http://www.newzimbabwe.com
09/11/2012 00:00:00
by
AFP
THREE human rights activists detained earlier this week in a
fresh crackdown
on non-governmental organisations were on Thursday charged
for defacing a
wall with political graffiti and granted bail.
Fidelis
Mudimu, a manager with the Counselling Services Unit was arrested
along with
two senior staffers on Monday in a police raid on the
organisation's offices
in the capital Harare.
The Counselling Services Unit offers medical and
psychological assistance to
victims of organised violence.
"They appeared
before the magistrate's court in Bulawayo and were granted
$100 bail each,"
Kumbirai Mafunda, spokesman for Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human
Rights, told
AFP.
"The state alleged that on October 7 this year, they went to an
office in
Bulawayo and inscribed slogans on a wall and billboard in support
of the
Movement for Democratic Change party."
The Movement for
Democratic Change is led by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, a partner of
veteran President Robert Mugabe in a shaky
power-sharing
government.
Mafunda said the three detained staffers complained in court
about their
lengthy detention and said they were ill-treated while in police
cells.
Authorities in Zimbabwe have in the past threatened to revoke
registration
for NGOs deemed to be opposed to Mugabe's policies.
In the
latest raid the police said they were searching for "material that
defaces
any house, building, wall, fence, lamp post, gate, elevator without
the
consent of the owner or occupier thereof."
They seized a computer and
some documents from the organisation's offices.
Amnesty International said
the trio were arrested "arbitrarily" and were
illegally transferred to
second city Bulawayo.
The arrests were also criticised by the US embassy
which said in a
statement: “CSU is a lawfully registered medical clinic
providing
non-partisan counselling and referral services to all victims of
trauma.
“This search represents the latest incident in a worrying trend
of deploying
elements of state security sector institutions to threaten and
intimidate
political activists and those who provide support to victims of
such
intimidation and abuse.
In addition to the arrests and
subsequent transport of the three CSU
employees to Bulawayo, the United
States is concerned about the disruption
of medical services to victims of
trauma that occurred during the search of
CSU premises and the illegal
access to confidential patient medical records.
“Patient record
confidentiality is a critical part of medical services and
should be
respected through strict adherence to the law.”
The embassy said the
country’s security services should heed calls by
political leaders for an
end to violence as the country looks to fresh
elections next
year.
“In the lead up to national elections, the United States looks to
the
government of Zimbabwe to ensure that all security sector leaders and
groups
strictly follow President Robert Mugabe’s call for non-violence; and
that
they also follow a policy of non-interference in democratic processes,
including no harassment, intimidation, or hints of retribution,” the embassy
said.
http://www.radiovop.com
Bulawayo,
November 09, 2012- The Zimbabwe's embattled civil society groups
were
Thursday due to confront Police Commissioner General Augustine Chihuri
to
demand for the release of the three employees of the Counselling Services
Unit (CSU) who were arrested for allegedly possessing "offensive and
subversive material".
Magistrate Learnmore Mapiye on Thursday ended the
four-day detention ordeal
for the three, Fidelis Mudimu, Zachariah Godi, and
Tafadzwa Geza arrested on
Monday after police raided their
offices.
The three representatives, who were transferred from the capital
city Harare
to the second largest city of Bulawayo, were however, charged
for causing
malicious damage to property, in contravention of Section 140 of
the
Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act, four days after their arrest
on
Monday.
James Zidzimu and Penn Bruno arrested together with the
three were later
released on Monday evening.
Watson Ofumeli, a
photographer with the Daily News was also arrested while
covering the police
raid of the CSU offices. Ofumeli was taken to Harare
Central Police station
where he was briefly detained and only released after
being forced to delete
the pictures that he had taken.
Police claimed that the CSU was in
possession of material that “defaces any
house, building, wall, fence, lamp
post, gate, elevator without the consent
of the owner or occupier thereof,”
in contravention of Section 46 of the
Criminal Law (Codification and Reform)
Act.
According to State prosecutor Marlvin Nzombe, the three CSU
representatives
together with some unidentified individuals smeared some MDC
graffiti on an
information centre located in Mpopoma high density suburb in
Bulawayo 07
October 2012.The State claimed that the CSU senior staff members
inscribed
the words “MDC” and “MDC Chinja Ndizvo” on a bill board and on a
durawall
surrounding the information centre.
Mapiye granted the
employees a bail of $100 each after they appeared at
Bulawayo’s Tredgold
Magistrates Court on Thursday afternoon.
As part of their bail
conditions, Mapiye ordered the three to surrender
their passports to the
Clerk at Harare Magistrates Courts and to report once
every week on Mondays
to CID Law and Order section at Harare Central Police
Station.
The
lawyers, who represented the three CSU senior officers, registered their
complaints against the inhuman and degrading treatment that their clients
were subjected to including over detention, being shackled while being moved
from Kwekwe to Bulawayo, denial to wear spectacles while in Bulawayo police
cells and the raiding of the CSU offices on the strength of a defective
search warrant.
The lawyers included Dr Tarisai Mutangi, Godfrey
Nyoni, Blessing Gorejena,
Lizwe Jamela, Jeremiah Mutongi Bamu and Nosimilo
Chanayiwa, who are all ZLHR
members.
“We are going to be meeting the
Commissioner General today to complain
heavily,” said National Association
of Non Governmental Organisations
(NANGO) executive director Cephas
Zinhumwe.
“The positive thing is to meet and record our complaints with
him. We might
or we might not get a positive response. The positive response
for us is to
have our members occupy their social and operational space by
being able to
work,” he told Radio VOP.
Zinhumwe accused the police
of going against President Mugabe’s continued
calls for a stop in violence
and other violations.
The civic groups also vowed to lodge their
complaints with President Mugabe
and Prime Minister Tsvangirai if Chihuri
ignores their pleas. They also
demanded MDC politicians to come clear on
where they stand while NGOs were
being harassed.
“The removal of the
three staff to Bulawayo after exceeding the required
time for a court
appearance and the further detention order with no defined
charges or
substantive evidence of illegal activities constitutes serious
and illegal
harassment,” read the press statement that was delivered by
Zimbabwe Human
Rights NGO Forum executive director Abel Chikomo.
Media Institute of
Southern Africa Zimbabwe Chapter has also complained of a
renewed police
harassment of journalists as talk of elections escalates.
This week a
Weekly Mirror Editor, Dennis Kagonye, was on Wednesday fined
$100 for
operating a mass media service without a licence in contravention
of Section
72 of the draconian Access to Information and Protection of
Privacy Act
(AIPPA).
Kagonye, who had been arrested on Tuesday, was slapped with a
further
suspended sentence of six months imprisonment on condition he does
not
commit a similar offence within the next five years.
Prominent
media lawyer, Alec Muchedehama castigated the arrest of Ofumeli,
noting that
laws in Zimbabwe were not friendly to the practice of journalism
or the free
flow of information.”
http://www.hrw.org
Drop Charges Against Staff of Torture Victims’
Center
NOVEMBER 9, 2012
(Johannesburg) – The Zimbabwe
government’s raid on a civil society group
raises fears of a broader
crackdown on perceived opposition activists ahead
of elections due in 2013,
Human Rights Watch said today.
On November 5, 2012, a dozen uniformed and
plain-clothes police officers
with a search warrant raided the Harare office
of the Counseling Services
Unit (CSU), which provides medical and
psychological care for victims of
political violence and torture. Before
they entered, armed riot police
surrounded the office and threatened to fire
tear gas into the building,
which contained other tenants. The police
arrested five of the group’s
employees and confiscated confidential medical
records, including by
removing a computer.
“The police raid on a
torture victims’ center sends a chilling message to
Zimbabwean civil society
ahead of next year’s elections,” said Daniel
Bekele, Africa director at
Human Rights Watch. “If a medical group is at
risk, then everyone
is.”
Patients at the office at the time were unable to receive
treatment.
The warrant produced by the police indicated a search for
material that
“defaces any house, building, wall, fence, lamppost, gate,
elevator without
the consent of the owner or occupier thereof,” in violation
of section 46 of
the criminal code.
Two of the arrested employees,
James Zidzimu and Penn Bruno, were taken to
Harare Central Police Station
and soon released. On November 7, the
remaining three, Fidelis Mudimu,
Zachariah Godi, and Tafadzwa Gesa, were
transferred to Bulawayo Police
Station and the following day charged under
section 46. A magistrate granted
them US$100 bail each and ordered them to
surrender their passports and to
report once a week at Harare Central Police
Station.
State security
forces aligned with the former ruling party ZANU-PF have
conducted many
raids in the past year against nongovernmental organizations,
including CSU,
the counseling service. Several human rights activists have
been arrested in
the process.
In August, police twice raided the offices of the Gays and
Lesbians of
Zimbabwe. During a raid on August 11, police briefly detained 44
members of
the group, assaulting them with batons, slaps and
punches.
Police have also repeatedly harassed Abel Chikomo, director of
the Zimbabwe
Human Rights NGO Forum. Chikomo was arrested and released on
bail in 2011
after being charged with running an unregistered organization.
He was
summoned to stand trial on July 3, 2012. The government withdrew the
summons
on July 25 but reiterated its intention to summon him again at a
future
date. Despite the withdrawal of the summons, police have continued to
visit
the offices of the NGO Forum and harass Chikomo.
Zimbabwe is
due to hold a referendum on a new constitution and elections in
2013. The
Global Political Agreement that established the current
power-sharing
government in 2009 requires Zimbabwe to undertake a series of
legislative
and other reforms before it holds new elections. The Southern
African
Development Community (SADC) appointed the government of South
Africa to
help facilitate the constitutional process and pave the way for
the
elections.
Human Rights Watch has repeatedly expressed concern at the
slow pace of
human rights reforms in Zimbabwe, including only minimal
changes to
repressive laws, a lack of security sector reform, and ongoing
repression of
civic and political activity.
“Civil society
organizations are a crucial component of next year’s
elections in Zimbabwe,”
Bekele said. “African governments involved in the
reform effort need to
strongly condemn government actions against these
important groups.”
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Blessing
Zulu, Gibbs Dube
08.11.2012
Tourism officials are blaming President
Robert Mugabe’s insistence that the
country hold elections next year for the
slow pace of development in
Victoria Falls, which is scheduled to jointly
host the United Nations
Tourism Conference next year with Zambia’s
Livingstone border town.
Government sources told VOA that donors are wary
of the political
uncertainties and the controversial economic empowerment
policies in the
country, so have not fulfilled commitments to build and
refurbish the town’s
infrastructure.
The Daily News quoted Douglas
Mavhembu, acting director International
Tourism saying they have appealed to
Finance Minister Tendai Biti to unveil
a $100 million fund to assist
developers.
But Biti, who has struggled to balance the budget, said he is
not aware of
the latest request noting that he only talked to Tourism
Minister Walter
Mzembi during budget consultation meetings.
Victoria
Falls mayor Nkosinathi Jiyane said the United Nations has sent a
technical
team to assess the situation.
Chief economist Prosper Chitambara of the
Labor and Economic Development
Research Institute of Zimbabwe said asking
money from Biti at this time is a
sign of desperation.
Meanwhile, the
Victoria Falls mayor said he has not been invited to the
inaugural Zimbabwe
Diamond Conference starting Monday which will be attended
by almost 5,000
delegates, including diamond industry leaders from around
the
world.
Jiyane said the Ministry of Mines and the Zimbabwe Mining
Development
Corporation have not even contacted him to say that they are
hosting the
conference in his backyard.
Jiyane said it is unfair that
he is being left out of the conference.
Abbey Chikane, the Kimberley
Certification Process monitor for Zimbabwe,
will officially open the
conference, which is expected to shed some light on
diamond mining
activities in the country.
Some non-governmental organizations have
accused Zimbabwe of failing to
account for diamond proceeds worth millions
of dollars mined in Chiadzwa,
Manicaland Province.
http://www.voanews.com
Selah Hennessy
November
08, 2012
LONDON — A lack of transparency in the sale of diamonds remains
a major
problem in Zimbabwe and activists fear diamond revenues may be used
to fund
the campaign of President Robert Mugabe's party in an election due
to take
place early next year.
In 2009 an international ban was
imposed on the sale of Zimbabwe’s diamonds.
That came as a result of
allegations that some mines were controlled by the
military and that funds
were diverted to Mugabe's ZANU-PF.
Last year that decision was reversed
and a diamond watchdog body, the
Kimberley Process, gave Zimbabwe the green
light to sell its diamonds on the
international market.
Troubling
issues linger
Farai Maguwu, director of the Centre for Natural Resource
Governance in
eastern Zimbabwe, said major problems remain
unsolved.
Most importantly, he said, it’s unclear where revenue from the
sale of
diamonds is ending up.
“On the issue of revenue transparency
nothing has changed. I think the
conditions are getting even worse and
worse," said Maguwu. "We have the
minister of finance on record saying he is
not getting much of the diamond
revenues in the treasury, which means
individuals and other groups of people
are profiting from the diamonds at
the expense of the nation.”
In July, Finance Minister Tendai Biti slashed
Zimbabwe’s 2012 budget, saying
funds from diamond mines had failed to
bolster the treasury.
National security questions
The Zimbabwe
Mining Development Corporation said it expects to earn $150
million from the
sale of diamonds this year, rather than the $600 million
predicted. That's a
75 percent shortfall.
The low profits, it said, are a result of
international sanctions,
especially from the United States.
Maguwu
said the military continues to play a leading role in Zimbabwe’s
mining
industry and that, he said, raises serious questions about national
security.
“There are quite a number of security officials who are
involved in diamond
mining," he said. "Some of them are on the boards of the
diamond mining
companies and when you have got individuals becoming richer
than the state
and you have the military abdicating from their role of
providing national
security to get involved in commercial activities - that
is a recipe for
political instability in the country.”
A major
diamond conference is due to take place in Zimbabwe’s Victoria Falls
later
this month.
Upcoming elections
Maguwu said the decision to bring
Zimbabwe back into the Kimberley Process
should be assessed, looking at
whether the situation in Zimbabwe has
improved since the ban was
lifted.
Meanwhile, Mugabe has called for elections to take place in
March.
Human Rights Watch Africa Advocacy Director Tiseke Kasambala said
she is
concerned that diamond revenue is likely to fund violence ahead of
the
polls.
“The conditions on the ground are not conducive to the
holding of free and
fair elections in Zimbabwe," said Kasambala. "The
military retains control
of Marange diamond revenue and this is the same
military that was involved
in widespread abuses in 2008 and was not held
accountable for those abuses.”
The 2008 elections were marred by
violence, most of it by ZANU-PF supporters
against the opposition MDC
party.
Months of political turmoil followed the elections - the end
result was that
Mugabe agreed to form a power-sharing deal with the MDC
party, led by Morgan
Tsvangirai. Mugabe has said he wants elections in order
to end that
arrangement. The MDC has said elections hinge on passage of a
new
constitution.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Friday, 09 November 2012 10:23
HARARE -
Zimbabwe's reputation is at stake as rival political parties draw
battle
lines over a controversial new constitution, with President Mugabe’s
Zanu PF
insisting on wide-ranging changes to the draft at its Wednesday
politburo
meeting.
With a boisterous, divisive campaign now under way for a
referendum on the
draft constitution, Zimbabwe risks failing a critical test
of its political
maturity.
That, in turn, could mar its status as a
country recovering from political
chaos and
dictatorship.
Constitutional law expert Lovemore Madhuku noted that
coalition government
principals were bent on hijacking the
constitution-making process and
inserting watered-down political provisions
to suit their agendas.
“The whole exercise is a recipe for anarchy,” he
said, denouncing a process
which he says is not people-driven. Protests
against attempts by Zanu PF to
revise the Copac draft so that it retains
near-absolute presidential powers
has sparked angry denunciations by Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
leader of the smaller MDC Welshman
Ncube.
They have since been joined by equally vehement but unrelated
opposition
from women groups.
Zanu PF’s politburo received a report
from Copac co-chairperson Paul
Mangwana on Wednesday on the just-ended
Second All-Stakeholders’ Conference.
Mangwana said the Copac draft will
be revised by the management committee
and the Principals, to incorporate
suggestions from the conference.
“It has been well received, they
understood it, I explained the structure of
the report that it contains what
took place during the (Second
All-Stakeholders) conference in the first
section,” Mangwana said after the
politburo meeting.
“The second
section contains clauses which were not changed by the
conference. The third
section contains clauses for improvements which were
suggested by delegates
which happened to have been agrees to by the
delegates; those will obviously
be factored into the draft as amendments.
“The fourth one contains issues
which were raised by delegates but which
were contested, which were
disagreed, those we have juxtaposed them with the
justifications identified
by the delegates as they were making
contributions. And this is the area
that shall be the main focus obviously
of the management committee and
possibly the Principals.”
Civil society groups had said Zanu PF had
coached its delegates ahead of the
conference, and the issues raised will
now be incorporated into the draft by
the Principals.
Mangwana
confirmed Mugabe’s plan to take over the constitution-making
process from
Copac and negotiate the amendments they want as Principals.
Thus, Prime
Minister Tsvangirai, who is leading the charge for a “yes” vote
in the
referendum, faces not only a hard-line political foe but a “no”
campaign led
by Zanu PF and powerful Christian leaders appalled by the
constitution’s
recognition of gay marriages.
“What happens next will test the political
stamina and maturity of
Zimbabweans,” said George Hukuimwe of opposition
Mavambo, Kusile, Dawn.
“They (Principals) have no mandate whatsoever to
finalise the country’s
constitution. Mugabe should not usurp the powers and
responsibilities of
both Parliament and the people of Zimbabwe.”
The
stakes for Tsvangirai himself, whose party won the 2008 elections on a
reformist platform and a pledge to overhaul the “imperial presidency” abused
by his coalition partner Mugabe, are also high.
Public discontent over
revisions to an initial draft that had ceded many
executive powers to
Parliament is expected to explode if Zanu PF has its
way.
Mugabe’s
party insists that the first draft, issued by Copac on July 18,
2012, must
be amended after vocal complaints from the politburo.
Madhuku, one of the
few civil rights campaigners who led protests against
the 19-times amended
Lancaster House 1979 Constitution that was negotiated
with Britain, said
that there will have to be consensus among the three
parties; otherwise
there will be no referendum at all.
“It is dangerous for a government to
overturn the will of the people,” he
said. Perhaps more problematic to
Mugabe than the political opposition is
the fervour of the antagonism from
the leadership of the smaller MDC led by
Ncube which insists that without
devolution of power, they will not accede
to any constitution at all.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Friday, 09 November 2012
10:21
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF has rejected demands by the
MDC
parties to reduce the age of eligibility of presidential candidates from
40
to 35 years, and wants sweeping presidential powers reinstated in the new
Constitution.
According to an official report of the Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference
that will be used to make further amendments to
the draft constitution, Zanu
PF has rejected proposals in the draft to have
a president who is wholly
accountable to Parliament, stating that executive
authority vests in the
head of state.
“President has powers because
is directly elected by people and cannot be
checked by appointees,” Zanu PF
says in its justification in the Copac
report.
In the old Lancaster
House Constitution, the head of state had wide powers
and could rule for an
unlimited number of terms.
However, Zanu PF wants Copac to preserve a
change introduced in the draft
that caps the number of terms any president
can serve at two.
A new constitution is a major component of a transition
from military-backed
autocracy to a democratic system of government that
Zimbabweans hope will
create conditions for a free and fair ballot after
disputed and
violence-marred elections in 2008.
Yet its drafting has
been marred by bickering between Zanu PF and its
coalition partners over
plans to dilute pharaonic presidential powers that
underpinned three decades
of one-man rule.
The debate at the Second All-Stakeholders Conference
touched on the pith of
presidential powers, expanding the rights of women,
devolution and freedom
of expression.
Many important questions were
left unanswered in the partial draft which the
drafting assembly released on
July 18, 2012 for public debate at the
stakeholders conference. Zanu PF
wants the draft constitution to clearly
state that the president has a duty
to “preserve values of liberation
struggle as reflected in the national
report in Founding Principles and
Preamble.”
While the two MDCs want
the President to submit resignation to Parliament
not to the Chief Justice
as is the case now, Zanu PF wants this preserved.
All parties agree that
the President shall be sworn in by the Chief Justice.
Zanu PF, according to
the constitutional conference report, wants a clause
in the draft
constitution requiring that presidential candidates must have
running mates
to be thrown out, even though the provision was brought by the
liberation
party.
Section 5.5 (2) of the Copac draft Constitution says: “Every
candidate for
election as President must nominate two persons to stand for
election
jointly with him or her as his or her vice presidents, and must
designate
one of those persons as his or her candidate for first vice
president and
the other as his or her candidate for second vice
president.”
Zanu PF insists on retaining two vice presidents, a
suggestion rejected by
the two MDCs.
Members of the Copac management
committee, which has been handed the
conference report, have until December
to finish their work, meaning there
is likely more debate to come. After
reaching consensus on the draft, all
the articles must then be approved by
Parliament.
The constitution will then be put to a popular referendum,
after which
Zimbabweans are due to head to the polls again to elect a new
Parliament and
President.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
09 November 2012
Ten councillors representing the MDC-N in the
Umzingwane rural district
council have defected to the MDC-T, after becoming
disillusioned with their
leader and the direction the party was
taking.
Eight of the councillors held a press conference at the MDC-T
offices in
Bulawayo where they announced their decision. Prior to their
defection the
MDC-N councillors were the majority in the district
council.
Out of 18 councillors 11 were from the Welshman Ncube led party
while the
remaining seven are from ZANU PF.
Only one councilor,
Kenneth Sibanda of ward 10, did not cross the floor. The
MDC-T did not win
any council seats in the area during the harmonized 2008
elections, meaning
that the defections have effectively given the MDC-T
control of the
council.
Abednico Bhebhe, the MDC-T’s deputy national organising
secretary, said he
was pleased to be able to welcome the councillors to
their party. Our
Bulawayo correspondent Lionel Saungweme told us the
councillors accused
party leader Welshman Ncube of putting more emphasis on
divisions than
uniting the party.
‘They had five points that they
raised during the press briefing. The first
was Ncube’s propensity to fuel
more divisions and the second item was the
party’s decision to back Simba
Makoni in the 2008 presidential. This denied
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai a clear majority to wrestle power from
Robert Mugabe. They said
this was a wrong strategy,’ Saungweme said.
The third point the
councillors raised was that they were tired of the split
and wanted to go
back to what they described as ‘the party of the people,’
the
MDC-T.
‘On the fourth point they accused the leadership of the party of
not having
the people at heart and the last point was that voters do not
want the MDC-N
anymore,’ Saungweme said.
Our correspondent said the
councillors explained that this has been a tough
decision and there’s been a
lot of agonising over many months.
‘They said like more and more people
from the Matabeleland region, they’ve
lost confidence in the MDC formation
and they had got sick and tired of
giving the leadership the benefit of the
doubt,’ he said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
09 November 2012
An MDC-T councillor has been dismissed from
the Umguza rural district
council, for blowing the lid off large scale
corruption in the local
government authority. He has vowed to contest the
dismissal.
Councillor Mxolisi Ndlovu exposed a corruption scandal
involving $1.6
million tendered to a non-existent company, to construct a
12km stretch of
road in Umguza.
But on Thursday he was shocked to
receive a letter of dismissal from Local
Government Minister Ignatius
Chombo.
Chombo’s letter, dated 22nd October 2012 reads: ‘I hearby advise
you that
you’ve been found guilty of dismissible offenses and I’m thus in
terms of
section 157/4 of the rural district council Act (29) dismiss you
from being
a councillor of Umguza rural district council with immediate
effect.’
Ndlovu told SW Radio Africa on Friday he was at a loss for words
to explain
the dismissal, apart from saying it is ‘a joke of the century.’
The
councillor, the only one from the MDC-T in Umguza out of 18, believes
he’s
paying a heavy penalty for whistle blowing.
‘I exposed the
scandal with good intentions, to get rid of the rot in the
council but I’m
surprised I’m now on the receiving end. What will people in
the district say
about us? They will obviously believe we are protecting
corrupt council
officials. What a shame,’ Ndlovu said.
The scandal involved the chief
executive officer of the council, Collen
Moyo, who corruptly awarded a
tender for $1.6 million to a non-existent
company to rehabilitate Ilitshe
road, a 12km stretch that connects Victoria
Falls to Nkayi in Matabeleland
North.
Ndlovu said he became suspicious of the project when he realized
that
council manpower, including personnel and equipment, were being used to
construct the road, when a tender had been ‘purportedly’ awarded to a
private firm.
‘It became obvious that something was amiss when
council workers and graders
were being used for the project. So when I made
noise about it Moyo was
arrested by the police last month,’ Ndlovu
added.
The Umguza CEO was released on $1,000 bail after spending more
than a week
in custody. He was given stringent bail conditions but to
Ndlovu’s surprise,
he is back at work where he believes he is tampering with
evidence.
‘I couldn’t believe it when I heard he is back at work when his
case is
still pending with the courts. He hasn’t been exonerated yet, so
what is he
doing at the council offices. That man should only be allowed
near the
offices when he is cleared by the courts,’ Ndlovu
explained.
The rural district council is chaired by Sikhanyisiwe Mpofu,
wife to ZANU PF
MP for the constituency Obert Mpofu, who is also the Mines
Minister.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
At least three traditional chiefs have grabbed sugar
cane farms here,
arguing that as leaders of the Shangaani community they did
not benefit from
the chaotic land reform
programme.
07.11.12
by Regerai Tututuku
Chiefs
believe they have a right to the sugarcane farms.
Chiefs Felix Murandu
Tshovani, Mavivi Misheck Gudo and Mundau Sengwe
forcibly took sugar cane
farms from fellow blacks. Chief Tshovani took over
plot 16 in Hippo Valley
while chiefs Sengwe and Gudo grabbed plots in the
Mukwasine area. A member
of the Zimbabwe Sugar Milling Workers Union, Marko
Shoko, confirmed the
development, adding that the traditional leaders were
now living in the farm
houses.
Shoko said the chiefs were claiming that the land belonged to
their
ancestors.
“Chief Tshovani displaced a war veteran called
Guruveni,” Shoko told The
Zimbabwean.
A farmer in the area who
refused to be named said they were not sure who was
going to be the next
target. “Those who lost farms were being targeted
because they are not
Shangaani-speaking people,” added the farmer.
A spokesman for the chiefs,
Chief Tshovani, yesterday confirmed that they
had taken over the farms. He
said the move followed a plea they made two
years ago to vice president
Joyce Mujuru that they needed sugar cane farms.
“As leaders of the Shangaani
community we told the vice president that we
needed farms and after
discovering that no one was taking us seriously, we
then took over plots of
our choice,” said Chief Tshovani.
Masvingo Provincial Governor Titus
Maluleke confirmed the development. He
said chiefs in Chiredzi were entitled
to sugar cane farms as they were
custodians of the land.
Hordes of
Zanu (PF) supporters, among them senior politicians, civil
servants and
members of the security service, grabbed huge pieces of land in
the sugar
cane growing area of Chiredzi under the land reform programme in
2000.
http://www.rnw.nl
Published on 9 November 2012 -
2:40pm
Books have become cheaper for cash-strapped but education-hungry
Zimbabweans, yet publishers and writers are seeing their earnings evaporate
due to burgeoning book piracy.
Fledgling publisher Edmund Masundire
is weighing whether to release new
titles under a popular series of
children's books after falling victim to a
roaring textbook bootlegging
industry.
"We found that the bulk of our books were being sold on the
streets after
they were reproduced illegally by printers who supply street
vendors at
cheap prices," said Masundire, whose catalogue includes
children's stories
and folk tales.
Book piracy has become almost the
norm in Zimbabwe where copies are sold at
near give-away prices through a
network of street vendors.
It's threatening an industry already
struggling to stay afloat because of
dwindling sales figures as few people
can afford to buy books in a country
battling to recover from nearly a
decade of economic downturn and political
turmoil.
Pirated books go
for half, or even less than the cost of original versions.
"Our most
popular titles are victims of book piracy," said Shepherd
Murevanhema at
College Press, a subsidiary of the global publishing group
Macmillan.
College Press publishes the bulk of the textbooks for the
national school
curriculum in Zimbabwe, a country reputed for having among
the best
education systems in Africa.
Street vendor Shepstone Mariri
operates across the road from a leading
bookshop in central Harare, luring
potential buyers with offers of "cheaper
books".
"For me it's a way
of earning a living," said Mariri.
"What I know is that it's a crime to
sell pirated music CDs or DVDs," he
added.
Sibongile Jele, a lecturer
in publishing studies at the National University
of Science and Technology,
blames a lax law enforcement system for the
failure to curb the tide of book
piracy.
"Police only chase music disc pirates and pass street vendors who
sell
photocopies of textbooks," Jele said.
"The justice system treats
piracy as a minor offence compared to other
crimes," she said in a country
where jokes insulting President Robert Mugabe
can land one before the
courts.
"Some schools also buy pirated books but are not prosecuted for
buying
stolen property," added Jele.
But police chief superintendent
Ever Mlilo throws it back to the publishers,
saying they have to be more
active and work with authorities "to make
copyright infringement more risky
than it is now."
Leading Zimbabwean author Musaemura Zimunya says
book-starved schools and
universities are among the culprits.
"There
is so much illegal photocopying and bookbinding taking place in
schools and
colleges," Zimunya said.
"Publishers are stuck with hordes of books in
their warehouses but what the
small guy, the underground baron is doing is
to use the simplest technology
to achieve maximum gains at the cost of
publishers."
Education institutions often suffer shortages of essential
textbooks and
resort to making own copies of scarce books. At the worst
times, 20 school
children were forced to share one book.
With a
combined total of more than 60 published textbooks and fiction titles
to his
name, award-winning Zimbabwean author Shimmer Chinodya ranks among
the
biggest losers.
"One out of every two teenagers in Zimbabwe is using
my... English-language
textbooks," Chinodya said.
"The question is
who is giving these people printing plates and films to
print books? Is the
corruption so bad?"
Emmanuel Makadho, director of Book Love Publishers,
said many publishers
could go bust if nothing is done to stop illegal
reproduction of books.
"If this is not stopped, many of us will be forced
to close shop," said
Makadho.
"There is a proliferation of people who
have invested in massive colour
copiers and printers for the purpose of
reproducing books published by other
companies."
An illicit printer
was recently found with $22,000 worth of pirated copies
of books.
©
ANP/AFP
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
08.11.2012
State
Enterprises Minister Gorden Moyo says ministers from across the
political
divide are crippling state enterprises as they continue to
illegally accept
allowances and perks from government companies.
Moyo told VOA Studio 7
the latest parastatal financial statements indicate
that some ministers are
double dipping as they are getting allowances from
their offices and
government businesses and using related facilities in line
ministries -
prejudicing the coalition government of millions of dollars.
Moyo said
the ministers and other top state officials are violating the
Public Finance
and Management Act with impunity as they are also drawing
fuel and hiring
vehicles in parastatals meant for executives of state
enterprises.
Parliament, he says, is the only arm of the government
that can stop some of
these practices that are almost crippling state
enterprises.
Most parastatals failed to submit financial statements in
the past under the
Zanu PF government.
Moyo said these ministers have
to be punished for abusing state funds and
facilities.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
The Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority
could be losing thousands of
dollars in potential revenue through illegal
power connections on resettled
farms, it has
emerged.
06.11.12
by Sphiwe Ndlovu
In Selous under
Chief Chivero’s area people use tree poles to connect wires
to power
supplies illegally. Recently two poles collapsed and electrocuted a
cow that
was grazing nearby.
Resettled residents of another farm in the same area
have also illegally
connected electricity to their homes. More than 80
families are living with
electricity in what used to be a
compound.
The power supply is illegally connected to a transformer
situated in the
farm house and untreated gum-poles are sunk into the ground
to connect live
wires to houses around the compound.
“Each person
contributed $40 to buy electric wires and gum-poles for power
to reach
his/her home,” said a resident who spoke on condition of anonymity
ZESA
Public Relations Manager Fullard Gwasira said they were aware that
illegal
connections were taking place in some areas, adding that there were
monitors
at every distribution base station across the country. It is a
criminal
offense to connect illegally to power supplies.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Zanu (PF) Manicaland Deputy Political
Commissar, Ivan Mbengo, is in trouble
for remarks he made during a 2012
budget consultation meeting held here
recently.
07.11.12
by
Staff Reporter
Mbengo was quoted in a local daily as saying the
country could experience a
similar wave of uprisings to North Africa, if the
government failed to
adequately deal with the issue of high
unemployment.
He suggested that there was a need for the government to
channel funds into
the resuscitation of collapsed industries to arrest the
ballooning figures
of unemployment.
Mbengo was suspended from his
position pending investigations for making
statements that allegedly
contradict the party’s position on empowerment. He
is accused of making
statements that undermine Zanu (PF) ideology and
principles.
In a
statement, the Chairperson for Zimbabwe Liberation War Veterans
Association
Manicaland Chapter, Linda Matatu, confirmed the suspension of
Mbengo over
the utterances he made.
“We confirm the suspension of Ivan Mbengo as
Provincial Deputy Political
Commissar for Manicaland over the statement he
made during the budget
consultation. As war veterans we disassociate
ourselves from the remarks. He
was speaking in his own capacity and not
representing the association,” read
the statement.
Mbengo has since
appeared before a disciplinary hearing where he is reported
to have refuted
the allegations. However, other members of the war veterans’
association who
declined to be named said Mbengo was being persecuted for
speaking the truth
in public.
“In a normal democracy, everyone is entitled to his or her own
opinion. This
is a clear case of dictatorship. This man has no case to
answer because he
was giving a solution to an imminent crisis at a public
forum,” said one war
veteran.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
09
November 2012
The national power utility has promised to stop
disconnecting customers with
outstanding payments, while it faces more
pressure to sort out its billing
system.
ZESA has ordered its
regional managers countrywide to stop power
disconnections, to fall in line
with a directive from the Energy Minister
Elton Mangoma more than two months
ago. In August, Mangoma had said the
disconnections would stop while the
power utility was installing prepaid
meters to households across the
country.
However, the directive was not honoured and there have been
ongoing reports
of customers being disconnected, despite many insisting that
the estimated
bills provided by ZESA do not match their actual power
usage.
Jenni Williams, who leads the pressure group Women of Zimbabwe
Arise (WOZA),
said on Friday that the orders to stop the disconnections will
come as a
welcome relief. WOZA has been pressuring ZESA throughout the past
year to
sort out its billing and power shortage issues, and provide
customers with a
proper service. Williams told SW Radio Africa that the
ongoing
disconnections have been a source of anger and discontent for many
of their
members.
Williams also welcomed a court decision which could
see ZESA reimbursing its
customers. An administrate court last week ruled
that an energy tariff
increase of more than 30%, that was imposed more than
a year ago, was
illegal.
The Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries had
contested the new tariff on the
basis that when it was approved, the board
of the Zimbabwe Electricity
Regulatory Authority (ZERA) was not properly
constituted as required by the
law. The Administrative Court president
Herbert Mandeya ruled that the
increase was invalid, and ordered ZERA to
come up with a new tariff in three
months. Until then, the old tariffs
imposed in 2009 will be charged.
There is also still no indication of how
the power authority plans to
reimburse customers directly or credit their
accounts. WOZA’s Williams said
that either way it is a vindication for those
who raised concerns about
being overcharged by ZESA. Williams however raised
concerns about the
possible implications of the court decision, warning that
ZESA had slowly
begun to improve.
“In 2009 when the old tariff was
set we had come out of the most dismal
economic downturn ever. A lot of our
rates and prices had not been properly
established and there was a phase of
experimentation. What we saw subsequent
to that in the last year, we saw
somehow less power cuts, the stabilisation
of a pricing structure. So there
have been incremental although slow
improvements,” Williams said.
She
expressed concern that these improvements will be reversed if ZESA is
now
taking less money every month, after overcharging people for over a
year.
She said the implications of that could likely mean more power cuts in
the
future.
“I’m led to believe that because there have been more customers
paying, ZESA
has been in a better position. But now if they are in a
negative balance and
they need to refund their consumers, it will prejudice
their abilities to
pay for power,” Williams said.
ZESA spokesman
Fullard Gwasira had agreed to speak to SW Radio Africa on
Friday, but he was
not reachable by phone.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
09 November
2012
Threats to commercial banks to either agree to buy Treasury bills or
face
being forced to do so, are being criticised as unwelcome deliberate
coercion
by the government.
The government has re-launched its
Treasury bill market, where it auctions
Central Bank ‘securities’ to
commercial banks in return for a loan to
finance government expenditure.
October saw the first such Treasury bill
market being launched since the
local currency was dollarised.
But there has been reluctance by
commercial banking groups to pay out these
loans at the price the government
is asking. Economist Tony Hawkins
explained that the argument at the moment
is about the cost of money. He
said: “The banks are reluctant to lend to
government at the price government
wants which is at interest rate of 4% and
less, and the banks are saying no,
they want 8 or 9%.”
Finance
Minister Tendai Biti and Central Bank Governor Gideon Gono have both
warned
the banks that they might be forced into accepting the arrangement if
a
compromise is not reached. Hawkins said this is “basically
coercion.”
“The government is basically forcing the banks rather than
letting the banks
reach a voluntary arrangement. They (government) is
saying: ‘If you don’t
lend voluntarily we’ll make it compulsory,” Hawkins
explained.
He said he hopes some kind of compromise can be reached
because forcing the
banks to buy in when they are reluctant could spell bad
news for Zimbabwe’s
still battered economy.
“That would take us back
to where the trouble started when banks were forced
to hold government
securities that turned out to be worthless,” Hawkins
said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
Staff
reporter
9th November
Zimbabwe’s Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC)
is unhappy with the
appointment of a British national on an arbitration
panel. The arbitration
involves a US$35 million dispute between the ZMDC and
two international
mining companies.
Not only is the ZMDC unhappy that
there’s a Brit on the panel, but they also
want the South African judge
removed from the case.
Amaplat Mauritius and Amari Nickel Holdings
Zimbabwe are suing the ZMDC for
cancelling Memorandums of Understanding they
had entered into for platinum
and nickel concessions.
The two
companies want US$35 million for damages they claim to have suffered
as a
result of the cancellation.
On the arbitration panel are Mr Stewart
Isaacs, a UK barrister, nominated by
the UK International Chamber of
Commerce national committee to chair the
tribunal. South African judge
Justice Meyer Joffe is a nominee of Amaplats
and Zim lawyer James Mutizwa
was nominated by the ZMDC, but has since
resigned.
The ZMDC claim
that a British national will be biased against them, because
it was the EU
that imposed targeted sanctions on Mugabe and his ruling
elite. They said it
was impossible for him to be impartial, when his country
is not.
They
also claim he has persuaded the South African judge to be biased
against
them.
They had tried to have the two removed by taking the issue to court
in Cape
Town, but it was thrown out. The ZMDC then went to the International
Court
of Arbitration in Paris, France, and again lost the case.
But
they then went to the High Court of Zambia where they finally got a
provisional order stopping all the arbitration proceedings, until the
dispute was finalised.
Yet another case that will convince any
potential investors that it’s better
to steer clear of Zimbabwe.
http://www.bdlive.co.za/
BY RAY NDLOVU, NOVEMBER 09
2012
MINING lobbyists are set to make a fresh bid to press the
Zimbabwean
government to implement the Diamond Act, a proposed bill which it
is hoped
will bring transparency to the diamond mining industry.
The
industry until now has mostly been the preserve of President Robert
Mugabe’s
Zanu (PF) and military-linked personnel. If implemented, the act
will bring
much needed transparency to the diamond industry as it will
monitor all
diamond processes such as extraction, receipting, evaluation,
grading,
polishing, auctioning and the processing of export customs
documents.
This information is unavailable to the Treasury and the
tax authority, the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority. Finance Minister Tendai Biti
has cut a lone
figure pressing for the adoption of the Diamond Act, which
will plug revenue
leakages, especially from the Marange diamond
fields.
Mr Biti accuses Zanu (PF) of using the Marange diamonds to run a
"parallel
government", while international watchdogs say Mr Mugabe is
building a "war
chest" with the diamond proceeds for next year’s March
election.
Mr Biti is expected to announce measures to plug diamond
loopholes in the
budget announcement set for next Thursday, after mining
firms in Marange
failed to meet a $600m contribution to this year’s budget
and will
contribute only $150m.
A mining official, Goodwills
Masimirembwa from the Zimbabwe Mining
Development Corporation, a
government-owned company that has a 50-50 venture
with firms operating in
Marange, however blamed the poor diamond inflows
from sanctions imposed by
western countries.
Shamiso Mtisi, a mining lobbyist with the Zimbabwe
Environmental Law
Association said: "The (Diamond) Act must require all
revenues and payments
made by mining and diamond trading companies and
received by government to
be disclosed by it or mining companies in a
publicly accessible manner and
in a disaggregated manner … talk over the act
has been going on for the past
three years with nothing concrete on the
table".
The country’s diamond mining industry will come under the
spotlight on
Monday next week, when the mines and mining development
ministry hosts the
inaugural diamond conference in Victoria Falls. Nearly
1,000 delegates are
expected to attend, among them the Kimberley Process
Certification Scheme
chairwoman Gillian Milovanovic.
Mines and Mining
Development Minister Obert Mpofu has hinted that the
diamond conference
would be used to dispel negative perceptions around the
country’s Marange
diamonds — which Human Rights Watch has called "blood
diamonds", because of
human rights violations linked to them.
Sources close to organising the
conference told Business Day yesterday that
the two-day event would be used
to "galvanise regional and global support"
against the sanctions imposed by
the US. "The diamond act will not be up for
discussion, its not on the
agenda. The appropriate platform to deal with
that is Parliament and Cabinet
where that space is available," said the
official.
Political analyst
Charles Mangongera said it was likely Zanu (PF) would
resist any proposals
that would chip away their dominance of the political
landscape.
"Diamond revenue has given Zanu (PF) the edge over the
Movement for
Democratic Change and they are unlikely to give ground to the
demands for
transparency. Next year is an election year, and the control of
the diamond
purse strings could tip the scales in Zanu (PF)’s favour and Mr
Mugabe knows
that very well and as a result we are likely to see more
dilly-dallying
around the law."
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
http://www.thezimbabwemail.net
By Staff Reporter 2012-11-08
15:22:00
HARARE – Zimbabwe government says the successful
completion of the National
Defence College, the biggest in Southern Africa,
was due to its Look East
Policy.
The defence college, which was
officially opened in September, received
furniture worth US$1,4 million from
a Chinese company.
Speaking after inspecting the furniture, the Defence
Minister, Emmerson
Mnangagwa and Zimbabwe Defence Forces Commander General
Constantine Chiwenga
described the gesture by Anhui Foreign Economic
Construction Company
(AFCECC) as one of the success stories of the Look East
Policy spearheaded
by the country as a way of busting illegal
sanctions.
“Because of the illegal sanctions imposed on our country by
Britain, the US
and their allies, which has resulted in poor performance of
our economy, it
was difficult to imagine how my ministry was going to
overcome the challenge
of furnishing the National Defence College. I have no
doubt that donated
furniture will ensure that the college attains the much
needed conducive
learning environment,” said Mnangagwa.
“The gesture
by the Chinese government demonstrates the strong ties that
exist between
the two countries. We would like to thank the AFECC group for
building one
of the best defence colleges in the region,” said General
Chiwenga.
Chinese Ambassador to Zimbabwe, Mr Lin Lin and AFECC Acting
Chairperson, Kan
Jiatao pledged more material and financial support that
will promote a
win-win mutual co-operation between the two
countries.
“China will stand by Zimbabwe to overcome challenges facing
the country. We
will provide more equipment and instructors to ensure the
success of the
college,” Mr Lin said.
“With the support of President
Robert Mugabe, China will stick to a mutual
benefit co-operation policy to
enhance economic development between the two
nations,” Mr Jiatao
said.
The National Defence College was officially opened by President
Robert
Mugabe on the 14th of September this year.
Training has since
commenced in various defence courses.
http://www.voazimbabwe.com
Marvellous
Mhlanga-Nyahuye
08.11.2012
The Zimbabwe Football Association vice
president Ndumiso Gumede has defended
his organization’s decision not to
send the under-17 team to fulfill an
Africa Championship qualifier against
Congo Brazzaville this week citing
financial constraints.
Gumede told
VOA Studio 7 that ZIFA is broke and has been relying on
financial donations
with the bulk coming from association president Cuthbert
Dube to stay
afloat.
Fans are calling for ZIFA’s leadership to step down after the
board last
week announced the dissolution of the national team, the
Warriors, following
its failure to qualify for the 2013 Africa Cup of
Nations.
The Zimbabwe Soccer Supporters Association told Studio 7 it is
disappointed
by the underperformance of administrators at ZIFA who last week
announced
they were interested in developing junior football, but this week
miserably
failed to send the under-17 team to the Africa Youth
Championships.
To address funding gaps, former Premier Soccer League
chief executive Chris
Sambo said ZIFA should rebrand itself to attract
sponsors and increase
revenues.
"ZIFA managed to raise pledges under
the Mzansi 90 Committee for the
Warriors' last lag in Angola which means
they can still attract sponsors if
they spruce up their image and market
themselves as a good brand," said
Sambo.
Gumede said there is a
looming anti-ZIFA demonstration calling for the
ouster of the entire board,
but he is not fazed as people are, in his words,
“entitled to their own
opinions on how to run football”.
"I am ready to give up my vice
presidency next year as I will not seek
re-election but will not bow down to
sympathizers of those found guilty of
the Asiagate scandal who I understand
are planning to stage an anti-ZIFA
campaign," said Gumede from his rural
home in Inyathi, Matabeleland North
Province.
Last month, the ZIFA
board slapped lifetime bans on 15 players and
administrators found guilty of
participating in the so-called Asiagate
scandal, and was heavily criticized
for the lengthy time they took to
conclude the matter.
Sambo added
that the ZIFA administrators lost track of their core business
of running
football and instead concentrated their strengths on the Asiagate
scandal.
Studio 7 reporter Marvellous Mhlanga Nyahuye turned to
Gumede and Sambo for
their perspective on the state of football in the
country and anti-ZIFA
sentiment.
Sekai Holland says senior
members of Zanu PF are making “ridiculous
statements” because they know
their time in power is at an end.
Minister for Reconciliation,
Healing and Integration is on a visit to
Australia to accept her Sydney
Peace Prize which she was awarded for her
efforts to further political
reform in Zimbabwe.
Holland told Australian media she was now comfortable
being involved in the
unity government.
“All the things Zanu PF are
saying are just sulking because they know they
are going,” she
said.
“We know they are going, and we know that things we are signing
together are
going to happen because they are by agreement.
“So the
more ridiculous the statements become, the closer the end for them
is. They
can sense it.”
Holland said the situation in Zimbabwe had improved since
2008 and 2009,
when political instability made headlines in Australia, and
expressed
confidence the political changes would be long-lasting.
She
described the Global Political Agreement as a “peace document” which
allowed
politicians a framework to re-build civil institutions in Zimbabwe.
“Our
understanding of what the inclusive government was has been clarified
by
reading through the Global Political Agreement,” she said.
“It is meant
to get Zimbabweans setting up new institutions, new systems,
new protocols,
new regulations to prepare the country for free and fair
elections.
“Secondly, to have elections that have an outcome, that
is, not contestable
and have a smooth transition to a new government. That’s
what it was aimed
to achieve and what we are on course to
achieving.”
Holland, who lived in Australia in the 1960s and 1970s to
study, worked with
Aboriginal Australian groups.
She also used her
wide-ranging peace prize lecture and television to inject
herself into the
local political issues, criticising Sydney police’s use of
tasers, sexism
and lamented the lack of progress in improving the life
quality of
Aboriginal Australians.
Holland was also awarded a trophy and
$50,000.
U.S. Embassy
Harare
Public Affairs
Section
STATEMENT: Arrest of
the Counseling Services Unit counsellors and staff
Harare, November 8,
2012: The United States
is deeply concerned about the November 5th police search of the
Zimbabwean Counseling Services Unit (CSU) medical clinic and the arrest of three
senior programme officers. CSU is a lawfully registered medical clinic
providing non-partisan counselling and referral services to all victims of
trauma.
This search
represents the latest incident in a worrying trend of deploying elements of
state security sector institutions to threaten and intimidate political
activists and those who provide support to victims of such intimidation and
abuse.
In addition to the
arrests and subsequent transport of the three CSU employees to Bulawayo, the
United States is concerned about the disruption of medical services to victims
of trauma that occurred during the search of CSU premises and the illegal access
to confidential patient medical records. Patient record confidentiality is a
critical part of medical services and should be respected through strict
adherence to the law.
Non-partisan trauma
and medical counseling is a vital part of Zimbabwe’s work to re-build a strong,
just democracy after over a decade of political trauma. The United States calls
on all Zimbabweans to support and protect that work. In the lead up to national
elections, the United States looks to the government of Zimbabwe to ensure that
all security sector leaders and groups strictly follow President Mugabe’s call
for non-violence; and that they also follow a policy of non-interference in
democratic processes, including no harassment, intimidation, or hints of
retribution.
# #
#
Comments and queries
should be addressed to Sharon Hudson-Dean, Counselor for Public Affairs. E-mail:
hararepas@state.gov Tel. +263 4
758800-1, Fax: 758802. http://harare.usembassy.gov
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6 NOVEMBER 2012
Distinguished guests, ladies and
gentlemen—
I am going to keep my comments very brief. Over the last
decade, just about
everything that can be said about Zimbabwe has been said.
I am not here to
scrape around and present you one or two pieces of trivia
that you may not
have heard before. Neither am I here to draw an intricate
analytical picture
of what could happen in the next 12 months. Rather, I
want to point to what
I believe is the basic truth about Zimbabwe, but one
that is increasingly
forgotten amidst all the background noise. This
background noise often
reaches such levels that we forget what lies in the
foreground. My message
is a simple one: there needs to be a clean break with
the past in
Zimbabwe—and very soon—or else the country will be a permanent
basket case
akin to the Democratic Republic of Congo or the Central African
Republic, or
any of the other forgotten and forsaken backwaters in Africa,
distinguished
only by occasional atrocities and marked by the utter,
grinding poverty of
their inhabitants.
We are, of course, already a
basket case, but the sense that this is
permanent is becoming ever stronger.
I reject the notion that Zimbabwe can
evolve toward democracy and
prosperity. That is the fallacy that has been
peddled by many politicians in
Zimbabwe and accepted by a growing segment of
the international community.
But, realistically, what are the grounds for
such expectations? I put it to
you that nothing much has changed in Zimbabwe
since the last elections in
2008, barring the end of hyperinflation. It was
a one-hit wonder that has
removed the intense desperation of economic life,
yet it has not changed the
fundamentals. The desperation is there still; our
industrial and
agricultural capacity remains derisory. Our prospects for
substantial
domestic growth or foreign direct investment remain pitiful as
long as
corrupt ZANU PF functionaries pedal the lunacy of Crony
Indigenization
Yet I am not going to focus on economic measures of
our health. They, too,
are just a symptom of a deeper and more serious
illness. We have not yet rid
ourselves of the cause of these problems—first
and foremost, Robert Mugabe’s
Zanu (PF). They are still in control of the
instruments that have steered
Zimbabwe since independence in 1980—the army,
the police, the air force, and
the intelligence organisation. The optimists
among us point to the decline
in political violence, the divisions in Zanu
(PF), the ageing of that party’s
war veterans, and so on and so forth. These
arguments have been peddled for
years. We must begin to regard such people
as false prophets. I prefer to
look at the enduring realities. Remember that
there was little political
violence in Zimbabwe for a full ten years from
the late 1980s. Remember that
violence has always, almost without exception,
declined between elections.
Why go to the effort of beating and killing
people when power is not at
stake? Remember, too, that there have been major
fissures within Zanu since
the early 1970s. And don’t forget that there are
any number of clones among
the younger generation within Zanu (PF) who are
eager to follow in the
footsteps of the war vets, notwithstanding the fact
that they know no
nothing of the colonial period that continues to be the
stock-in-trade of
Zanu propaganda. White Zimbabweans now make up
approximately 0.25 percent of
Zimbabwe’s population and yet—if Zanu’s
apologists are to be believed—they
constitute about 99 percent of the
country’s problems. This obsession with
race is utterly absurd, and is
intended to hide the continuing inept,
corrupt ZANU PF machine from reasoned
scrutiny. These are the realities of
military dictatorship, the rape of our
resources, and the bastardisation of
our national culture.
It is this
last aspect that concerns me the most. Aside from continuing to
hold our
nation to ransom with guns, and baton sticks, Zanu (PF) have slowly
and
insidiously infected and corrupted our culture with their own venal
disease.
From the lowly constable to the political elites—the individuals
and
institutions that are meant to be the foundations, the bricks and the
mortar
of any civilised system—have instead become predators. Self-seeking,
greedy
and lawless, they suck the life out of our people—and our people, in
turn,
are becoming amoral survivors in this world of dog-eat-dog and
rat-eat-rat.
If you don’t believe me, just go through the border at
Beitbridge, a living
nightmare of vice and corruption, where officials and
touts compete and
collude for the spoils of hapless travellers, most of whom
are their own
Zimbabwean brothers and sisters. And if you are heading north,
when you
eventually manage to escape that cesspit, you are faced with
innumerable
roadblocks, where the parasites from our police force fleece you
of anything
from cash to drinks to personal belongings. Our border posts and
our roads
are a microcosm of what is happening to our integrity as a people.
The
impact of this moral disintegration on the opposition movement is the
worst
part of it all—and its reversal contains the only hope that our
DRC-like
trajectory can be halted. It is a fact that some in my party have
joined the
ZANU PF GRAVY TRAIN. Having participated in the so-called
inclusive,
government, some now do exactly what their Zanu counterparts do.
They drive
the same cars, they buy the same houses, and they dress in fancy
suits.
Politicians from both parties spend more time doing so-called
business deals
than anything else. There are regrettably some who have even
turned to
violence. Change must come from politicians with integrity, who
respond to
the people’s desperate cry for participative, transparent
democracy. I truly
believe that the window of opportunity could nearly be
closed for Zimbabwe.
Historically, we will look at the period from 2000 to
2015 as the turning
point. Unless we in MDC renew our vision and
determination and complete the
return to Democratic Normalcy in the next
three or so years, it might be too
late. There will be no new Zimbabwe.
I am not predicting an apocalypse.
That is quite possible, but it’s equally
likely that Zimbabwe will
degenerate into a Somalia. It will be just be
another perennial slum in
Africa, a shantytown, a bantustan where the dream
of the citizens extends no
further than emigration. The privileged few will
gorge themselves, on the
scraps. In practical terms, MDC and Civil Society
must drive Zanu (PF) from
power and find enough leaders who will put the
country before themselves. We
who began MDC as a Broad Based movement ——
must now renew ourselves. We must
find ways of uniting and working with each
other. We must re direct
ourselves to give it a last, all-out push toward
our original objectives. We
used to know what our objectives were. They
remain the objectives of the
majority of Zimbabwean citizens. The
evolutionary strategic approach toward
co-operating with a ‘reformed’
ZANU-PF is a pipedream. One example of the
myth of a ‘reformed’ ZANU-PF and
there are many, is to consider the shameful
attacks every Sunday on Anglican
parishioners beaten and harassed by ZANU-PF
as it terrorizes
institutionalized Christian denominations. This is a
deliberate strategy of
theirs. Have we heard any so-called heavyweight
ZANU-PF functionaries
denounce this disgusting behavior? Not a
chance.
I’m not really surprised that the diplomatic communities have
latched on to
this muddled concept. Western and regional countries are busy
with their own
problems, and are tired of seeing the same old B-grade
Zimbabwe movie
over-and-over again. And, at the end of the day, they don’t
have to live in
Zimbabwe. If evolution turns out to be a Somalian mirage,
what do others
really care? But us Zimbabweans need to be real. If we don’t
get it
right—and quickly—we are facing a future of enduring squalor and
oppression.
Period.
http://nehandaradio.com
on November 9, 2012 at 10:02
am
By Addmore Zhou
“An evil remains an evil whether
practiced by white against black or by
black against white. Our majority
rule could easily turn into inhuman rule
if we oppressed, persecuted or
harassed those who do not look or think like
the majority of
us”.
Farm invaders taunt white farmer
These were the words of
Prime Minister elect Robert Mugabe on the eve of the
country’s independence
celebrations in 1980. Whilst the words remain
stubbornly true and more
relevant today, the man’s actions have since
drifted away from
them.
The independence celebrations were a culmination of a protracted
war of
liberation which was triggered by a cocktail of injustices
perpetrated
against blacks by the Rhodesian white minority regime. Chief
among them was
the issue of land which was grabbed from majority blacks and
distributed
among few white settlers of European decent particularly
Britain.
Robert Mugabe’s speech was welcomed by all and sundry as it
contained
positive glimpses of the way the man was going to govern the new
country. He
came out as a benign leader who amorously espoused the
principles of
togetherness, racial integration and
reconciliation.
Decades later, his handling of the land reform program
revealed some
worrying traits of malevolence, intolerance and racial hatred
which
contrasted sharply with his founding vision for the
country.
Under his leadership, the country has degenerated into a
vindictive and
somewhat racist nation. There is no denying that the colonial
regime was
evil in both actions and purpose. There is also no denying that
the land
issue was central to the struggle and therefore needed to be
addressed
urgently.
But how was it addressed and was it the right
way?
From independence in 1980 up until 2000, Zimbabwe was virtually a
one party
State with national politics dominated by ZANU PF which had a
majority in
parliament. The party had enough legislative powers to pass laws
which could
allow and enable the country to compulsorily acquire
land.
Unfortunately, little was done on the land front with the exception
of a
handful of acquisitions which were not enough to solve the century long
grievance. Instead the government waited for more than two decades until the
situation deteriorated into anarchy and chaos.
There are some
unsubstantiated claims to the effect that the Lancaster House
agreement and
constitution did not allow the government to acquire land for
resettlement
and that the moratorium was to be in effect until ten years
after
independence.
These arguments don’t seem to be supported by any clause
within the
Lancaster House document. To the contrary, the Lancaster House
constitution
allowed the government to acquire land from farmers and land
owners.
An extract from the Lancaster House constitution
reads:
“Every person will be protected from having his property
compulsorily
acquired except when the acquisition is in the interests of
defence, public
safety, public order, public morality, public health, town
and country
planning, the development or utilisation of that or other
property in such a
manner as to promote the public benefit or, in the case
of under- utilised
land, settlement of land for agricultural purposes. When
property is wanted
for one of these purposes, its acquisition will be lawful
only on condition
that the law provides for the prompt payment of adequate
compensation”.
It is evident and clear that compulsory acquisition of
land was allowed. It
was up to the government to provide reasons behind
acquisitions and also
provides compensation for acquired land. In fact, the
government of Zimbabwe
passed the 1985 Land Acquisition Act which gave
government the powers to
acquire land under the willing buyer willing seller
basis and the right to
first refusal of any commercial land which was
available for sale.
The world over, governments have powers to acquire
land forcefully provided
they compensate the landowners. Public interest has
to be served through the
use of compulsory purchase powers allowing land to
be acquired for economic
and social development.
Britain itself,
which is Zimbabwe’s former colonial master, has the Land
Compensation Act of
1961 and other subsequent legislation such as the Land
Compensation Act of
1973 which allow the country to forcefully acquire land
for national
good.
The issue therefore is not about whether the Zimbabwean government
had the
right and powers to acquire land. Rather it is about whether it was
the
right thing to acquire land and property without
compensation.
There are genuine arguments as to why and how a new and
poor government was
expected to raise funding to compensate white farmers
especially when the
land was grabbed from blacks for free in the first
place. There are also
those who argue that farmers were not willing to avail
land under the
willing buyer willing seller basis.
Today, other
regional countries such as South Africa and Namibia are
grappling with land
shortages for resettling landless majority. They cite
the principle of
willing buyer willing seller basis as an impediment to land
redistribution.
Like the Zimbabwean government, they do not have a clear
understanding of
the meaning of willing buyer willing seller, hence they are
stuck with a
surprisingly easy problem.
Whilst at face value the doctrine of willing
buyer willing seller may be
interpreted to mean the landowner must be
willing to sell to a willing
buyer, it has a far deeper meaning when it
comes to land acquisition issues.
To put it simple, land can still be
acquired under the principle without the
seller’s willingness to sell. The
next question is how could that be?
The principle is simply meant to
create a platform for a market where the
value of land for compensation
purposes is determined by market conditions.
It is merely an assumption
premised on the context that the seller and the
buyer are negotiating freely
at arm’s length without either party
arm-twisting the other hence the
resultant price for compensation purposes
is deemed fair.
If the
seller is not willing to sit on the table and negotiate the price,
his seat
will be replaced with another symbolic seller who will act on his
behalf
under the same conditions. In other words, the transaction will go
ahead in
his absence and the compensation given to the seller will be fair
based on
the market values of similar properties or existing demand within
the
market. It is therefore a basis for determining the price to pay the
landowner and not concerned about whether he is willing to sell or
not.
As previously mentioned, the Zimbabwean land issue was not about
whether
white farmers were willing to sell the land or not because every
government
has the right to forcefully acquire land. The same applies to
South Africa,
Namibia and any other country facing the same problem. The
issue for debate
is what was the compensation supposed to
cover.
Under normal compulsory acquisition laws, the landowner is
compensated for
the value of land taken and any collateral injurious
affection arising from
the acquisition. The value of land taken may include
identifiable
hereditaments and appurtenances commonly known as developments
on the land.
Because of the history behind the land issue in Zimbabwe, it
will be
reasonable to argue that compensation must be limited to
developments on the
land and must exclude the land itself since it was not
paid for in the first
place.
Exceptions could be filtered in for
landowners who prove that their
ownerships were a result of normal purchases
not linked to colonial
allocations. The argument makes political, social and
economic logic
although it may not be fair to some farmers. On the other
hand, it is
completely unfair not to compensate for developments on the
land.
When the country’s current black farmers were settled on the farms,
they
found infrastructure such as canals, irrigation pipes, houses, tanks
and
other machinery already existing on the farms. Such infrastructure was
not
available when colonial farmers first settled on the farms. The
infrastructure has been useful to current black farmers and the country as a
whole, hence the need to acknowledge its beneficence by compensating
previous white farmers.
Compensation will also give finality to a
very contentious issue which the
country cannot afford to leave hanging. It
will give current farmers
security of tenure and be able to invest fully on
the land knowing the
ownership part is solved permanently. Uncertainties in
land ownership have
been hampering productivity on the farms as farmers
could not fully commit
their resources on land for which they have no secure
titles.
On the other hand, agricultural funding has not been forthcoming
as banks
are not willing to accept unregistered land as collateral for
financing
purposes. The value of land as an economic asset has not been
fully realised
for more than a decade. As a result, very few markers of
achievement have
been witnessed since the program
started.
Politically, the country cannot take chances by procrastinating
and hoping
that somehow the issue will die a silent death. There has been a
lot of
posturing and pandering by all parties within the inclusive
government about
the issue. ZANU PF has failed to realise that it has a duty
to respect
property rights regardless of the painful historical past
associated with
the Zimbabwe land question.
MDC formations and in
particular MDC T have also lost an opportunity to
address the issue. The
strategic impetus and opportunity presented by their
involvement in the
coalition government was lost when MDC T insisted on
choosing Roy Bennett, a
former white farmer, as the designate Co-Minister of
agriculture. They
failed to realise that the issue was not about pleasing
whites within their
ranks but rather about solving the land issue for the
benefit of all races
and people of Zimbabwe.
The decision was ill-advised, not well thought
after with no results in the
end as President Mugabe refused to swear him as
Minister. Even if he was
sworn in, he was likely to make little progress
since he is part of the
previous group of farmers and his actions and plans
were likely to be viewed
as biased and therefore face resistance.
As
a way forward the government must immediately engage previous farmers
with
the hope of finding a way of compensating them. Because of the time
which
has since passed since the program began, it is difficult to ascertain
the
accurate values of developments which were existing on the farms more
than a
decade ago. A compromise quantum amount is the only viable
alternative.
Previous white farmers on the other hand must realise
that the issue is
socially and politically sensitive and should not expect
to emerge as
winners. All sides must be prepared to lose one way or the
other if a
lasting solution is to be found. The current situation where the
government’s
assets are being attached in different countries such as South
Africa as a
way of enforcing compensation is not sustainable and surely not
good for the
country.
Britain on the other hand must realise that it
cannot simply walk away from
the issue. The problem was created by its past
colonial presence in the
country. It benefited from the country’s resources
whilst it was still under
its empire, hence it has an obligation and
responsibility to contribute
resources towards solving the problem. Whilst
it will be unreasonable to
expect British taxpayers to pay for the program,
Britain must provide
interest free loans to the country for the
purpose.
The Zimbabwe government must continue to engage the
international community
under various auspices such as the UNDP and other
financiers such as the
World Bank in order to mobilise resources needed for
the program. There is
need for the government to put in place a
well-informed proposal outlining
the strategic, sustainability and moral
imperatives of the plan.
The government must be transparent with the
program especially with regards
to current ownership. The international
community cannot be expected to
partake in a process which is partisan in
nature, benefiting certain groups
or people of certain political persuasions
at the expense of the country.
Land is a national asset which must never be
used by one political party for
political purposes. It must remain a
strategic national asset, which if used
properly, will benefit the country
as a whole.
The country cannot pass on the problem to future generations
to solve. The
President, the Prime Minister, Ministers of Finance and
Agriculture must
spearhead the compensation process and present a
comprehensive proposal
before parliament for debate. The government must
seriously consider
compensating white farmers because it is simply the right
thing to do.
Addmore Zhou is a business and real estate consultant. He is
a real estate
graduate of Kingston University in London and an MBA Business
Finance
graduate of University of Liverpool Management School. His PhD
research
interest focuses on Real Estate Investment and Development in
developing
countries. He can be contacted on addmorez@yahoo.co.uk
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri 9th November 2012
News that MDC-T leader Morgan
Tsvangirai has lined up international rallies
to woo an estimated three
million Zimbabweans in the Diaspora to return home
and vote (Newsday
9/11/12) sounds like the legendary story of the Pied Piper
of
Hamelin.
The story of the Pied Piper should be familiar to everyone who
went to
primary school. It featured a man dressed in pied (i.e.
multicoloured)
clothing (Wikipedia) leading children away from the town of
Hamelin in Lower
Saxony, Germany never to return.
Although the story
has many interpretations, there seems to be a consensus
that it symbolises
the tragic death of children who were lured away on a
disastrous
crusade.
So what is the link with Tsvangirai’s planned mission to woo
Diaspora Vote?
The draft constitution agreed to the two MDC formations in
a record time
with no amendments and later amended by Zanu-pf to safeguard
Mugabe’s
continued stranglehold on the poor country, does not allow the
Diaspora
(expatriate or exiled Zimbabweans) to vote.
While Zanu-pf
was steadfast in its opposition to the Diaspora Vote right
from the
beginning of the so-called negotiations for a new constitution, MDC
formations shocked millions of exiles in September when they announced that
the decision by the coalition government to deny exiles to vote had been
unanimous.
The MDC-T’s deputy national organising secretary, Abednigo
Bhebhe, kindly
revealed that this decision had been made in an attempt to
curb potential
vote rigging (Alex Bell, Diaspora vote put aside by
government, SW Radio
Africa, 17th September 2012).
Bhebhe was further
quoted as saying the partners in government had agreed
that only Zimbabweans
outside the country on diplomatic and official
government duties would be
allowed to cast their postal votes, despite
efforts by exiled Zimbabweans to
win back their right to vote in forthcoming
elections.
What makes
Tsvangirai’s plan to woo exiles to return home and vote similar
to that of
the Pied Piper of Hamelin is the prospect of violence given what
is already
going on the police state or what others have branded the Banana
Republic of
Zimbabwe since no credible reforms have been made ahead of the
referendum
and the elections.
Significantly, the recent police crackdown on human
rights defenders and
political activists including the arrest and alleged
torture by Zimbabwe
police of three employees of the Counselling Services
Unit (CSU) is sending
an unequivocal message of defiance to the whole
international community
about the “invincibility” of Zanu-pf.
The
prospect of violence is extremely high in the coming elections given
Zanu-pf’s US$20million secret election funding launched last week by way of
handouts of agricultural inputs (voting baits) by the party’s leader Robert
Mugabe.
The media continues to be harassed in Zimbabwe ahead of
elections. For
example, Dennis Kagonye, editor of the Weekly Mirror was
recently arrested
and convicted on charges of contravening Section 72 pf the
draconian Access
to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA).
Together with the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), AIPPA
are repressive
laws that should have been repealed within 100 days of the
coalition
government, but remain in full force as the laws of choice for the
regime,
come election time.
What also makes the call on exiles to
return and vote is what has happened
to others in past. One good example of
how false assurances of safety and
security in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe fell flat
is that of the arrest and
incarceration of Roy Bennett, treasurer of MDC-T
in February 2009.
Only hours before Bennett was arrested, Tsvangirai told
journalists that the
world needed to stop thinking of Mugabe as the problem
and to see instead
that confidence in the power-sharing deal (Celia W.
Dugger, ‘Aide’s Arrest
in Zimbabwe Draws Fire of Premier,’ New York Times,
14 February 2009).
After all that Bennett went through, losing his farm
and improvements,
seeing dead people while he was in prison, and the
protracted trial which
ended with his acquittal should be a reminder to all
who might fall for ‘the
Pied Piper’s’ assurances.
After all, Roy
Bennett has up to now not yet been appointed Deputy Minister
of Agriculture
as previously planned in 2009, due to Zanu-pf’s
intransigence.
Meanwhile, a group of 29 MDC-T activists and officials
accused of killing a
policeman in Glen View in May 2011 continue to serve
jail time after an
ongoing trial which was preceded by denial of bail on
several occasions.
Clifford Chitupa Mashiri, Political Analyst, London,
zimanalysis2009@gmail.com