
providing manpower to direct traffic
to ease congestion when traffic lights
are down as these instances have been
singled out as the major contributors
of the carnage on our roads.”
He added: “I would also urge local
authorities to repair damaged roads,
clearly mark them and install road
demarcating reflectors to aid night
driving.”
Over the Easter Holiday
weekend in April, police said 72 people died and 450
others were injured in
500 road accidents. Harare had the highest number of
accidents with more
than 195 crashes recorded.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Chief
Reporter
Wednesday, 18 May 2011 14:07
HARARE - Shell-shocked by the
tough stance against him taken at the SADC
Troika meeting in March,
President Robert Mugabe has launched all-out
diplomatic offensive ahead of
tomorrow’s summit.
In a desperate attempt to avoid SADC torpedoing his
election plans for this
year, Mugabe last week dispatched his trusted
lieutenants to spin a yarn to
regional leaders and hoodwink them into
believing that all is well in the
GNU.
Defence minister Emmerson
Munangagwa called on Jose Eduardo Dos Santos of
Angola, Minister in charge
of CIO Sydney Sekeremayi saw Armando Guebuza of
Mozambique (see story P5),
and Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono went to
Malawi to see Bingu Wa
Mutharika. In addition, SADC ambassadors in Harare
were summoned to a
briefing by Zanu (PF).
The message conveyed was carefully orchestrated: the
government is working
well, there is hardly any violence and the little that
there is should be
blamed equally on all political parties. The emissaries
quoted a report
produced by Zanu (PF)-card-carrying Police Commissioner
Augustine Chihuri in
which all violence is blamed on the MDC, with Zanu (PF)
militia and war
veterans claiming to be the victims.
Lies and deception,
aided and abetted by the police, constitute the strategy
to advance the
elections-in-2011 agenda
Mugabe knows he can count on Joseph Kabila of the
DRC, Hifikepunye Mohamba
of Namibia and King Mswati of Swaziland to side
with him and avoid consensus
at a full SADC summit.
The trouble is that
SADC has always functioned on the basis of consensus –
it is an upper-class
regional club where quiet diplomacy is preferred to any
robust show of
disapproval.
For the first time in its dealings with Zimbabwe, the Troika got
tough last
month. In general, SADC communiqués have always been woolly, but
this time
around they issued harsh words and laid the blame squarely at
Mugabe’s door.
This unexpected criticism caused a panic, and the initial
response was a
vicious attack on Zuma personally and SADC generally in the
state-controlled
media. However, it appears Mugabe and his henchmen have
realised that they
cannot afford to antagonise the region.
Analysts say
it is vital that the regional body stands firm on its Troika’s
decisions,
and emphasise to Mugabe that there will be a price to pay for
defying the
regional bloc and forging ahead with an election that no one
wants.
Even legislators in his own party have said they are not
prepared for new
elections yet.
Political commentator Ronald Shumba
says the future of SADC could be in
"great danger" if the 15-nation group
panders once again to the whims of a
dictator so ambivalent about
democracy.
Zenzele Ndebele, an activist and filmmaker, said Mugabe knows
the cost of
defying SADC and rejecting the roadmap the regional bloc has
proposed.
"If they defy SADC that means serious isolation for Zimbabwe
regionally and
internationally and I don't think they would want to take
that route," he
said.
Political analyst Hopewell Gumbo believes Zanu (PF)
is rushing to hold an
election while Mugabe can still walk.
"Zanu (PF) is
watching its leaders declining with age, as ill health takes
its toll on
some of the key figures - hence the need to rush this election,"
he
said.
Mugabe alone blows an estimated $3million of scarce state funds every
time
he goes abroad for health reasons – once a month so far this
year.
Critics blame his "power obsessed wife" Grace, who is also ailing, for
refusing to let him step down so that she can continue to enjoy the
influence and ostentatious lifestyle of a president's wife.
Analysts say
Mugabe is committing "political suicide" by calling a snap
election this
year. “The people of Zimbabwe have, since the referendum in
2000, displayed
a resilience of spirit which has shocked Mugabe and his
party of violence.
There is little doubt that, despite the huge odds against
them, they will
still make their choice known emphatically - even if
elections are held this
year,” said one observer.
MDC Senator Obert Gutu says he is flabbergasted
by Zanu (PF)'s "enthusiasm"
for an early election.
"It boggles the mind
why a party that is in terminal decline such as Zanu
(PF) would want to have
elections held this year,” he said. Meanwhile, the
MDC-T's new Youth
Assembly has already fired warning shots that it will
resist any attempt to
steal the election, and grimly warned that it will not
be a stroll in the
park. The Youth Assembly has said things have changed and
the "dictator"
needs to look at events in North Africa.
ZINASU, the students union, has also
threatened to unleash rolling street
protests if Mugabe tries to force an
early election. Its president Tafadzwa
Mugwadi said: "We are mobilising
against an early election, all ZINASU
structures and our allies. Our
position is very clear; the talk of elections
this year is utter nonsense.
It will be vigorously opposed."
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Written by Tony Saxon
Tuesday, 17 May
2011 14:40
MUTARE – The incessant power cuts in farming areas of
Manicaland have forced
some farmers to abandon winter wheat, while others
have scaled down the
hectarage.
Only a paltry 243 hectares out of the
projected 5000 hectares have been
planted. Wheat farmers said winter wheat
farming was an irrigation intensive
crop that required more electricity to
power irrigation machines.
“The power cuts have adversely affected us. This
has compromised our
planting and harvesting projections,” said Festers
Muchirahondo, a wheat
farmer in Mutare.
The Manicaland Provincial
Agricultural Extension Officer, Godfrey Mamhare,
said although he
anticipated that the farmers were going to beat the 5000 ha
target, it had
become difficult because of the incessant power cuts.
“Winter wheat entirely
depends on irrigation and the on going power outages
are unfriendly to
winter wheat production. Many of the farmers have stopped
venturing into it
because of this,” he commented.
“Both the availability and cost of
electricity are of major concern. The
cost is a limiting factor and at the
end, it will chew the gains leaving the
farmers with nothing,” added
Mamhare.
The President of Commercial Farmers Union, Deron Theron, last week
said
winter wheat farming was an impending disaster.
“The winter wheat
production is likely to be disaster owing to lack of
assurance from Zesa.
Apart from power shortages, lines of credit from banks
and shortage of
inputs is also going to impact heavily,” said Theron.
In response the acting
general manager at Zimbabwe Electricity and
Transmission Distribution
Company, Julian Chinembiri, said: “We have had a
series of meetings with the
farmers and we have resolved that farmers need
at least three days a week of
power supplies to be able to irrigate.”
http://www.radiovop.com/
18/05/2011 13:27:00
Bulawayo, May 18,
2011 - Elephants have invaded and destroyed about five
hectares of planted
maize crop that was awaiting harvest at a police owned
farm in Inyathi,
Matabeleland North province of Zimbabwe.
The stray elephants, according
to police officials, invaded the police owned
Eland Farm in Matabeleland
North on Sunday evening, and destroyed all
planted crops.
Acting
Matabeleland North police spokesperson, Sergeant Eglon Nkala said
seven
stray elephants destroyed the boundary fence to gain entrance into the
farm
and ruined planted crops.
“The crops were under irrigation and were all
ruined by the stray elephants.
The elephants destroyed an extensive
hectarage of crops, most of which was
maize,” Sergeant Nkala
said.
Sergeant Nkala - who appealed to the Wildlife Parks and Management
Authority
to drive off the elephants - said stray elephants were a
‘nuisance’ in
Inyathi as they continue to destroy villagers planted
crops.
Parks and Wildlife management Authority spokesperson, Caroline
Washaya-Moyo
could not be reached for comment on the statistics of stray
elephants and
the current elephant population inn the
country.
Zimbabwe’s elephant population continues to balloon but
independent
conservationist groups accuse government officials of inflating
the figures
so as to benefit from ivory trade.
Johnny Rodrigues of
the Zimbabwean Conservation Taskforce has said the
elephant population had
fallen to 60,000 at the most, yet the government
puts the figure at more
than 100,000.
Rodrigues has said corrupt officials wanted to dupe the
Convention on
International Trade in Endangered Species (Cites) into
allowing Zimbabwe to
continue trading in ivory, alleging that corrupt
government officials are
believed to have stockpiled ivory from animals shot
in national parks and
private game parks seized from their white owners.
http://www.radiovop.com/
18/05/2011
13:35:00
Harare, May 18, 2011 - The Zimbabwe Union of Journalists
(ZUJ) has warned
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Mines and Mining
Development Minister
Obert Mpofu against politicising the profession of
journalism.
Last week Tsvangirai who was addressing a public meeting
organised by
Southern Africa Political Economy Series in Harare described
journalists
from the public media as shallow minded. Mines and Mining
Development
Minister Obert Mpofu last week also directly attacked a Daily
news
reporter, Chengetai Zvauya, saying he was acting as a mouth piece of
imperialists.
In a statement to it members on Tuesday ZUJ said these
developments were
exposing journalists to attacks by political parties’
supporters.
“We are concerned that some of the public officials
implicated in the use of
intolerant language with potential to undermine or
demean journalists are
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, whose statements
implied that colleagues
working in the public media are
‘shallow’.
ZUJ acknowledged that journalists needed to improve on
professional and
ethical conduct because for several years the profession
had been in the
doldrums.
However the use of terms such as ‘shallow’
in reference to practitioners
cannot be tolerated especially in a volatile
political environment such as
ours.
This is particularly so, when
such statements are attributed to the Prime
Minister, who for many years
fought for the rights of workers,” ZUJ said.
ZUJ also condemned Mines and
Mining minister for his continued
traumatisation of the Daily News
reporters.
“ZUJ is equally appalled by statements attributed to Mines
Minister, Obert
Mpofu who singled out the Daily News while appearing before
the
Parliamentary Portfolio committee on Mines and
Energy."
"Allegations that colleagues working at the Daily News were
working with the
country’s detractors are unacceptable and only serve to put
journalists at
risk. The trauma that has been visited upon journalists at
the Daily News
through bombings and closure is known to many."
ZUJ
said the minister should choose his words carefully as they have serious
implications on the safety of journalists in an environment where there is
heightened talk of a referendum and elections in the near future.
ZUJ
also noted with concern and condemned reports that journalists, Xolisani
Ncube of the Daily News was allegedly told by Harare Town Clerk, Tendai
Mahachi that “I will deal with you,” and Daily News Entertainment editor,
Maxwell Sibanda who was recently threatened with death by musician, Andy
Brown in full view of other journalists.
“While all this was going
on, journalist, Mzwandile Ndlovu was arrested in
Hwange. These developments
are happening after ZUJ President Dumisani
Sibanda was arrested late in 2010
with another, journalist, Nqobani Ndlovu
and Nevanji Madanhire being
persecuted. News Day has also been a victim of
targeted attacks through
interrogations and a suspicious violation.
Meanwhile Media Alliance
of Zimbabwe (MAZ) has opposed the move to form a
statutory media council by
the ZMC to recognise the Voluntary Media Council
of Zimbabwe (VMCZ), a body
that promotes a professional and free media
environment through voluntary
self-regulation of the media.
Partners in MAZ include ZUJ, the Zimbabwe
chapter of the Media Institute of
Southern Africa, the Media Monitoring
Project of Zimbabwe, the VMCZ, among
others media
stakeholders.
This follows an invitation by the ZMC to Media Alliance
of Zimbabwe partners
to a meeting held on Tuesday to consult on the
formation of a statutory
media council, according to provisions in the
Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).
“MAZ
cannot be part of this engagement that creates a media council
according to
terms of AIPPA. The law allows the council to jail journalists,
ban and
close down media operations, as has happened in the past,” MAZ said
in a
statement distributed by its coordinator,” Patience Zirima.
MAZ urged the
Commission instead, to campaign for the repeal of AIPPA as
envisaged by
resolutions of the government’s media stakeholders’ conference
held in
Kariba in May 2009.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tererai Karimakwenda
18
May, 2011
An alliance of independent media groups this week turned down
an invitation
by the Zimbabwe Media Commission (ZMC), to consult on the
formation of yet
another media body. Alliance partners declined the
invitation, saying they
believe in self-regulation of the media and the
proposed statutory council
would have power to control journalists and media
practitioners.
The ZMC had invited partners in the Media Alliance of
Zimbabwe (MAZ) to take
part in consultations on Tuesday, as required by
provisions in the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA). But Alliance partners
refused to participate and wrote to the ZMC,
criticizing AIPPA as oppressive
legislation that abuses the rights of media
players in Zimbabwe.
“MAZ cannot be part of this engagement that creates
a media council
according to terms of AIPPA. The law allows the council to
jail journalists,
ban and close down media operations, as has happened in
the past,” the MAZ
letter said.
The letter went further and called on
the ZMC to campaign for the repeal of
AIPPA in its entirety, according to
resolutions that were laid out at a
government media stakeholders’
conference held in May, 2009.
But in response the ZMC held a press
conference on Wednesday and announced
that they would move ahead with
formation of the media council, without any
consultations. Patience Zirima,
coordinator for the Alliance, said this must
have been the plan anyway,
since it came the day after the so-called
consultations were to have taken
place.
“We believe that as a profession the media should regulate itself
just like
any other industry,” Zirima said. “AIPPA has previously been used
to target
journalists and the media and this may continue in the future
under this
statutory council,” she added.
The Alliance also called on
the Commission to recognise the Voluntary Media
Council of Zimbabwe (VMCZ),
saying the group “promotes a professional and
free media environment through
voluntary self-regulation of the media”.
Alliance partners that signed
the letter to the ZMC include the Media
Institute of Southern Africa, Media
Monitoring Project, National Editors’
Forum, Union of Journalists,
Federation of African Media Women and African
Community Publishing
Development Trust.
The ZMC appears to be resisting the development of a
truly independent media
in the country. Even though several newspapers are
now available after
government licensed them, there are still no independent
broadcasters in the
country.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/
Written by SW Radio Africa
Wednesday, 18 May 2011
06:34
Nelson Chamisa, the new MDC-T National Organising Secretary, joins
SW Radio
Africa journalist Lance Guma on Question Time to answer questions
sent in by
listeners. Chamisa explains why he decided to put himself forward
for the
post. He reacts to state media reports that Elias Mudzuri, who he
defeated
for the new post, will be quitting the party. He responds to
questions on
alleged tribalism in the party and the violence seen in the
run-up to the
congress and how they will deal with it.
Lance Guma:
The guest on Question Time is the new MDC national organising
secretary
Nelson Chamisa. We asked listeners to send in their questions in
advance
using Facebook, Twitter, Skype, email and text messages. Mr Chamisa
joins us
to answer those questions. First of all thank you for joining us on
the
programme and congratulations on the new post.
Nelson Chamisa:
Thank you, thank you very much Mr Guma, thank you so much.
Guma:
Right our first question comes from Antoinette in Beitbridge who says,
and I
quote: it was a bold move to leave the more glamorous post of party
spokesman to want to become the national organising secretary – why did you
take this decision?
Chamisa: Well thank you very much, two things
there. First of all, the
deployment of cadres to various positions is not a
matter of glamour or
honour, it is a matter of responsibility (inaudible) to
protect our
organisation.
So I must say that it’s not a
question of choosing things that attract
glitter and glamour for one but
things that actually would make sure that we
reach our destination, that is
a new Zimbabwe and that we achieve our goal
and our purpose that is to
realise real change in Zimbabwe.
But more importantly, which is
my second point, in MDC, leaders are not
there to ask for positions, they
are given positions by the people whom they
lead. We get deployed, we get
assigned to various stations of duty by our
members, in fact people are
nominated from the provinces to pick and choose
from those nominations which
position they are supposed to then contest.
In fact I only
accepted the nomination that came from the provinces to say I
should take up
the position of organising, mobilising, educating, training,
conscientising
and making sure that the party itself is driven in terms of
membership, in
terms of structures and that position is not an easy one but
who am to
abscond the duty when duty calls?
Guma: Now at the congress in
Bulawayo you said you were like a horn of a cow
with a defunct engine and
you needed to be the engine of the party. You went
further to say: it’s
better to have a functional engine and a dead horn than
to have a functional
horn and a dead engine. Do you believe party structures
were or are
dead?
Chamisa: Look, MDC is such a giant organisation, it’s such
a big, big
organisation. The party has grown ever since the split of the
party, the
party has even grown stronger, bigger and the membership is so
huge that we
have to make sure that the leadership capacity is commensurate
with the
demands and dictates of the base that is growing
As
it is we need to step up to the plate in terms of making sure that we
enhance our structures, we mobilise our structures, we educate our
structures, we also build on discipline, we build on protocol and those
issues, in my view, have not been quite good.
A case in point
is our performance during the COPAC programme. A case in
point is our
performance during the Congress itself. Some of the challenges
that we had
are as a result of a clear and naked deficit of good protocol,
good
communication, good camaraderie and comradeship within the party,
building
that cadre who is round and polished.
That is the kind of
direction we must take so that at least when we are
talking of a party of
excellence it’s not a party of excellence on paper but
in practise. When we
are talking of a party of excellence we are not talking
of a party of
excellence in slogans or on rally posters, it is the party of
excellence in
reality, in deed and in action and that is what we are trying
to
do.
You may also know that we have gained so much ground as a
party yet there is
still yet some more ground to cover. We are on the
journey to the promised
land, we can see, we can point to it but we are not
all yet there and the
only reason we are going to give Zimbabweans a country
they deserve, a
better Zimbabwe and a new Zimbabwe where governance, where
vision, where
leadership is not in short supply is when we build a strong
movement.
And this is why it is important that we build those
forces for change
through our leadership, through our membership, making
sure that we
galvanise the entire country. Have a proper membership
database, have proper
structures that are functional, that are able to
debate issues, that are
very dynamic and robust. Have a radical youth wing,
have a visible women’s
assembly.
Those are the issues that
I’m supposed to deal with and I feel that the task
before us is that task
that is not going to surpass our capacity. We are
going to be able to deal
with each issue and that is why I think it’s a
great moment for the party,
it’s an exciting opportunity for the party to
make sure that we organise and
mobilise, we communicate and perform so that
indeed we become a party of
excellence.
Guma: The run-up to the third MDC Congress was marred
by several incidents
of violence where youths aligned to rival party
candidates turned on each
other, several elections had to be re-done after
they were disrupted. Now
most of our listeners sent in questions centred on
this: Trymore texting us
from Murewa for instance wants to know why all
these disturbances took place
and what the party or you as the new national
organising secretary will do
about this.
Chamisa: Well I’ll
answer those questions in two parts. The first part is in
three sections:
first of all you must understand in terms of what caused the
issues. The
issues were caused by exogenous and extrinsic forces or factors
and in this
case, we point our finger at ZANU PF. They are the ones who were
trying to
disrupt and destabilise our structures from the branch
level.
Fortunately they’ve not succeeded. They try to contaminate
our basket of
good apples. You know that in any basket of good apples you
always have
those that are affected by the virus of ZANU PF. We actually are
happy that
those have been flushed out, those have been guarded against to
the extent
that we had to deal with them and we have to expose them,
particularly in
Bulawayo and also in some cases in Manicaland and partly in
Harare.
But I also want to emphasise the second point that
there’s been
over-dramatisation of the disturbances in the party. This has
not been an
ubiquitous phenomenon, these are issues, that is the cases of
disturbance
that were not quite pervasive, they were in isolated areas and
the reason
why they were there is because of what I have already referred to
as
exogenous factors, obviously ZANU PF being the point
there.
But then the third issue which is also important is the
fact that we still
have cultural issues to deal with, the character of our
movement, the
character of a people’s party of excellence should be such
that you don’t
have people who use violence or anarchy or chaos as a way of
organising or
as a way of transacting political
business.
It’s a culture alien to the MDC but it is a culture
that has been imported
from ZANU PF by certain elements. So this is
(inaudible) within the
organising department to make sure we build distinct
and unique character as
a party that is premised on value of peace,
tranquillity, values of
cross-pollination of ideas, values of not being
disciples of personalities
but disciples of issues. Values of looking at
principles and not the
principal.
This is what we have to
deal with in terms of debunking and expulsion from
the people’s minds
certain notions that belong to the politics of darkness,
politics of
deification and worshipping individuals – that is the character
of ZANU PF.
The character of the MDC is quite opposed to that and this is
part of the
reason why I feel that I have a duty, the pastoral duty to go
and lecture,
to go and preach that message.
That message of making sure that
we move away from just personality cult but
to the cult of issues so we are
just not looking at people who are
soft-liners or hardliners but people who
are ‘logic-liners’, people who
follow the logic of the values and principles
of the movement. And that is
the reason why you found that most of the
people who had problems they are
actually victims of this old culture, of
this mentality.
These are people we are trying to deal with and
we want to make sure that in
all circumstances, this demon of ZANU PF is
exorcised from the structures of
the party and the people of the
party.
The second part of my response is that in terms of what we
are going to be
doing as we move forward, you must also realise that part of
the reason why
people were so energetic in their issues is because the party
is (inaudible)
the party is almost going to win the next election hands down
and everybody
is seeing that we have a train that is about to get to the
destination so
they would want to be part of either the drivers or the
passengers and those
who will fail to do so would do so using even uncouth
mechanisms to cling
onto this moving train.
Some people will
even cling onto the tail (inaudible) the table and the MDC
is certainly
going to win an election. It is the only dominant and existing
political
song in Zimbabwe and that has caused a lot of pressure; people
feel that
they want to be part of the winning team, they want to be part of
this team
that is almost succeeding.
But what I want to emphasise Mr Guma
is that in terms of resolving our
issues, we have resolved as a national
council, resolved as the Congress
that all those people who were personally
or impersonally, directly or
indirectly involved in disturbances,
vicariously or otherwise are going to
be dealt with in very swift
circumstances.
In fact that precision of a butcher’s cleaver
slicing meat and bone is what
is going to be the case and the fate of
whoever is going to be found to have
been involved in problems. Like I said
before, ZANU PF had a hand to play,
there are stakeholders in MDC because
they would want to destabilise our
democratic train.
They
know that it’s the only hope for the people of Zimbabwe, to frustrate
the
hope of the people of Zimbabwe. So whoever was involved in this thing
are
dealt with and we have said we are going to do two things: the
organising
department (inaudible) the issues thoroughly, investigate what
happened but
we are also going to have an independent enquiry to ascertain
who were the
role players, the main actors in these issues within the party
and also
outside the party because you must also realise that there were
agents that
were then used or people who became willing players and willing
tools to
ZANU PF’s shenanigans and machinations.
Those people we are going
to flush out, not out of vindictive politics
because our diktat in
organising is that to add is to strengthen and to
subtract is to weaken. We
are not going to throw away members, we make sure
that we add as many
members as possible, including those in ZANU PF.
Those who voted
for us in parliament, yes those who are disgruntled by ZANU
PF politics of
darkness, yes those who feel that they have been let down by
other smaller
political parties we want to make sure that we open our arms,
we open our
doors, we make sure they have appropriate seats in this
democratic train. So
that is what we are going to do.
The second point is also going to be an
educational programme so that people
are clear in terms of the new genre of
politics we are trying to introduce
in this country. You know it is just not
politics of hatred, politics of
acrimony, it has to be politics of harmony,
politics of cross-pollination of
ideas. You differ, there’s diversity but in
magnanimity you differ but with
happiness so that you have happy
differences, you have convivial and jovial
differences. That is the kind of
direction we are taking.
Guma: Several questions have come from
people in the MDC structures in South
Africa, the UK and the United States
and the question is why were MDC
external assemblies blocked from nominating
candidates to the congress?
Chamisa: Well they were not blocked at
all. It was only because I think
there was a communication breakdown, they
waited until it was too late, only
to see their complaints in the newspaper.
We have since communicated to the
structures to say that in the future we
don’t take lightly communication
that is done through the
press.
The party has clear communication protocol, the protocols,
the party has
very clear internal structures to deal with any kind of
discomfort by or to
any member and that was not followed. So it’s not as if
they were stopped
from nominating, in fact there was active and visible
participation of
external structures here in Bulawayo at the
Congress.
South Africa was represented, the UK represented and
the external assembly
in the US, quite represented. In fact there was very
active through
resolutions we took, through the constitutional debates we
had and even the
Congress itself. It was quite a happy affair so I don’t
know where the
continued complaints have come from because the thing has
since been
resolved.
Guma: The state owned media have been
running stories suggesting Elias
Mudzuri, the man you replaced as national
organising secretary will be
making an announcement in the near future that
he is quitting the MDC. Have
you been told anything remotely close to
this?
Chamisa: Well look – we have just had a very successful
congress; a congress
that emphasised the health and richness of our internal
party democracy. A
congress that defined the excellence that we continue to
brag about and to
beat about our chests.
We have had a
congress that has defined that in MDC it is possible for
brothers to contest
and have a winner and also have the one who assists the
winner, accepting
that there is indeed a winner and that has the been the
character we are
also, show the character we are trying to build as a
movement.
Like I said, we belong to alternative politics, we
belong to alternative
approaches in politics. Ours is politics of peaceful
co-existence. I have no
reason to believe that my brother Engineer Mudzuri
would have any reason to
behave in a manner that is not consistent with the
tradition of the
movement.
When people get re-deployed in
positions, it’s not out of lack of
confidence, it’s just out of
re-arrangement of the deck in order to make
sure that we strengthen our
forces, we also put our ducks in a row and we
are on all fours in terms of
the thrust and momentum we would want to build
for our
struggle.
Engineer Mudzuri is going to be very useful as a
member, he’s experienced as
a mayor, he’s experienced as the organising
secretary. His knowledge as a
graduate, he’s one of our very profound and
strong intellectuals in the
party whom we feel are going to be very useful
to this movement.
You know this movement is not going to be
strengthened by an individual
character, it’s going to be out of our
collective strength, out of our
collective wisdom and our collective
experience that we will be able to move
this party
forward.
So yes, that would be the wish of ZANU PF but I don’t
feel and I don’t think
that Engineer Mudzuri would want to give credit or
accolades to ZANU PF for
free, whatever makes ZANU PF go mad is what is good
for us as a party and I
know that Engineer Mudzuri understands that and
would not have any reason to
behave in a manner that would make ZANU PF
smile.
Guma: Funny you should talk about Mudzuri being
re-deployed by the party –
the next email is from a guy called Wiseman – he
says are there any plans to
appoint Mudzuri to any position within the party
than leaving him as an
ordinary card carrying member?
Wiseman
goes on to say his CV is too strong to just let him go and he cites
the fact
that he’s a former mayor, former Energy Minister and a former
organising
secretary – so what’s your answer for Wiseman there?
Chamisa: Wiseman
seems to have read my mind before I even answered. It’s
quite clear that we
believe in horses for courses in the MDC. We believe
that there’s no human
being worth throwing away. All human beings are born
for a reason, this is
why we are created in our millions if not billions
because we have unique
and distinct competencies.
We hope that we are going to create a
feeling and a chemistry of those
competencies for the common good of the
party. Engineer Mudzuri has so many
distinct advantages that some of us may
not possess or that some of us may
not even carry. We want to make sure that
we leverage on those advantages,
we leverage on those points of strength and
merit so that we move forward.
As you may know, in MDC we believe
in servant leadership, we believe in
meritocratic leadership. Leadership is
supposed to be on the basis of merit,
leadership is on the basis of capacity
and also on the basis of serving the
people so this is nothing personal.
It’s just like what I said in the Labour
party where you had Ed and Dave
competing for the leadership of the Labour
party.
That is the
kind of culture we would want to cultivate in the MDC. Who
knows, next time
perhaps Chamisa gets there with the energy, I get too tired
too quickly, I
would then leave it to my brother Engineer Mudzuri to take
over and complete
the journey. It is all about team spirit, it is all about
camaraderie, it’s
all about comradeship and cadre-ship.
As we move forward we are
going to be complimenting one another in terms of
the path we are taking. So
nobody has been thrown out of the boat. We are
not so stupid as to donate
any single body to the sharks of ZANU PF. We are
not so stupid as to just
donate any single body to the crocodiles in ZANU
PF. We are quite clear as
to why we should remain united because unity is
going to be the winning
formula for the party.
Guma: We have received a statement from Dr
Simba Makoni’s Mavambo Kusile
Dawn party claiming the MDC Congress was all
about an advancement of the
Shona over the Ndebele. They are claiming that
the party is run along tribal
lines. What’s your reaction to those
accusations?
Chamisa: Oh I feel sorry for Mr Makoni. Mr Makoni
has not been focussing on
issues; he’s clearly shown that he is out of depth
on issues; he is out of
focus in terms of the expectations of the people of
Zimbabwe. He has clearly
been rejected by the people of Zimbabwe because his
politics is
contaminated, his politics is not quite different to the
politics of ZANU PF
and I think he should not then try to locate his
mischief or his misfortunes
in the politics of the MDC.
Our
party stands above the politics of tribe; we are detribalised in our
approach, we believe that leaders should be voted in on the basis of both
merit and also the balance of all the four corners of Zimbabwe and this is
why we have made sure that meritocratically and also geographically we are a
balanced leadership.
And I must say that this is why you find
leaders like Honourable Thokozani
Khupe our vice president and also
Honourable (Lovemore) Moyo our national
chairman who were overwhelmingly
voted by our delegates.
Probably the highest number of votes not
on the basis of tribe but on the
basis of their merit and also on the basis
that we would want to see a
leadership that has a reflection of that
rainbowness of our nation. The
mosaic character of our being and that has
been reflected.
You come here in Zimbabwe, you chat with each and
every individual I think
Mr Simba Makoni is the only person who is not
comfortable with this
Congress. There are celebrations on the streets, there
are celebrations in
the bars, in the churches celebrating the MDC Congress
for the internal
party democracy, for the secrecy of the ballot, for the way
these elections
have been managed and also the way we have managed our
campaign and we would
say to Mr Simba Makoni – please learn from the MDC and
earn your respect
rather than to try and attack the MDC without full
facts.
That would simply ensure that he is distanced further away
from the wishes
and aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. So these are just
remarks by Mr
Makoni I think as a way of trying to seek relevance but it’s
unfortunate
that he’s trying to raise a tribal card which he cannot
obviously
competently raise considering the character of his movement if
there’s any
movement to talk about.
Guma: That’s the new MDC
national organising secretary Nelson Chamisa
joining us on Question Time to
take your questions. Mr Chamisa thank you
very much for joining
us.
Chamisa: Thank you.
Feedback can be sent to lance@swradioafrica.com http://twitter.com/lanceguma
or http://www.facebook.com/lance.guma
SW
Radio Africa is Zimbabwe’s Independent Voice and broadcasts on Short Wave
4880 KHz in the 60m band.
CONSTITUTION WATCH
CONTENT SERIES 3/2011
[17th May
2011]
Executive
Powers [Part II]
Introduction
In the first Part of this Constitution Watch
we set out the powers that can be exercised by the Executive and explained the
need for restraints to be imposed on those powers. In this Part we shall go on
to examine the restraints that may be imposed on some of the powers to prevent
their use for partisan political purposes, and shall suggest that some of the
powers should be abolished altogether.
Restrictions on the Nature and Extent of
Executive Powers
1. Power over the
Legislature
Under this heading fall the President’s
power to appoint members of the Senate and to summon, adjourn and dismiss
Parliament.
(a)
Power to appoint Senators
The President
appoints five Senators directly and an additional 28 indirectly through his
power to appoint Provincial Governors and chiefs (section 34 of the
Constitution). Under article 20.1.9 of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) he
can appoint an additional six Senators nominated by the MDC formations. Quite
clearly this power violates the doctrine of separation of powers, which
envisages an independent legislature. Under the new constitution all Senators
(assuming there is a Senate) should be elected directly by the people or elected
or appointed by interest groups who are not themselves part of the
Executive.
(b)
Power to summon, adjourn or dissolve
Parliament
Under the
present Constitution the President can summon, prorogue [i.e. stop Parliament
sitting until he re-summons it], and dissolve Parliament [in which case there
has to be a new election] at any time, though he must now get the Prime
Minister’s consent before dissolving Parliament (sections 62 & 63 as read
with article 20.1.3(q) of the GPA). The only limit which the Constitution
places on these powers is to require Parliament to sit at least once every six
months (section 62(2)).
We should give
careful consideration to abolishing or severely restricting this power in the
new Constitution. It limits Parliament’s independence, and has a chilling
effect on freedom of debate because members may fear that if they discuss
sensitive matters the Executive will respond by proroguing or dissolving
Parliament.
In many
countries, for example the United States and South Africa, the legislature is
elected for a fixed term, and during its term can decide when and how often it
sits. Even the United Kingdom, where our President’s current power originates,
is reconsidering the right of the Executive to dissolve Parliament before its
term has expired. We should reconsider it too.
2. Legislative power,
namely the power to enact legislation
In Zimbabwe, the President and his
Ministers have extensive legislative powers conferred on them by various Acts of
Parliament. The most notorious of these Acts is the Presidential Powers
(Temporary Measures) Act, which allows the President to make regulations on
virtually any subject, if he thinks urgent action is needed in the general
public interest. The only limits on his power are, firstly, that he must revoke
his regulations if Parliament requires him to do so [it has never done this];
and, secondly, that the regulations expire after six months [though they can be
replaced by similar ones].
The Presidential Powers (Temporary
Measures) Act is not the only Act that gives extensive legislative powers to the
President: some old statutes, particularly those inherited from the Federation
of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, are almost as broad. The Control of Goods Act, for
example, empowers the President to make regulations controlling the import,
export, distribution, rationing, disposal, purchase and sale of goods, as well
as the prices of goods and the charges for services relating to goods. So wide
is the Act, that the President could, if he were so minded, use it to make
regulations controlling the entire economy. Other statutes giving the President
similarly broad powers are the Exchange Control Act, the Animal Health Act and
the Plant Pests and Diseases Act.
Many Acts give Ministers wide powers to
make regulations and statutory instruments. Perhaps the most notorious, because
it is so far-reaching and vague, is the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment
Act, but there are others almost as wide.
All these statutes should be repealed or
amended to reduce the Executive’s legislative powers, and the new Constitution
should try so far as possible to prevent Parliament from delegating its
legislative powers to members of the Executive. Any such delegation should
extend no further than allowing Ministers to fill in details in Acts of
Parliament, for example specifying forms to be used in applications, etc. In
addition, the new constitution should require the President and Ministers to
have wide consultation with interested parties before enacting regulations; at
the very least this may improve the efficacy of their
regulations.
3. Power over the Judiciary
(a) Power
to appoint judicial officers
Appointment of judges - under section 84 of the present
Constitution, the President appoints judges of the Supreme Court and the High
Court after consultation with the Judicial Service Commission; he does not have
to take the Commission’s advice, but if he goes against it the Senate must be
informed [though the Senate cannot compel him to revoke appointments made
contrary to the Commission’s recommendation]. Under section 92 of the
Constitution judicial officers presiding over specialised courts such as the
Administrative Court and the Labour Court are similarly appointed by the
President after consultation with the Judicial Service Commission — though there
is no provision for the Senate to be informed if the President goes against the
Commission’s advice. Since the inception of the GPA, the President has, at
least in theory, had to get the Prime Minister to agree to judicial appointments
(article 20.1.3(p) of Schedule 8 to the Constitution). For all practical
purposes the obligation to consult or agree is impossible to
enforce.
Appointment of magistrates – magistrates, the workhorses of the
judicial system, are appointed by the Judicial Service Commission under section
7 of the Magistrates Court Act.
The Judicial Service Commission itself is
composed entirely of presidential appointees (see section 90 of the
Constitution), though again, since the GPA came into force the President has had
to get, again in theory, the Prime Minister’s approval for appointments to the
Commission (article 20.1.3(n) of Schedule 8 to the
Constitution).
It is therefore fair to say that all
judicial officers in Zimbabwe owe their appointment, directly or indirectly, to
the President. In view of this it is no surprise that the judiciary has been
regarded as unduly submissive towards the Executive; the only surprise is that
it ever showed any independence.
This is a most unsatisfactory position
because an independent judiciary is one of the pillars of a free and democratic
State. To ensure judicial independence, the new constitution must remove or
dilute presidential involvement in the appointment of judicial officers and
members of the Judicial Service Commission. This could be done
by:
· requiring judges to be selected by the
Judicial Service Commission through an open process involving the publication of
clear guidelines for the selection of candidates and the ratification of
appointments by Parliament;
· making an all-party committee of Parliament
responsible for selecting all or most of the members of the Judicial Service
Commission, again through an open process involving the publication of clear
guidelines for selection.
And the current judges of the Supreme Court
and the High Court should be required to go through the new selection process if
they are to retain their posts after the new Constitution comes into
force.
(b) Power
to control judicial conduct
The present Constitution goes some way
towards ensuring judicial independence, that is limiting the Executive’s
influence over the way in which judicial officers decide cases. Section 79B
states that members of the judiciary are not subject to anyone’s direction or
control when exercising their judicial authority; section 86(3) states that a
judge’s office cannot be abolished while he or she holds that office; and
section 88(2) prohibits any reduction in judges’ salaries and allowances. While
all these provisions should be repeated in the new Constitution, something more
is needed, for the following reasons:
· Sections 79B, 86 and 88 apply only to
judges, not to magistrates or to the judicial officers who preside over
specialised courts such as the Administrative Court. The provisions should
apply to all judicial officers.
· The provisions have not prevented the
Executive from providing judges with farms expropriated from commercial farmers
and with houses and television sets obtained through the Reserve Bank’s
“quasi-fiscal activities”. Judges who have accepted these gifts cannot be
expected to rule impartially on the Government’s land redistribution programme
or the legality of the Reserve Bank’s “quasi-fiscal activities”. The new
constitution should mandate Parliament or the Judicial Service Commission to
prepare a code of conduct for judges and all other judicial officers, and to
ensure that it is strictly enforced.
· There is nothing in the present
Constitution that specifically requires the Executive to respect or enforce
judgments and orders issued by the courts. As a result, the Executive has
frequently ignored judgments given against it. The new constitution should
contain provisions for Parliament to censure public officers who fail or refuse
to comply with judgments, and perhaps should disqualify them from holding
further public office.
4. Power to appoint
Ministers, administrative officers and other members of the
Executive
Under sections 31C and 31D of the present
Constitution, the President appoints Vice-Presidents, Ministers and Deputy
Ministers. His discretion in doing so has been recently limited by the GPA:
vice-presidential appointments must be made from nominees of his own party, and
ministerial and deputy ministerial posts are allocated between the parties to
the GPA in accordance with Article 20.1.6 of that
Agreement.
There is nothing wrong in principle with
vesting the power to make these appointments in the President or whoever else is
head of government under the new Constitution. The person in charge of the
government must be able to appoint people to share political responsibility for
running the country’s affairs. His or her discretion in making these
appointments will always be limited or at least affected by political
considerations, and it is debatable to what extent the Constitution should
impose further limits. Under section 31E(2) of the present Constitution,
Ministers must be Members of Parliament, and if they are not members when they
are appointed they must somehow obtain a parliamentary seat within three months,
so the President’s choice of Ministers is restricted to people who are or can
become members of the Legislature and are answerable to the Legislature. The
same position prevails in most of our neighbouring countries, though South
Africa allows two Ministers to be appointed from outside Parliament, Botswana
four. If our new constitution were to allow any Ministers to be appointed from
outside the Legislature then it would be desirable for their appointment to be
subject to approval by the Legislature. All Ministers even if they are not
members of the legislature must have the right to speak in Parliament and must
be available to answer questions in Parliament to ensure their
accountability.
Under the present Constitution,
administrative officers — i.e., members of the Public Service — are indirectly
appointed by the President as their appointments are governed by an Act of
Parliament, namely the Public Service Act, which confers the power of
appointment on the Public Service Commission, which is itself appointed by the
President [see below]. The Attorney-General and Permanent Secretaries,
are appointed directly by the President after consultation with the Commission
(sections 76 and 77 of the Constitution), though since the GPA, when appointing
them the President is supposed to get the agreement of the Vice-Presidents, the
Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Ministers (Article 20.1.7 of Schedule 8 to
the Constitution).
While there can be no objection to the
President appointing politicians as Ministers to assist him in running the
government, appointing members of the civil service is a very different matter.
They are supposed to form the permanent administration of the country, and if
the political head of government chooses them either directly or indirectly then
political considerations will inevitably influence their appointment. Although
suggestions have been made for provision of parliamentary oversight of senior
appointments by requiring them to be ratified by Parliament, that also might
introduce an undesirable political element into what should be a non-partisan
process. Under the new constitution, the appointment of at least senior members
of the civil service and in particular the Attorney-General and Permanent
Secretaries should be made by an independent commission.
5. Power to appoint
members of constitutional commissions
Under the present Constitution, the
President appoints the members of all constitutional commissions. In appointing
members to the service commissions — the commissions responsible for the
security forces and the Public Service — he must act on the advice of his
Cabinet and with the approval of the Prime Minister. When appointing members of
the so-called independent commissions, namely the Electoral Commission, the
Anti-Corruption Commission, the Media Commission and the Human Rights
Commission, he is limited in his selection to nominees chosen by the
parliamentary Standing Rules and Orders Committee — and now in theory he must
also get the consent of the Cabinet and the Prime Minister to these appointments
(Article 20.1.3(n), (o) & (p) of Schedule 8 to the
Constitution).
Obviously, the new constitution must ensure
that the members of all constitutional commissions are appointed through a
process that enables the commissions to exercise their functions even-handedly
and without partisan interference. The procedure currently applicable to the
independent commissions should be extended to the service commissions. It could
also be improved by involving the public more closely in the nomination process,
for example by:
· publishing the criteria for selection of
candidates for appointment, so that the public know, and can criticise, if
necessary, the basis on which candidates will be
considered;
· publishing lists of candidates for
nomination, and inviting the public to comment on those
candidates;
· selecting candidates through interviews
conducted in public.
In addition, the selection of candidates
should be put in the hands of a special parliamentary appointments committee
rather than the Standing Rules and Orders Committee, as suggested in the NCA
draft constitution and the model constitution produced by the Law
Society.
6. Power to appoint
ambassadors
Under section 78 of the present
Constitution the President appoints ambassadors acting on the advice of his
Cabinet, while under Article 20.1.7 of Schedule 8 to the Constitution he must
get the agreement of his Vice-Presidents, the Prime Minister and the Deputy
Prime Ministers to all such appointments.
Ambassadorial appointments fall somewhere
between Ministerial appointments, which are essentially a political matter, and
appointments to the civil service, which should be non-partisan. Ambassadors
are supposed to represent the country as a whole, but must also be able to
communicate the views of the government currently in power. Under the new
Constitution, therefore, the head of government should continue to choose
ambassadors, acting on the advice of his or her Cabinet, but the appointments
should be subject to parliamentary approval.
7. Power over the Defence
Forces and the Police Force
Under the present Constitution the
President has considerable personal control over the security forces. He is the
supreme commander of the Defence Forces (section 96(2)) and appoints their
operational commanders after consultation with the Minister of Defence (section
96(4) of the Constitution as read with section 7 of the Defence Act). He
appoints the Commissioner-General of Police after consultation with a board
consisting of the chairperson of the Public Service Commission, the retiring
Commissioner-General, and one permanent secretary (section 93(2) of the
Constitution as read with section 5 of the Police Act). These powers of
appointment have been reduced somewhat by the GPA: under Article 20.1.3(p) of
Schedule 8 to the Constitution, the President must, again in theory, get the
Prime Minister’s consent to “key appointments … under and in terms of the
Constitution”, while under Article 20.1.7 he must get the consent, not only of
the Prime Minister, but also of his Vice-Presidents and Deputy Prime Ministers
when appointing people to “senior government positions”. It is not clear which
of these two articles applies to appointments of members of the security forces,
but either of them would, if put into practice, curtail the President’s
discretion in making such appointments.
It is obviously undesirable for the head of
government to have unrestricted control over the coercive forces of the State,
whether through his power of appointment or though a power to deploy those
forces. The new Constitution must ensure that:
· the commanders of the Defence Forces and
the Police Force are appointed by an independent, impartial process similar to
that outlined above for members of the civil service;
· there is civilian oversight over the
deployment of the Defence Forces either inside or outside the
country. This can be ensured
by:
· prohibiting any deployment of the Defence
Forces without the consent of the Cabinet as a whole, and
· requiring parliamentary ratification as
soon as possible after the Defence Forces have been
deployed.
· the conduct of the Police Force is likewise
subject to civilian control, which can be ensured by:
· creating a Police Authority composed of
members of Parliament and civil society, to give policy directives to the
Commissioner-General of Police, and
· creating a Police Complaints Commission, to
investigate complaints against the Police.
[The Constitution should at least mandate
the establishment of these two bodies while leaving details of their composition
and functions to be regulated by an Act of Parliament.]
And like the
judges, senior officers of the security forces should be required to go through
a new selection process if they are to retain their posts after the new
constitution comes into force.
8. Miscellaneous powers
(a) The
power to declare war and make peace
This power is specifically mentioned in the
present Constitution (section 31(2)) and again in the GPA (Article 20.1.3(d)).
It should not be mentioned in the new constitution because, as a member State
of the United Nations, Zimbabwe has renounced the use of force. The South
African constitution does not mention such a power, nor do the constitutions of
Zambia or Botswana.
(b)
Prerogative of mercy
Under section 31I of the present
Constitution the President exercises the prerogative of mercy [i.e. the power to
grant amnesties and pardons and to reduce sentences imposed by courts] and is
supposed to do so on the advice of Cabinet. This means that political motives
can influence its exercise — as undoubtedly they have done in the past. The new
Constitution should limit the exercise of the prerogative of mercy to cases
where an independent body has recommended it. Provisions for this independent
body should be made in the Constitution with provision for an enabling Act to
lay down guidelines for the exercise of the prerogative.
(c)
Power to confer honours and precedence
As with the prerogative of mercy, this
power should be exercised only on the recommendation of an independent body,
again making provision for this body and for an enabling Act to lay down
guidelines. Otherwise honours such as the conferring of National Hero status
will continue to be awarded on a partisan basis.
Finally: one strong check on excesses by the executive is to oblige all
public officers without exception to make a full, regular and
public disclosure of their assets. This point will be reiterated in further
Constitution Watches discussing the powers of the Legislature and the Judiciary.
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot
take legal responsibility for information supplied