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Monday, March 27, 2000
Subject: Critical songs irk Zanu PF


Farai Mutsaka
ZANU PF intends to clamp down on the broadcasting of songs
that are critical of its governance.
The party is also planning to stop the publication of 'derogatory'
material that is finding its way into the government-owned
press.
These recommendations were made by a central committee
task force formed to ensure a Zanu PF victory in the
forthcoming parliamentary elections.
The recommendations have already been made available to
the party's politburo.
Read part of the document: "We noted that some artists had
composed and recorded songs that sympathised with the
opposition and were derogatory of Zanu PF. It was felt that it
was unfair that such songs were getting generous air time on
the government-owned ZBC. The party should make use of
readily available media such as the party newspaper,
government papers, ZBC (both radio and television) and the
Zimbabwe Information Service."
In what could be a direct response to this, Zanu PF last week
inserted full page adverts in local papers which ridiculed the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The task
force agreed that the forthcoming elections would be tougher
than previous ones and that the MDC posed the greatest threat
its 20-year reign. As a result, there was need to expose the
weaknesses of opposition parties and make Zanu PF stand in
better light.
"It is possible to get background information on opposition
candidates thereby enabling the party to know their strengths
and weaknesses."
The task force was set up in February to look at ways of
revamping the ruling party's support.
The task force also agreed that there was need to establish the
number of party cadres who had registered as voters. To this
end, the party would acquire the voters' roll.
The National Democratic Institute (NDI), a non-governmental
organisation had agreed to buy the roll for the party.
It also noted that the NDI had trained National Constitutional
Assembly monitors for the referendum. However, the task force
did not specify how the party would know which people were
Zanu PF supporters on the roll. Also of note among the task
force's recommendations was the identification of Manicaland,
Harare and Bulawayo as problem areas which needed special
attention.
"The party should appreciate the problems facing Harare,
Bulawayo and Manicaland provinces and must therefore direct
special attention towards them."
The three provinces recorded the highest number of voters who
rejected the government-sponsored draft constitution in the
recent referendum.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Thomas Mapfumo banned
Zimbabwean music icon, Thomas Mapfumo,~ has had two songs off his "Chimurenga Explosion" album removed from the play lists of Zimbabwe's radio stations. The songs, "Mamvemve"
("Tattered Rags") and "Disaster" are both critical of the government.

Download the FREE mp3 files for these songs and hear what Mapfumo is singing about.

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Some convoluted logic from the Herald! And some interesting maths too -
check the addition on the section  I have marked with **

http://qzwhre.africaonline.co.zw/herald/full.asp?articleid=1886&issue=212

Manifesto shows land reforms will boost GDP

 Herald Reporter

 THE proposed land redistribution programme will result in the
agricultural sector contributing an additional $10
 billion to the gross domestic product while manufacturing will grow by
at least $13,5 billion.

 According to the Zanu (PF) election manifesto launched by President
Mugabe last week, the land reform programme will help
 increase output from most crops and livestock.

 "Over the past 20 years the overall output from the agricultural sector
has been relatively static for most products. The
 proposed land redistribution will put into production the currently
under-utilised 30 percent of arable land in the commercial
 sector.

 "Currently, commercial agricultural sector contributes about $32
million to GDP," the party says in the manifesto, whose theme
 is "Land is the Economy and the Economy is Land".

 "Putting at least one third of the large-scale commercial farming area
to full utilisation implies that an additional $10 billion to
 GDP will be directly achieved by agriculture, and taking into account
the multiplier effect, a total growth of at least $13,5
 billion will be achieved by the manufacturing sector."

 **Zanu (PF) says out of the five million hectares of land the
Government has targeted for acquisition, three million will be for
 livestock production, 2,5 million for cotton, tobacco, maize, soyabeans
and plantation crops such as tea and coffee, and 500
 000 hectares for horticulture and other high value crops.**

 It is envisaged that the three million hectares for livestock
production would result in the national herd, which currently stands
 at about five million, increasing to about 7,9 million beasts over the
next five years.

 "The hectarage that will be put to livestock will increase both dairy
and beef production as well as food production in terms of
 maize, soyabean and horticulture for both domestic consumption and the
surplus for export.

 "Crops such as cotton, wheat, maize, soyabeans will be grown on 2,5
million hectares. Output will increase as yields will
 increase for those crops that will be grown on both dry land and
irrigation.

 "The cropping programmes will greatly contribute to the national
agricultural crop volumes by 50 percent. Assuming that a part
 of the 2,5 hectares will be put to cotton, our economy will harvest an
estimated 3 million tonnes of cotton," the party says in
 the manifesto that has been translated into the vernacular.

 It says increased cash crops and horticulture production will enhance
exports by 50 percent and, as farming systems will
 gradually be upgraded to intensive irrigation, horticultural production
will increase by 30 percent.

*** What about the assumption that the existing farmers continue to produce as they have been - hah - some hope!
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Harare land fund raised by Mbeki

BY RICHARD BEESTON, DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENT, AND MICHAEL HARTNACK IN HARARE (The Times)

PRESIDENT Mbeki of South Africa has sought to resolve the land crisis in Zimbabwe by appealing to foreign donors to fund the transfer of white-owned land to black farmers.

Mr Mbeki has asked Saudi Arabia to donate millions of pounds towards the purchase of 118 farms. Other donations could come from Scandinavian countries. "Mbeki has approached the Saudis to set up a 'quick release' fund to pay for the land reform," a diplomat at the United Nations said.

It seems unlikely that the British will be directly involved. Under a 1998 land reform accord with Zimbabwe, Britain has offered £36 million towards resettlement but Harare has rejected the conditions imposed by the Foreign Office. Britain insists that the illegal seizures of 800 white-owned farms by Mugabe activists must stop; the violence that has claimed 23 lives must end; land must be bought voluntarily; and that only black rural poor should receive the redistributed land.

Mr Mbeki, who left London yesterday after a two-day visit, has been criticised for his "quiet diplomacy". He calculates that it is better to engage Mr Mugabe than to isolate him and fears that trying to force him from power could lead to a devastating tribal war.

Zimbabwe's white commercial farmers and the judiciary yesterday backed away from a potentially explosive confrontation with Chenjerai Hunzvi, leader of the militant War Veterans' Association. Dr Hunzvi escaped with a £170 fine and a three-month suspended jail term for contempt of court for ignoring an order to remove his militants from 1,300 farms.

Firoz Girach, for the Commercial Farmers' Union, told Mr Justice David Bartlett that it felt that a jail sentence was "undesirable in the interests of dialogue" and that the situation was improving.
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MEDIA UPDATE # 2000/19
MONDAY 8 MAY - SUNDAY 14 MAY 2000

1. SUMMARY

Ninety-three per cent of voices quoted in television stories on politics in the last month have been ZANU (PF).
All media made great play of remarks by Morgan Tsvangirai that the Movement for Democratic Change was contemplating a poll boycott. Television and The Herald talked about "cold feet" and "chickening out", without explaining the reasons why Tsvangirai had raised the boycott option: violence and intimidation against MDC supporters. Radio did a better job. None of the media adequately explained why the boycott option was suddenly dropped. ZBC and ZIMPAPERS inadequately reported the wave of violence in educational institutions. The views of allegedly pro-MDC teachers were not cited, while ZBC coverage of events at Bindura University was mystifying. Studentsat Bindura threatened a ZBC crew. The Herald used a front-page editorial to complain about advertisers withdrawing their support for the paper. In their news coverage, ZBC and ZIMPAPERS ignored the record fall on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange.

2. THE MONTH ON TELEVISION

This week MMPZ has issued a statement, in which we conclude that free and fair elections are impossible without a radical shift in the coverage of political parties provided by the publicly owned media. And here is part of the evidence for our claim - the last month's political coverage by ZBC television, the nation's sole provider of TV news. One hundred-and-sixty-seven stories dealt with the pre-election campaign. One hundred-and-fifty-two of these - or 91 per cent - were on ZANU (PF). Eight (5 per cent) were about the MDC and seven covered other opposition parties. Of the 227 voices quoted in political stories, 211 (93 per cent) were ZANU (PF), nine (4 per cent) were MDC and seven (3 per cent) other opposition parties. In stories on political violence (47 in all) ZANU (PF) voices were the most quoted (27 or 42 per cent), even ahead of the police (21 or 33 per cent). The MDC was quoted just once.

3. THE BOYCOTT (THAT NEVER WAS)

A statement by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai that his party was considering an option to boycott the elections was one of the biggest stories of the week, but the coverage was unenlightening. ZBC television news (10 May, 8.00 pm) abandoned any pretence of impartiality:

"Against a backdrop of resignations by its candidates and supporters, the newly formed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), now seems to be developing cold feet over contesting in the forthcoming parliamentary elections. At a news conference in Harare today, attended mostly by foreign correspondents, the MDC announced that the leadership will meet on Saturday this week to decide whether they will go ahead and participate in the forthcoming parliamentary elections."

Not for the first time, the "resignations" from the MDC are presented as if they were the product of spontaneous disillusionment rather than violent intimidation and therefore the cause of the MDC's "cold feet". And if domestic journalists decided to stay away from the MDC's news conference, then the party is hardly to blame for that. Television then went on to quote Tsvangirai's statement:

We have already maintained that boycott is not an option. But we have now reached a stage where we have to review this. There is also a third issue we have to review. Given the current state of anarchy and lawlessness, whether something should be considered in the form of mass action and even possibly appealing to the international community for much more drastic measures.

He was followed, at greater length, by Professor Jonathan Moyo who was (at last) introduced as a ZANU (PF) spokesperson: We are a peaceful country and we are beginning to see the results of the peace and indeed it is because there is no violence of the kind that the MDC claims there is. Why the international media have left this country, they came in huge numbers six weeks ago expecting that our country would be engulfed by violence and that there would be chaos and general breakdown of the rule of law. Nothing of the sort. It is therefore quite surprising that a statement which perhaps could have made some limited sense six weeks ago is being made today when there is evidence all around us of peace. And this is not surprising really when you consider that it is coming from a political party that has a history of staying away, a history of boycotting political processes, and indeed a party which had no interest in the election in the first place. You will recall for quite some time, for the last six or so weeks, the MDC working together with the international media misled the world into believing that there won't be elections in Zimbabwe and that there will be a state of emergency. This is what they were praying for, this is what they have not gotten. But to get the same difference they are now resorting to the old trick of boycotting.

Tsvangirai's statement was taken out of context: the viewers never got to hear what were the three options that the MDC was considering (boycott being only one). Moyo's statement went unquestioned. An alert interviewer might have followed up his admission that six weeks ago there was, in a "limited" sense, "chaos and general breakdown of the rule of law". He could have been asked whether he considered 20 deaths in political violence to constitute peace. And if all the international media have gone home, who was at Tsvangirai's press conference?

ZBC radio ran a similar story, including Moyo's remarks but not quoting Tsvangirai himself. The Herald ("MDC contemplates election boycott", 11 May) took a similar approach, quoting the same remarks by Tsvangirai on ZBC television and then giving more space to Minister Chimutengwende and Jonathan Moyo to accuse the MDC of "chickening out" and never having been committed to the democratic process. Neither addressed Tsvangirai's stated reason for considering a boycott, namely violent intimidation. (An incidental point: the Minister of Information, Posts and Telecommunications is a government functionary, drawing a salary paid by the Zimbabwean taxpayer. The "Information" part of his portfolio is to explain government policy, not to act as a party spokesperson.)

However, the MDC did itself no favours. On 11 May (8.00 pm), party spokesperson Learnmore Jongwe (introduced with another gratuitous reference to "cold feet") was conveying a quite different message from his leader: What we were formed to do as a party was to contest the elections and that is what is likely to come out of the Saturday meeting. I must tell you that chances of us announcing a boycott will range from 0 to -3400.

ZBC radio deserves an honourable mention. After a poor initial story, it too reported on Learnmore Jongwe's statement on 11 May (6.00 and 8.00 pm). The story was full and fair:

Newsreader: The MDC says its executive is meeting next Saturday to strategize on the way forward. MDC also confirmed that boycotting the elections was out.

Reuben Barwe: The president for MDC, Tsvangirai, said today there is no intention of boycotting this year's parliamentary elections. Tsvangirai said it was unfortunate that certain comments that were made at a certain conference yesterday were misconstrued by members of the press. He said that there is no intention whatsoever not to go to these elections. He said it was their duty as leaders to examine all options, which would include boycott, mass action, etc, but they had no intentions of boycotting these elections. Tsvangirai said they owed it to their supporters, many of whom have suffered to struggle through to the final conclusion. He also said the support of the people they had, and all other supporters from all over the country are that the elections must go ahead and they should go to the elections. I later on talked to Learnmore Jongwe, the secretary for public and information for MDC, who told the ZBC that chances are that 99 per cent of the people at next Saturday's national executive council will go for elections rather than boycott.

Reader: Reuben what are the implications and the kind of impact of this latest statement coming from the opposition?

Barwe: According to Jongwe, when I talked to him today he said they are meeting on Saturday to discuss about the way forward, realizing that they had suffered a number of casualties in the politicking game which is covering the country. And they said violence was so much and they were going to look at options of how to go about it but the question of boycotting the elections was out. He also said that the violence which has been going on - they have been much on the receiving end, they were going to strategize when they meet on Saturday as to how best to minimize the contact and Jongwe also said, when I asked him if we were welcome, that all media was welcome.

A small point: has ZBC ever referred to "the president for ZANU (PF), Mugabe"?

Television followed the Jongwe interview with a report in which Tsvangirai was presented as having changed his position in a "surprise U-turn". It is unclear whether there was genuinely a change of position, but there is no doubt that Tsvangirai's original announcement was greeted by strong reactions: derision on the part of ZANU (PF) and accusations of betrayal from the private press. That was the position reflected in the Daily News article "Tekere says 'No'" (12 May). The Zimbabwe Independent headlined its editorial comment "MDC boycott would be a national betrayal" (12 May), although a news story in the same paper made it clear that the boycott option had already been discounted ("MDC not quitting, to announce poll candidates soon"). "Boycotting elections would not come up because it was not an issue, he [Tsvangirai] said." The paper noted that this contradicted earlier reports - though it did not go so far as to say it contradicted Tsvangirai's own statement, in which he had clearly said that boycott was one of three options. Now it was being discounted before the Saturday strategy meeting that was supposedly meant to consider it. The interesting story here was why the issue had been aired publicly and then suddenly dropped - but no one followed this up.

By the time the Sunday Mail (14 May) appeared the boycott story was dead. But this hardly mattered. "Morgan 'Boycott' Tsvangirai's multiple faces", "MDC should take lessons from past opposition parties", "MDC boycott threat won't affect elections - parties", and the editorial comment "Height of immaturity", all attacked the MDC's boycott threat, failing either to refer to the MDC's reasons for considering the boycott option or to report the MDC statement on Saturday that it had resolved to contest the elections. The Sunday Mail carried six local political stories, all of which were biased against the MDC, including a cartoon. The front-page story "Tsvangirai calls for sanctions" was based on a statement by the MDC for tougher action against the Zimbabwe government as a result of its failure to stop political violence. MMPZ monitors at the press conference confirm that Tsvangirai never actually called for sanctions against Zimbabwe.

4. POLITICAL VIOLENCE

There were a number of media reports about the growing campaign of intimidation and violence against teachers at educational institutions. These followed remarks in previous weeks by Vice-President Msika about how teachers had influenced the No majority in the referendum. This was a sensational story that no one followed up: the first recorded example of the opposition rigging the vote against the government.

ZIMPAPERS blamed the political disturbances at schools on teachers who, it said, were campaigning for the MDC. In the articles entitled, "School shut down in political dispute" (The Chronicle, 10 May) and "School closes in row over MDC politics" (The Herald, 10 May) ZIMPAPERS reported that Mapanzure school in Masvingo had been closed as parents had stormed the school demanding the expulsion of five teachers accused of encouraging children to support the MDC. In both the articles the accused teachers were not given the right of reply. The stories lacked any form of analysis on the legality of the closures or the implications on freedom of political association.

In another story, "Police avert mass classroom boycott", The Herald (12 May) reported that the police averted a class boycott by teachers in Mashonaland East who wanted assurances that they would not be caught up in the political violence. The story also reported that a teacher had fled Goromonzi after parents were enraged that she had chanted MDC slogans. The story failed to put into perspective that the call for safety was made as a result of the intimidation and violence that has been aimed at teachers in recent weeks. The story also did not quote the teachers.

Notably, all ZIMPAPERS articles on the disturbances at the schools emphasized that the parents were against the MDC.

At 1.00 pm on 9 May, radio reported the Mapanzure school demonstration. The report also stated that some teachers had fled the school while some teachers were locked up in one room at the school. The report quoted the parents, a teacher and the Masvingo Ministry of Education. The report lacked enough detail and evidence to substantiate the parents' allegations. It was also unbalanced as it lacked comments from the accused teachers or the students themselves who could have given first-hand information on what exactly had transpired during lessons. The report was aired throughout the day, including the 6.00 and 8.00 pm bulletins with no further development. Television ran a similar story on Nhau/Indaba of 9 May, which disappeared that evening, and then resurfaced on all bulletins from 1.30 pm on 10 May. The only comment quoted on television was from two parents.

A radio report on 12 May at 1.00 pm stated that political violence between MDC and ZPF had led to the closure of three schools and a clinic in Mwenezi. The report quoted the Mwenezi police. It was not reported who had instigated the violence or how the clinic was implicated.

Special mention should be made of an advert that appeared in The Mirror of Masvingo inserted by Zimta. The statement by Zimta stated that the organization was apolitical and that the teachers were not behind the No vote as had been claimed by various officials. "It is hoped that government will protect its workers who are increasingly subjected to wanton political violence," the statement said.

The week's other violence in an educational institution was at Bindura University. For television viewers this event was rather mystifying. On the 8 May Nhau/Indaba bulletin Governor Border Gezi was reported as having addressed Bindura students assuring them that their studies were not going to be disrupted. Viewers could not have known that the incident culminated in an assault on a student who supported the MDC, followed by the closure of the university. Radio also only had a partial story - but a different part. At 1.00 pm on 10 May it reported that students had sealed off the campus. The report quoted a university official, but not the students. On 12 May, the 1.00 pm radio news reported Gezi's denials that he had incited political violence - an allegation that ZBC had not even reported in the first place.

In previous weeks MMPZ has noted that allegations that the foreign media play up white deaths and ignore black deaths have sounded rather hollow - because ZBC and ZIMPAPERS have done exactly the same. This week, however, has represented a shift. The death of John Weeks, a Beatrice farmer, on 13 May, was largely overlooked. The earlier death of Allan Dunn was reported, but some reports "balanced" it with the story of a non-fatal assault on two blacks. In the story, "Beatrice Farmer murdered; Black workers assaulted in retaliatory attack", The Herald (9 May) reported that in a first reported case of whites assaulting blacks, two black workers Chris Mlambo and an unnamed man had been assaulted by whites in retaliation for Dunn's killing. The story quoted guards at the farm who dismissed the possibility of the murder being politically motivated but attributed it to criminals who they alleged were taking advantage of the presence of war veterans at the farms. This was despite the fact that the killers were reported not to have stolen anything from the premises.

The Daily News's story, "Beatrice farmer beaten to death" (9 May) had seven sources who were Chenjerai Hunzvi, a farm worker, witnesses, the farm manager, the neighbours, the victim's wife and the Beatrice Farmers Association. Unlike The Herald story, which sought to moderate the death of the farmer with the retaliatory assault of two black farm workers, the Daily News treated the farmer's death with the prominence and balance it deserved. Unlike The Herald story, there were no suggestions in the Daily News that Dunn's killers were criminals and not war veterans. All seven sources quoted war veterans as the suspected murderers. The Daily News also quoted Dunn's widow as saying that her husband had beaten a ZANU (PF) rival in a recent council election and it was feared that man could have ordered the assault.

5. THREATS TO THE MEDIA

The ZBC reported (11 May, 7.00 am and Nhau/Indaba) that Bindura University students had attacked a ZBC news crew and refused it entry. The ZBC's Reuben Barwe told MMPZ that he had been terrorized by MDC supporters with knobkerries at their headquarters and that his news crew had been attacked and intimidated by the Bindura University students. He said that he is now finding it difficult to do his job.

Once again MMPZ calls on the government to make a clear statement that the media should be unhindered in their professional activities. This would be a proper role for the Minister of Information.
We urge all parties to instruct their supporters not to impede, threaten or attack journalists.

The issue of media freedom arose in a number of guises in the press this week. In an article entitled "Journalists seek to revive media council", The Chronicle (8 May) reported that media practitioners were worried about plans for the legislation of a government media council "monitoring structure", which they fear would be too restrictive. As a result, journalists are urgently seeking to revive their own structure. A statement said the statutory powers would be obtained through an Act of Parliament, which would empower it to summon offenders from both the public and the media.

In a front-page editorial, "Media madness: Now business is using dollar against Zanu PF", The Herald (9 May) lamented that many advertisers were deserting the paper as a result of its declared support for the ruling party:

The media madness bug has also bitten the business sector, which is using the might of the dollar in a total campaign to support the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) against the ruling Zanu PF.

The paper said this would kill the plurality and diversity of the media in Zimbabwe.

Business should be playing a more positive role in promoting media plurality and diversity. A multiplicity of voices, giving a variety of ideas and opinions, enriches the citizens knowledge and opinion bases.

We searched in vain for The Herald's call for the government to end the ZBC's broadcasting monopoly.

In fact, MMPZ doubts that private advertisers have changed their approach at all. They still allocate advertising in the way that they judge most effective. In the past this has benefited The Herald, simply by virtue of its large circulation. The situation has changed with the rapid growth of the Daily News. The new paper has demonstrated professionalism and a general lack of political bias. In the last month, for example, the voices quoted in its stories on the election campaign have been 30 ZANU (PF) and 27 MDC (for The Herald the figures are 42 and six). This is now being rewarded with rising circulation and a growth in advertising. After a period last year when The Herald rose to the challenge of competition and registered a significant improvement in its professionalism, it has now adopted the position of self-proclaimed campaigner for ZANU (PF). Advertisers know that on 12-13 February more than half the voters - their potential customers - voted against the proposition advocated by The Herald. It is their own business interests, which propel them towards a serious newspaper rather than an increasingly incoherent party propaganda organ.

Perhaps the explanation for the sudden rash of ill-tempered front-page leaders was to be found in a report in the Zimbabwe Independent: "Herald editor to leave post" (12 May). It reported that Bornwell Chakaodza was to be replaced, possibly by presidential spokesperson George Charamba. The latter denied this and said: We made an appointment (Chakaodza) and as far as we are concerned that appointment is still holding.

Who is "we"? Has the President's office never heard of the Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust or the management board of ZIMPAPERS?

6. THE GREAT CRUSH

In the week under review the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange experienced record losses. On two successive days the ZSE suffered its highest ever-daily fall (9 per cent on 9 May and 13.5 per cent on 10 May). A financial crisis of that magnitude is a news story - it does not only belong on the business pages. The Zimbabwe Independent covered what it described, as "It's a 'blood bath' on ZSE". ZBC did not think it was worthy of mention at all, except for a reference in a panel discussion on "Heart of the Matter". The Herald only covered developments in its sponsored regular ZSE report, not running it as a news story until 12 May when it ran "ZSE index moves up", after the market had rallied.

The failure of the public media to cover one of the week's biggest stories has two possible explanations. MMPZ has remarked before on the generally lamentable standard of economic journalism, so perhaps they simply did not understand the significance of these developments. Alternatively, the stock exchange dive was generally attributed to business jitters over the political crisis (and in particular the decision of Old Mutual to stop propping up the market).
7. AND ANOTHER MISSING STORY

On 7 May a foreign politician made an angry statement about African tyrants who "want to die in power because they have committed crimes". It was clear from the context that he was talking about Zimbabwe. Some disgruntled racist, probably. So why did the ZBC and ZIMPAPERS not report the remarks as further evidence of the international conspiracy against the country? Presumably because the speaker was not thought to be sufficiently eminent. His name is Nelson Mandela! Ends
The MEDIA UPDATE is produced and distributed by the Media Monitoring Project (MMPZ), 221 Fife Avenue, Harare, Tel/fax: 263 4 733486, 734207, E- mail: monitors@icon.co.zw, mmpz@zol.co.zw, Web: http://www.icon.co.zw/mmpz Feel free to respond to MMPZ. We cannot be able to respond to everything, but we will look at each message. Also please feel free to circulate this message.
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Monday, April 17, 2000 1:22 PM
Subject: This was your life in 30 Minutes

Consider this, you are at home without any thought of leaving your home, your belongings or your pets. You receive a phone call that you should be ready and assembled within the next thirty minutes, your suburb is being evacuated. You have no time to make plans, decide what to take or leave behind, or how to take care of the pets in your absence. Sounds a bit far fetched and theatrical.

That was reality for 100 farmers and their families in Zimbabwe on Saturday 15 April 2000. They were forced to abandon their homes within 30 minutes, leave behind their belongings, and condemn their pets to an unknown future. They are now trying to arrange for a team to go back to the homesteads and put down the pets. They have no idea of when they will be able to return let alone if they will be able to return. Their concern is that their pets should not die traumatically, or face abuse from the invaders.

These farmers have not been able to plant their winter crops and are not able to prepare to plant their summer crops. Who will feed the nation next year, let alone earn foreign currency to support the economy. Does the President care, he has told us that he is not concerned about the negative impact of the land issue on the economy. The President has told us he is not prepared to order the forces of law and order to act in support of the law.

The comment that I received from one of the affected people is that whilst the coverage by Sky, BBC and CNN has been good, the situation on the ground for the farmers is far worse than what we are seeing. The information I have is that the six farmers who were abducted from the Police Station over the weekend were abducted by well armed men with automatic weapons.

The Government has made it clear that it is not prepared to protect the civilian population and that the Police will not intervene. It is clear from the attacks on the six farmers that the issue and cause of their beatings was their assumed support for the political opposition. Other sources of information have made it clear that the purpose of the farm invasions are to intimidate the farmers and their workers. The land is not the issue. The votes for political power are the issue. The collapsing economy is the issue.

The nation is being misled and abused. Our economy is the problem, not the redistribution of land.

We are all having our attention diverted from the issue of the poor state of the economy.

The land issue could have been resolved many years ago in an orderly fashion. Even today the land issue could be resolved in a peaceful and orderly fashion, but this way has no political agenda. There is no need for the present chaos and breakdown of law and order in the name of the land issue. The most ardent supporter of the land redistribution program who is concerned about the future, can not want the future of the nation put at risk.

Other than intimidating the nation and diverting our attention from the serious state of the economy which is on the brink of collapsing, the land invasions make no sense.

There are many people who are sitting on the fence and not willing to demand that the law be applied and that the constitution be enforced. History has proved that things can and do get worse once anarchy is allowed to take control, and anarchy is taking control in Zimbabwe. History has proved that ignoring anarchy does not make anarchy go away. History has proved that ignoring the breakdown of law and order, does not restore law and order.

Our present situation is not that different to the period 1930 to 1945 in Germany, where the forces of law and order stood aside while civilians were attacked for political reasons.
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