NORTON - The General
Agriculture and Plantation Workers' Union (GAPWUZ) says Masvingo Provincial
Governor Josiah Hungwe is one of the many new farmers who are abusing
workers through unfair labour practices such as banning them from taking
part in trade union activities.
A GAPWUZ official told the
Daily News Online that Hungwe's workers are still being treated as seasonal
workers despite working at the farm for three years.
"They
are also not allowed to go on holiday as stipulated by the regulations
governing the agricultural industry and they have been banned from taking
part in GAPWUZ activities," the official said.
He said about 20
armed police officers had been deployed at the farm after GAPWUZ threatened
that they continue to visit the farm and meet their
members.
"The 112 workers had also been getting salaries
that were below those stipulated by the government but we are happy that the
problem was resolved after the intervention of the Ministry of Labour and
the National Employment Council for Agriculture," he said.
However, Hungwe dismissed the allegations by GAPWUZ saying the organisation
was bent on disrupting activities on his farm.
He said: "It's
my farm and I employ a manager to ensure that they follow the law. I don't
know what these people are saying."
Hungwe said managers at
most farms around the country had banned GAPWUZ officials from visiting
farms because they were doing so during working hours.
He
said there were only two police officers at the farm whom he had called
after some of the workers started removing equipment from the farm. The
governor said the officers were also there to prevent poaching at the
farm.
GAPWUZ has complained that several new farmers,
mostly top government officials and ministers were underpaying their workers
and grossly violating their rights.
One such case involved
Finance Deputy Minister, David Chapfika whose workers at Hurudza farm just
outside Harare staged a demonstration demanding better salaries and working
conditions.
Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare Minister,
Paul Mangwana has warned new farmers against underpaying workers as
government was planning to deduct National Social Security Authority (NSSA)
funds from farm workers.
MUGABE IN $10 BILLION CHINESE ARMS DEAL Thur 11 November
2004
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe has ordered Z$10 billion
worth of arms and anti-riot equipment from China, ZimOnline has
learnt.
Well-placed sources said Mugabe negotiated the arms supply
deal when he met a joint delegation of government and private business
representatives from Beijing in Harare two weeks ago. The Chinese delegation
returned home last week.
Defence Minister Sydney Sekeramayi,
who helped Mugabe negotiate the deal, last night confirmed that the
government held defence and trade talks with the Chinese. But he would not
be drawn to disclose the details of the negotiations.
Sekeramayi said: "There were discussions which centred on co-operation in
areas of defence strategies and trade. But we cannot discuss those issues in
detail in the Press."
At the official exchange rate of Z$6 200 to
one greenback, Z$10 billion is equivalent to about US$1.6 million, which is
enough to buy about 13 000 tonnes of maize for one million starving
Zimbabweans per month.
A tonne of maize costs about US$120 on the
international market. Zimbabweans, about 90 percent of whom eat maize as
their staple food, consume about 150 000 tonnes of the grain per
month.
According to the sources privy to the arms deal, the Chinese
representatives offered to supply Zimbabwe's armed forces with weapons at
preferential prices.
Mugabe accepted the offer saying Zimbabwe,
which is under a European Union and United States arms embargo, needed to
beef up its arms reserves.
The Zimbabwean leader is said to have
also further requested the Chinese to supply Harare with anti-riot gear
which the Chinese undertook to deliver well before a crucial parliamentary
election scheduled for next year.
"The President took up the
Chinese arms offer which he said would beef up the country's weapons
reserves. He also asked the Chinese to supply the police with anti-riot
equipment," said one military officer, who did not want to be named for fear
of victimisation.
According to the military official, the first
consignment which should comprise military, police vehicles and water
tankers used to smoother riots was expected to arrive in the country by next
month.
The Zimbabwe police already have several Israeli-made water
tankers which they have used in the past to crush demonstrations by
opposition supporters.
Beijing is understood to be supplying
Harare with advanced aircraft under a larger and separate military supplies
deal. - ZimOnline
Legal committee says electoral Bill unconstitutional Thur
11 November 2004
HARARE - Parliament's Legal Committee has said
proposed regulations banning civic bodies from carrying out voter education
or accepting foreign funding for voter information programmes are
unconstitutional.
In a major blow to government claims that the
proposed Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Bill conforms with new regional norms
and standards for democratic elections, the committee said the Bill also
violated Section 18 (1) of the Constitution guaranteeing protection from the
law.
Under parliamentary procedures and regulations the committee,
headed by constitutional law expert and opposition legislator, Welshman
Ncube, reviews draft legislation before the House to ensure it complies with
the Constitution.
In the past the government has amended Bills
to incorporate the views of the committee although this is not a legal
requirement. The government could still use its simple majority in
Parliament to push through the legislation, ignoring the committee's
views.
In a report to Parliament earlier this week, Ncube, said:
"In the opinion of your committee, the provisions of paragraphs (a), (b),
and (c) of clause 11 and clause 12 of the Bill would, if enacted, be in
violation of Section 20 of the Constitution, while the provisions
of clause 11(3) are in violation of Section 18 of the
Constitution."
Clause 12 of the Bill prohibits civic groups
from receiving foreign funding, including from Zimbabweans living and
working abroad, to carry out voter education.
Under the same
clause, only a state-appointed Zimbabwe Electoral Commission shall run voter
enlightenment programmes with NGOs and individual citizens wishing to help
required to channel support to the commission.
The committee said
that by barring Zimbabweans from mobilising resources for voter education,
the proposed law would infringe on citizens' right to freedom of expression
guaranteed under the Constitution.
"The right to freedom of
expression should be understood to encompass the right to employ one's
resources available for disseminating the ideas that one subscribes to,"
Ncube told the House.
Under clause 11 (3) of the draft electoral
law, any group wishing to carry out voter education must provide the
government commission with details of the information to be disseminated and
the source of funding for the intended educational exercise.
The group must also disclose the names and physical addresses, citizenship
or residence status and qualifications of its workers who will carry out the
voter education exercise.
Even if a civic group merely expressed a
wish to carry out voter education and then aborts the idea and actually
never carries out the exercise, it must still submit all the information
required by the government commission. And failure to do so would constitute
a criminal offence punishable by up to two years in jail.
Ncube
said the Bill violated citizens' right to protection from the law because it
sought to punish, "a person who has actually not provided voter education
but who merely proposes or intends to do so (if they fail) to furnish the
commission with information."
Parliament will now debate the report
by Ncube's committee after which it may refer the Bill back to the
government for refinement before resubmission in the House.
The
government has insisted that the regulations proposed under the Bill are in
line with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) norms and
standards. The SADC electoral regulations call for independent commissions
to run elections.
Human and individual rights must also be upheld
during elections while governments must facilitate the full participation of
the citizenry in national governance. - ZimOnline
Only 500 000 tonnes of maize to be in silos by
December Thur 11 November 2004
HARARE - Zimbabwe will have about
500 000 tonnes of maize by year-end and most of it imported and still much
less than the 2.4 million tonnes of the staple grain the government claims
was harvested last season, a parliamentary committee said
yesterday.
In a report exposing gross untruths and understatements
by President Robert Mugabe and his Cabinet on Zimbabwe's food supply
situation, Parliament's Portfolio Committee on Agriculture told the House
the country harvested far less than national consumption
requirements.
The committee chaired by ruling ZANU PF legislator
Daniel Mackenzie Ncube urged the government to admit that the country did
not have enough to feed itself and to start preparing relief operations in
some areas already short of food.
Mackenzie-Ncube said: "Your
committee failed to understand the huge gap between current deliveries to
the GMB of 388 558 tonnes and the (government's) national crop forecast of
2.4 million tonnes of maize considering the fact that the delivery peak
period has gone past.
"Your committee was informed that the
government was in the process of importing maize, with 141 521 tonnes of
maize already purchased and paid for. Apart from the above stated figure,
your committee was also informed that government had signed contracts for
the purchase of additional imports of maize amounting to 222 554
tonnes.
"The rate at which inflows are coming through to GMB, your
Committee believes that by end of the year, GMB would have received about
500 000 tonnes of maize."
The committee was set up four months
ago to establish Zimbabwe's food situation following conflicting reports
with the government claiming the country had a bumper harvest of the staple
food.
The government also cancelled earlier in the year a joint
survey with the World Food Programme to establish the number of families
requiring food assistance saying this was no longer needed because of the
good harvests.
In August, Mugabe told food aid groups to take their
help elsewhere because Zimbabwe had enough to feed itself.
But
agricultural experts and food agencies insisted that although harvests had
improved from the previous season, the country would still face a shortfall
of about 800 000 tonnes of maize.
Political analysts have accused
the government of falsely claiming there was enough food in the country in
order to elbow international food agencies out of the country and leave the
government to manipulate food relief for political gain ahead of a crucial
parliamentary election scheduled for next March.
The opposition
Movement for Democratic Change party has in the past accused the government
of denying its supporters food as punishment for backing the party. The
government denies the charge. - ZimOnline
State newspaper faces contempt of Parliament charge Thur 11
November 2004
HARARE - The state-owned Herald newspaper could
face contempt of Parliament charges over a story alleging the main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party penned a report
attacking the government's recently proposed electoral changes.
In its lead story yesterday, the paper said an adverse report submitted by
Parliament's opposition dominated Legal Committee on the government's
electoral law reform Bill, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission Bill, showed
that the party was opposed to the reforms.
The committee is chaired
by MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube with the opposition party's
parliamentary chief whip, Innocent Gonese and ruling ZANU PF party
legislator, Kumbirai Kangai as the other two members.
Speaker of
Parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa agreed that the Herald had a case to answer
after Gonese protested over the story.
Mnangagwa said: "Indeed,
there is an issue there. I will give a ruling on that issue next
week."
The committee stated that the Bill which seeks to bar civic
bodies from carrying out voter education or accepting foreign funding for
such activities violated Section 20 of Zimbabwe's Constitution guaranteeing
freedom of expression. - ZimOnline
EMMERSON Mnangagwa, ZANU PF's crafty
schemer whose political future only recently appeared in jeopardy after a
protracted drama of intriguing political gamesmanship within the governing
party, this week revealed that he is prepared to be the country's co-vice
president if nominated.
This comes after Zimbabweans had indulged
in an orgy of speculation about his political future in the face of
investigations into ZANU PF businesses which many felt were targeted at the
Speaker of Parliament. By officially throwing his hat into the ring,
Mnangagwa, who almost retired from active politics in June 2000 after losing
the Kwekwe seat to little-known Blessing Chebundo of the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), has added a new twist to the tight race to occupy
Zimbabwe's second most powerful office. Ironically, it was the late
vice-president Simon Muzenda - whose death in September last year created the
vacancy - who coaxed the ZANU PF secretary for administration to take over
from Cyril Ndebele as the Speaker of Parliament in July 2000. In an
exclusive interview with The Financial Gazette, Mnangagwa, who also spoke on
his alleged involvement in the Matabeleland massacres in the 1980s and his
involvement in the volatile Democratic Republic of the Congo, said he would
not shy away from any challenge - the vice-president's
post included. "From past experience, provinces don't ask whether
you want to be nominated or not. They just decide. I think every committed
ZANU PF cadre, when nominated, unless there is ill-health or mental
deficiency, I can't see one failing to accept the challenge. I am among those
who would take up the challenge," said Mnangagwa. The vacancy, which
is likely to be filled after the ruling party's national congress slated for
next month, has created anxious moments within ZANU PF as heavyweights jostle
to position themselves in the tricky succession race. It is widely
expected that whoever emerges to fill Muzenda's post will be strategically
positioned to replace President Robert Mugabe when he bows out in 2008.
Although the Constitution allows President Mugabe to go for another term in
office, the Zimbabwean leader, who has led the country from independence in
1980, has since hinted that he could be seeing out his last term.
Before the ZANU PF Women's League national conference held in August this
year, the contest for the high-pressure job had been restricted to
the party's national chairman, John Nkomo, Mnangagwa, retired army
general Vitalis Zvinavashe and Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies Minister
Didymus Mutasa. The race took an interesting turn when the women's
league resolved to push for the overhaul of the party's constitution to allow
its candidate to land the top post through affirmative action. Joyce
Mujuru, wife of retired army general and ZANU PF kingpin Solomon
Mujuru, has since emerged as the favourite. This move is however reportedly
being fiercely resisted by some ZANU PF bigwigs, who feel that the idea
should have come from the provinces rather than from the women's league
national conference. Mnangagwa, who many thought was balancing on
political knife-edge in the face of a subtle but fierce succession struggle
in the ruling party said while the powerful ZANU PF Women's League's request
was "legitimate", the mechanism of achieving it was still to be
resolved. He said: "Currently, the ZANU PF constitution requires
whoever is interested in the position to have the support of six provinces,
voted for by the provincial executives of the six provinces. And whoever gets
that support is nominated. So the Women's League, unless it (the
constitution) changes, has to follow the provisions of the ZANU PF
constitution." The feared ZANU PF secretary for administration, who has
since set his campaign machinery in motion for the Kwekwe seat ahead of the
March 2005 plebiscite, however vehemently denied any presidential ambitions.
President Mugabe who observers say is the stabilizing influence in the
faction-riven party has refused to name a successor insisting that he is for
a successor "who will come from the people." "The press has been
pursuing this issue many times and may answer has not changed. The President
has never come to the Politburo and said people should contest for the
position. We don't get instructions from the press. As of now, every true
ZANU PF cadre knows that we have a President whom we elected and when he
chooses to stand, we will all support him," he said. Asked what would
happen should President Mugabe, 80, opt to step down, Mnangagwa said: "When
he does that, he will come to the Politburo and we will be guided by the
leadership. That office is not one people should dream about. I for one, feel
I have saved the country well. The Speaker of Parliament is certainly one of
the highest offices in the country and I am gratified with this
achievement." Pressed further, he could only said; "It is a crime to
conceive the exit of the head of state. I love my leader and I am committed
to him. I would love him to continue until death. As the ZANU PF secretary
for administration, I don't think there is anybody in the party struggling
for the presidency. The only vacant office is that of the
vice-president." Of late, press reports have suggested a fall-out
between the Speaker of Parliament and his boss for many decades, President
Mugabe. Reports that the feared politician had been snubbed- reportedly at
the behest of President Mugabe- by the Midlands State University where he was
due to be conferred with an honorary Doctor of Laws degree, seemed to give
credence to the speculation. Even more, critics felt that President
Mugabe should at least have protected Mnangagwa from the investigations into
the operations of ZANU PF companies, given that as former ruling party
finance chief, he was the chief architect of the investments. It is
speculated that other political bigwigs have since hijacked the
investigations into party investments to settle their personal scores with
Mnangangwa. Critics have go insofar as saying the anti-graft probe at the
ruling party's businesses masked a simmering internal succession struggle
that had not yet broken out into the open. "I have worked with
President Mugabe for 41 years. We have an honest relationship, where he tells
me where I go wrong. I am not shy to seek clarification on issues that are
not clear. We have gone through thick and thin together and danger to our
lives together," he said. Does this mean that, contrary to reports that
the political backing he used to enjoy from the-powers-that-be has
evaporated, nothing has changed as regards his relationship with President
Mugabe. "It is a practical relationship, not warm", quipped
Mnangagwa. Mnangagwa is widely believed to be a long time associate
and confidante of President Mugabe but his current trial and tribulations
seemed to suggest that he had fallen out of favour. Observers point out that
it is possible that his (Mnangagwa) enemies could be taking the probe into
ZANU PF's myriad investments, now estimated to be worth $120 billion, as a
way of getting at him. The shrewd schemer with a controversial political
career admitted as much that political vultures could be circling.
"I believe that those who have an agenda against me are firing their salvo
through this umbrella of the need to inform the Politburo of the extent to
which ZANU PF investments have spread. Not that the leadership is unaware
because accounts were distributed every year," he said. Mnangagwa said
ZANU PF has no total control over the investments made over the years as most
of them were either through partnerships or investments into already existing
firms. "It is either a mere design or agenda to misinform the public
and tarnish a targeted person or that people who write these articles
are ignorant of how companies operate. I don't think they have seen
the Companies Act, a Memorandum Articles of Association or Articles
of Association," he said. Mnangagwa who, if he emerges unscathed
from the current probe would have weathered probably one of the most violent
political storms in his life, seems to take solace in the fact that
falsehoods travel round the world while the truth is still tying its
shoes. "The truth is slow, but will be proved. Rumour rushes in front,
but the truth walks slowly, but sure footed and these people will take
cover when the truth is told," said Mnangagwa before adding: "You must know
that small minds will always be vicious to supplement intellectual
inability".
EMMERSON Mnangagwa, the Speaker of Parliament and ZANU PF
secretary for administration, is one of the most feared ruling party
political heavyweights.
He has rarely poured out his feelings on
harsh perceptions formed in the minds of ordinary Zimbabweans over his
perceived conduct, or involvement, in a number of sensitive political issues
reported locally and abroad, including the Matabeleland massacres. The
following are excerpts from an inclusive interview Hama Saburi, the deputy
editor-in-chief of The Financial Gazette, had with the former Justice, Legal
and Parliamentary Affairs Minister: Q: You were elected Speaker of
Parliament in July 2000, which arguably became a tough assignment, given
you're a senior ZANU PF official, who was required to be impartial in a house
in which the opposition MDC had gained a substantial number of seats. In your
opinion, what have been the challenges, achievements and failures?
A: Let me begin by saying that I had never envisaged becoming the Speaker of
Parliament. I had always thought I would remain in politics, but after losing
the Kwekwe seat to the MDC, I had resigned myself to just remaining in the
party. While working for the party, being a lawyer by profession, I had
started setting up my legal offices, and these are in place. The
party then approached me requesting that I become the Speaker of Parliament.
I turned down the offer until Dr Mzee (the late Vice-President Simon Muzenda)
came and said he didn't want my opinion, but to accept the offer because the
party leadership wanted me to become the Speaker of Parliament. So I went to
the politburo (ZANU PF's supreme decision-making organ), and Ndebele (Cyril,
the former Speaker of Parliament) was also there, where I was told that the
party wanted me to take up the post because of my strong character. The
President (Robert Mugabe) then suggested that the two of us (Mnangagwa and
Ndebele) should stand in an election in the interest of fairness to Ndebele,
who had done a good job. We had to go out of the room and when we were called
back, I was then told that I had been unanimously elected the ZANU PF
candidate for the Speaker of Parliament position. I accepted it and proceeded
to face Mataure (Mike), who represented the MDC. I won the elections in the
House, hence my confirmation as Speaker. Q: And what have been the
achievements and failures since then, noting your term of office will be
ending in the next six months? A: When I was a government minister, I
would debate issues in Parliament and here I was, in the chair, and could not
debate anymore. I was now expected to be impartial. It was such a tough time,
and at times I would itch to debate, but I couldn't because of my position.
Now I am comfortable in the chair and I am happy that I have earned respect
from both sides. On the issues of successes, the fifth Parliament of Zimbabwe
was one that implemented all the reforms which we have undertaken. I also
undertook to implement reforms, which included; number one - a question time
in two forms. (i) Oral question time where government ministers are asked
questions in the House and are made to respond without them preparing their
answers. This helped in exposing their grip on issues. (ii) Written
responses, where they can research on the questions asked. We also introduced
live debates of Parliament proceedings, but due to a limitation of resources
on the part of ZBC, not all the sessions are covered. This is helping the
public know what is going on in the House. It is also giving ministers the
opportunity to interpret Bills and showing the public how their Members of
Parliament (MPs) are performing in Parliament. I also introduced portfolio
committees, covering all ministries in government. In the past, we used to
have between six and seven committees, but now we have 13 (portfolios) of
them. For the first time, I said the Public Accounts Portfolio Committee
should be chaired by the opposition party, which then monitors the
government. While this decision attracted criticism from ZANU PF MPs, it has
helped the government remain in power, because mistakes can be observed and
corrected. Q: You only seem to be picking on good things. What about
the passing of repressive laws such as the Public Order and Security Act
(POSA) and the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA)? A: Yes, these were passed during my time, but as the Speaker
of Parliament, I have no role in influencing Bills, but you will note that
they were comprehensively debated and amended and that all sides
participated. Q: Having these debated does not make them fair, does
it? A: I believe there has been a lot of uninformed criticism on these
two (AIPPA and POSA). If you pin someone down and say which aspects
he/she doesn't agree with, you will not get an answer. And by the way, some
of this legislation is universal. Q: It is said again and again that
there is still an affront on democracy in Parliament and outside, which to me
is yet another failure. Can you respond? A: On the government's
side, the majority of MPs are students of democracy; people who fought for
democracy; people who left the comforts of life to fight for democracy. The
same cannot be said of the opposition MPs, who are bathing in democracy
brought by the people in government. But besides, the opposition MPs were
there when we introduced all the reforms, some of which are so democratic
that you cannot even get them in England. We are ahead in the region. So with
the issue of democracy, we are happy. There may be some problems, but we will
continue to improve on them. Q: Of late the MDC MPs have been kind in
their comments, particularly with regard to how you handled the Roy Bennett
case. Are you trying to win sympathies from the opposition? A: The
Roy Bennett issue was a unique case because this was the first time for such
a thing to happen in Zimbabwe's Parliament. I basically had to acquaint
myself with the parliamentary procedures, standing rules and orders, and very
few people in the House took the trouble to look at these. It was interesting
in that all the MDC was interested in was to defend Bennett, while ZANU PF
MPs wanted to attack him without looking at the procedures. I proceeded by
first establishing if there was a contempt of Parliament committed, but that
was not my duty to raise it. After a member of the House had raised the
issue, I appointed a committee to investigate and report on whether any
standing rule had been breached. I did that to the letter. The report then
came in and the MDC raised the issue that the incident had occurred in the
previous parliamentary seating and therefore could not be brought up for
discussion in the current session. I had to rule them out of order,
because this investigating committee was an ad hoc one and was therefore not
affected by the dissolution of Parliament. People were all stunned, and the
MDC took the issue to court. I looked at their (MDC) argument and concluded I
had not breached anything, so I issued a certificate and when the judge
looked at my case, the MDC's case was thrown out. Q: And being a
ZANU PF official, do you feel flattered by the positive comments from the
MDC? A: I would be surprised if they attacked me, but I am also
surprised that they are being honest. Bennett was given time to study and
reply and the next day there were such passionate and eloquent pleas for
mercy and I delivered the judgment. The Bennett case demanded soberness
and understanding of the law. Q: It has been reported that the MDC
is appealing against the judgment. Do you see it succeeding? A: They
can appeal to the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of it, where they
feel Parliament has breached procedures. What I saw is that they are asking
the High Court to grant bail pending application. On what grounds, I don't
know. But the High Court cannot entertain an application which interferes
with Parlia-mentary decisions. They (MDC) are saying Parliament is not a
court of law, but when you look at the law, it is such a frivolous argument
because Parliament is a court. I have since issued another certificate
requesting the courts to throw out MDC's argument. Q: Apart from your
history in the guerilla movement, you have been a politician throughout
Zimbabwe's post independence history. What is your plan going forward given
that we have the 2005 parliamentary elections nearing in March 2005?
A: I told my chairman (Midlands provincial chairman July Moyo) that I am
submitting my CV (curriculum vitae) for scrutiny and for consideration
to stand in the 2005 elections, of which I have been eligible for the past
20 years. Q: Your are unlikely to have it easy though, given that
your former election agent (retired Brigadier Benjamin Mabenge) is also
eyeing the Kwekwe seat. A: In fact, there are two people vying for
the same seat and I think it makes victory sweeter if people of that calibre
challenge you. We are campaigning freely and there is no incident of
violence. Campaign is rolling. Q: Assuming you win the Kwekwe seat,
will it just end there? A: I believe ZANU PF will win the majority of
the seats in the house, probably more than we have now and I hope also that
they will nominate me to contest for Speakership again. If that happens, I
will accept because I am now more experienced? Q: President Mugabe
has hinted he will not be seeking re-election at the expiry of his current
term in 2008 and you have been cited as one of the ZANU PF heavyweights
likely to take-over from him. Are you at all interested in the high-pressure
job? A: The press has been pursuing this issue may times and my answer
has not changed. The President has never come to the Politburo and said
people should contest for that position. We don't get instructions from the
press. As of now, every true ZANU PF cadre knows that we have a President
whom we elected and when he chooses to stand we will all support
him. Q: But what would be your position should he chose to
exit? A: When he does that, he will come to the Politburo and we will
all be guided by the leadership. That office is not what people should dream
about. I for one, feel I have served the country well. The Speaker of
Parliament is certainly one of the highest offices in the country and I am
gratified with this achievement. Q: You have dodged my question
Honorable Speaker. Would you offer yourself for the position should the floor
be opened? A: It is a crime to conceive the exit of the Head of State.
I love my leader and I am committed to him. I would love him to continue
until death. As the ZANU PF secretary for administration, I don't think there
is anybody in the party struggling for the presidency. The only vacant office
is that of the Vice-President. Q: You seem to have read my mind,
because I was about to raise the vice-presidency issue as my next question.
Are you interested in the office? And not only that, the ZANU PF Women's
League has been quite open about it. They want one of their own to occupy
that second most powerful office. A: The women have a legitimate issue
of representation at high level. As a policy, ZANU PF accepts it, but the
mechanism of achieving it has not been resolved. Currently, the ZANU PF
constitution require whoever is interested in the position to have the
support of six provinces, voted by the provincial executive of the six
provinces. And whoever gets that support is nominated. So, the Women's
League, unless it changes, have to following the provisions of the ZANU PF
constitution? Q: The women's league issue aside, would you take up the
opportunity if presented to you? A: From past experience, provinces
don't ask whether you want to be nominated or not. They just decide. I think
every committed ZANU PF cadre when nominated, unless there is ill health or
mental deficiency, I can't seen one failing to accept the challenge. I am
among those who will take up the challenge. Q: Of late there has
been speculation over your relationship with President Mugabe with some
saying it has gone sour. What is your relationship with the Head of State
like? A: I have worked with President Mugabe for 41 years. We have an
honest relationship where he tells me where I go wrong. I am not shy to
seek clarification on issues that are not clear. We have gone through thick
and thin together and danger to our lives together. Q: Does that
therefore, mean that the two of your have a warm relationship? A: It
is a practical relationship, not warm. Q: The public think you are a
ruthless and tough person. Are these your leadership qualities? A:
First, I think I am committed to my work and I am disciplined. I want people
to be committed to their work and be disciplined as well. I am firm on the
party line, but that is as it ought to be. Having military background, I
don't allow liberalism in upholding the party line, so the perception is
where? Q: May be it arises from your involvement in the
Matabeleland disturbances, where you were said to have played a crucial and
controversial role. A: I never carried a gun. I never commanded any
section of the police, army or support unit. I only supplied intelligence to
where arms catches were. So, again, it is a mere perception built by people
with an agenda. Q: But don't you think that the issue of Matabelaland
could have been handled better? A: I believe that during that time,
ZAPU had what they called Zero Hour Option, a document, which I found and
that they were being assisted in the skirmishes. I was so effective and knew
what was happening and it was only necessary to supply information to
government, which they (the government) handled well. Politically, if the
ZAPU leadership had accepted that they had lost the elections and that the
number of seats they had, were equal to their popularity and convey that
message to their forces, then it could not have happened. It was necessary
for them to have accepted democratic decisions. Q: It has been
suggested that the investigation into the operations of ZANU PF companies are
basically targeted at you, as the former ruling party finance chief. Do you
agree with that interpretation of the probe? A: I believe that those
who have an agenda against me are firing their salvo through this umbrella of
the need to inform the Politburo of the extent to which ZANU PF investments
have spread. Not that the leadership was unaware because accounts were
distributed every year. There is no single company totally owned or run by
ZANU PF. I basically created investments into existing investments and
created partnerships with others i.e. we don't run Catercraft. We have a
shareholding in Zidlee, but we don't run it. We don't run Treger, either, it
is run by the original shareholders. Then I created First Bank in partnership
with Africa Resources Limited and again, ZANU PF never ran First Bank,
although two ZANU PF companies were the initial partners with other private
shareholders. I also created Fibrolite and again in partnership with a
private investor in Portugal and ZANU PF did not run it. In Mike Appel where
we have about 12 percent stake, it is also the original owners who operate
the company. In most of these companies were negotiated shareholding and in
some cases dividend was used to acquire shareholding, but where it was
retired, M & S Syndicate got the dividend. Q: A recent press
article suggested the companies are in a mess, quoting from a report, do you
agree? A: I have taken the article to my lawyers to study it because
they included my picture and yet I left the post of secretary for finance
about four/five years ago. What are they trying to imply? These are not ZANU
PF companies. Which one are they talking about? I think there are
two possibilities. It is either a mere design or agenda to misinform the
public and tarnish a targeted person or that people who write these articles
are ignorant of how companies operate. I don't think they have seen
the Companies Act, a Memorandum of Association or Articles of Association.
This is done by people intending to tarnish my name, yet I left the post
of secretary for finance four/five years ago. There is a secretary for
finance today. Why are they not talking about him? Q: But do you
think you will emerge clean out of this? A: The truth is slow, but will
be proved. Rumour rushes in front, but the truth walks slowly, but sure
footed and these people will take cover when the truth is told. Q:
You sound like you are itching to hit back. A: You must know that small
minds will always be vicious to supplement intellectual inability.
Q: How much in terms of value has been created by these ZANU
PF companies? A: When I took over as the ZANU PF secretary for
finance, the investments were worth under $60 million, but now they are at
about $120 billion. I created all that for the party and I don't know where
the collapse is. Q: Let us touch on the issue of the Democratic
Republic of Congo, where you have been implicated in the abuse of DRC
resources. What do you have to say of these allegations? A: When we
went to the DRC, I was the core chairman of the Joint Commission of Zimbabwe
and DRC ministers. Seven ministers were from Zimbabwe and the other seven
from the DRC. It dawned on me that the DRC didn't have liquid resources to
support the war, but had resources in the country. Instead of requiring DRC
to support Zimbabwean forces through liquid resources, we (joint commission)
decided to form economic companies owned 50 percent by Zimbabwe and 50
percent by FAC (Congolese Armed Forces) of DRC to go into diamond, timber and
cobalt projects. But where electricity was concerned, we involved ZESA (the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority) and SNEL of the DRC, but by the time I
left in 2000, these had not taken off. Not any mining activity had
begun. Q: So, are you saying these accusations are without
basis? A: Absolutely unfounded. They are total lies; there was no
diamond mining by our soldiers. Q: How then was the DRC war
financed? A: Zimbabwe financed the war from own resources up to the
time I left. Thereafter, I don't know whether anything came up.
THE ruling ZANU PF,
clutching at straws for its political survival, is struggling to raise $20
billion needed to bankroll its forthcoming congress and the decisive 2005
parliamentary elections.
Highly placed sources said the party,
which recently introduced new membership cards for the youth, women's league
and senior ZANU PF officials, was running against the clock to raise enough
funds for the congress, scheduled for the first week of next month.
They said the non-participation of traditional sponsors, mainly bankers, most
of whom fled the country to escape punishment for alleged economic crimes,
had dented ZANU PF's fundraising. The remaining bankers, who are
fighting a liquidity crunch that has afflicted the financial sector since the
introduction of a tight monetary policy late last year, are said to have lost
trust in the party following the charges against their fugitive colleagues.
While donating to the ruling party was akin to buying protection in the past,
this was not the case anymore, the sources said. ZANU PF legislators
are reported to have implored President Robert Mugabe to pardon some of the
party's former financiers hiding in the United Kingdom and South Africa in a
bid to secure funding for the December talk-shop. But the President
has since declared that no one would be immune under the anti-corruption
drive. It has been established that funds raised so far "are not enough
to feed the 7 000-plus delegates from around the country expected to attend
the congress". ZANU PF secretary for finance David Karimanzira
refused to disclose how much the party had raised so far for its forthcoming
congress and the parliamentary election campaign. Karimanzira said
the party was intensifying efforts to raise the $20 billion, adding various
activities had been lined up to raise the funds. "We are putting a lot
of emphasis on raising the $20 billion and I think we are going to raise it.
There are sponsors who are willing to help but I cannot tell you their
names," Karimanzira said. But insiders said it had become increasingly
difficult to raise the funds to oil the party's campaign machine, adding the
introduction of new membership cards was a desperate effort to beef up the
party's emaciated financial resources. Because of ZANU PF's
precarious financial position, there are fears that Zimbabweans could be
forced to buy the new cards as the crucial 2005 general election
approaches. "Raising the $20 billion is the biggest challenge we are
facing. Finance is hard to come by, even for us. The only people who were
good at raising money at short notice are those who have fled the country,"
said a source. "Even President Robert Mugabe at one time admitted
that money is hard to come by," the source added. Karimanzira is on
record as saying the ZANU PF hoped to raise part of the funding for its
congress and the March poll from dividends from some of its companies and the
sale of membership cards. ZANU PF also hopes to benefit from a
government grant given to political parties under the Political Parties
(Finance) Act. "Each province was expected to have raised a minimum of
$500 million by October 30 but nothing has come up yet except for pledges
from a few provinces," said the source. It is understood the $20
billion will also be used to settle outstanding bills accrued when the ZANU
PF Women's League and the party's youth wing held their different congresses
a few months ago. The December congress will be held at the five-star
Sheraton Harare Hotel, where some of the delegates will be staying. The
Zimbabwe United Passenger Company has on previous occasions donated its fleet
to bus people from around the country to attend ZANU PF conferences but it is
not yet clear whether the lossmaking parastatal will do so this
year. Other firms that have donated generously to the party's cause
include troubled finance house National Discount House and Trust Bank.
THE Zimbabwe Revenue
Authority (Zimra) this week moved to garnish Air Zimbabwe's (AirZim) funds
held at a local bank over the non-remittance by the struggling national
airline of over $500 million in tax.
Sources privy to the
developments said the move to expropriate the AirZim account came unstuck as
the airline is deep in the red. AirZim, a permanent member of the
loss-making parastatals club, is grossly undercapitalised and reported to be
down to just two long-haul aircraft, with an additional pair expected from
China, pursuant to a deal signed by the government a fortnight ago.
The airline's acting managing director, Oscar Madombwe, was not immediately
available for comment, while Zimra officials refused to shed light on the
issue. A senior Zimra manager for the Harare region who is handling
the AirZim issue declined to comment. Corporate affairs executive
Priscilla Sadomba also declined to give details. "We cannot divulge
that information as we are bound by Section 34 A of the Revenue Authority
Act. We cannot give confidential tax information to a third party. You will
have to talk to AirZim, if they are okay with giving you such information. We
obviously cannot do that," Sadomba said. AirZim, which at one time was
suspended from the International Airline Transport Association (IATA) over
non-payment of a US$1.3 million debt, is currently facing a host of
operational problems. The public airline was only restated into IATA
following the government's intervention. The government has announced a
turnaround blueprint for AirZim, rated one of the worst airlines on the
continent by a parliamentary committee tasked to probe the airline's
operations last year. The committee pointed to undercapitalisation and
lack of managerial autonomy from the government as the major causes for
AirZim's perennial problems. The airline's woes also mirror those
currently bedevilling the tourism sector, which has been in tailspin since
2000 when the current economic and political problems escalated.
THE Ministry
of Education, Sport and Culture's desire to keep a tight rein on expenditure
has seen expenses amounting to just 27 percent of the total 2004 budget
allocation in the first half of the year, despite low salary levels for
teachers.
The Portfolio Committee on Education, Sport and Culture
has recommended that government immediately review the salaries of
teachers.
In a report to Parliament this week, the committee, which
is chaired by Fidelis Mhashu of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC),
said investigations had shown that teachers in Zimbabwe were the least
paid compared to other professionals in the civil service.
The
committee's report stated that the ministry had, by June this year, only
spent 27 percent of the $1.8 trillion allocated for salaries.
"The
allocation for salaries for departments of primary and secondary education
amounted to $1.8 trillion. By June 2004 only 27 percent of this amount had
been spent. While this is within the 50 percent pro rata to June 2004, your
committee is concerned that the ministry under-spent while remuneration for
teachers is too low. It should be noted that teachers are the only skilled
professionals who are not taxed since their income falls short of the taxable
income band.
"The issue of remuneration for teachers has been
dragging on for a long time. There is a real need to review the salaries so
that they are commensurate with the importance attached to teachers,
especially their new category as skilled workers. Furthermore, the government
should consider giving hardship allowances to rural school teachers," the
report added.
The ministry was also reeling from an acute shortage
of transport, resulting in officers being unable to visit
schools.
The general overview of the ministry showed that
departmental expenditures were as follows: administration and general 44
percent, education services centre 28 percent, primary education 28 percent
and secondary education 26 percent.
"While these expenditure
patterns are within the 50 percent target to June 2004, of concern are very
low expenditures, which have a negative bearing on service delivery. There is
low expenditure on acquisition of assets.
"This item includes
purchase of furniture and equipment, vehicles and other mobile equipment. The
pattern of expenditure ranges between 7 and 16 percent across the four
departments. The Committee was concerned that while other government
departments have vehicles of their own, the same cannot be said of the
Ministry of Education, Sports and Culture. This tends to compromise the
supervision and monitoring of schools and ultimately the quality of
education."
THE Speaker of
Parliament Emmerson Mnangangwa has issued a fresh certificate requesting the
courts not to entertaining arguments by the main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) that Parliament is not a court of law.
The certificate, the second such document to be issued by Mnangagwa in as
many weeks, comes amid concerns by the MDC that the legislative
assembly, which last month sentenced Chimanimani Member of Parliament, Roy
Bennett, to one-year imprisonment, had no jurisdiction to pass the
sentence.
Bennett was jailed for shoving Justice, Legal and
Parliamentary Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa during a heated debate in
the august House.
"They (MDC) are saying Parliament is not a
court of law, but when you look at the law, it is such a frivolous argument
because Parliament is a court. I have since issued another certificate
requesting the courts to throw out the MDC's argument," Mnangangwa told The
Financial Gazette.
The MDC has stated that it would appeal against
the judgment. It emerged this week that the opposition party has set up a
sub-caucus committee to explore legal avenues of freeing the embattled
lawmaker who on Tuesday lodged an application with the High Court seeking
bail pending review of his sentence by Parliament.
Mnangangwa
said: "They can appeal to the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of the
case where they feel Parliament has breached procedures. What I saw is that
they are asking the High Court to grant bail pending application. On what
grounds, I don't know. But the High Court cannot entertain any application
which interferes with Parliamentary decisions."
During the
debate in Parliament on May 18 this year, Chinamasa called Bennett's
forefathers "thieves and murderers" and said the Chimanimani legislator
deserved to lose his farm because he had benefited from the British colonial
rule that robbed blacks of their land.
A court attempt by the MDC
to bar the ZANU PF-dominated parliamentary privileges committee from handing
down its judgment was blocked by Mnangangwa who issued an order in terms of
the Privileges, Immunities and Power of Parliament Act barring the courts
from hearing Bennett's case.
THE ruling
ZANU PF, eyeing undisputed legitimacy by shrugging off any challenges from
the opposition in next year's watershed parliamentary polls, is likely to
postpone elections for a new second vice-president at its national congress
in December.
The party insiders, speaking anonymously, said the
party, which the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) accuses of
stealing both the 2000 parliamentary and 2002 presidential polls, intended
entering the March polls undivided to ensure undisputed victory.
They said the emergence of competing camps within the ruling party's ranks as
senior party cadres jostle to position themselves to fill the post left
vacant following the death of Simon Muzenda last year
threatened cohesion.
They said there were fears that political
machinations by some cadres coveting the post were likely to antagonise other
party members, a situation they said would dent ZANU PF's election
campaign.
This meant that the election for the post of
vice-president is not likely to be on the ZANU PF congress' agenda, which
insiders said is still being finalised.
"Of great fear to the
party is the fact that if women fail to get their way, we run the risk of
losing the majority of our voters. Remember, the women constitute the
majority of our members," said a senior ZANU PF official.
The
ZANU PF Women's League, for long a mere source of ready votes in the ZANU PF
scheme of things, resolved at its annual congress last month to push for a
female candidate.
Earlier indications were that the women would
vote for Joyce Mujuru. However, it has since emerged that the league has been
torn apart with the emergence of a new camp pushing for Thenjiwe
Lesabe.
"This is creating another problem. So there is debate that
we should postpone the internal polls until we bury the MDC. We might then
call an extraordinary congress to finish the unfinished business of electing
new leaders without any fear of losing the important parliamentary polls,"
said another insider. "Remember we had to postpone the elections for the
war veterans due to the 2002 presidential elections. This will not be a
new thing if the party hierarchy accedes to the concerns being raised,"
he added.
Other senior male party members coveting the post have
not helped matters with reports that some of them felt the political
situation in the country was still tricky for ZANU PF to experiment with a
female vice president.
Politburo members Emmerson Mnangagwa,
Didymus Mutasa, national chairman John Nkomo and retired army general Vitalis
Zvinavashe have been touted as possible candidates for the post of vice
president.
However the party insiders ruled out Nkomo from the
race, saying only one former PF ZAPU member can hold the vacancy as per the
Unity Accord signed between the old ZANU PF and the late Joshua Nkomo in
1987.
Vice President Joseph Msika stepped into the shoes of the
late Vice President Nkomo.
Added another source: "Indications we
are getting are that Nkomo has to wait longer, because Vice-President Msika
might not retire soon - not at this year's congress. Nkomo might remain party
chairman."
Msika told a local independent weekly recently that he
is not yet ready to retire.
THERE is a time for
everything, and to hear critics say it, Professor Jonathan Moyo's flirtation
with ZANU PF, the party he used to fondly denounce during his academic days,
is over.
There can be nothing more telling than the fact that he
has lost favour with virtually everyone in the party, specifically the
bigwigs, who feel he is spiteful of their hegemony.
Recent
reports indicate calculated moves to stop President Robert Mugabe's
propaganda chief from gaining more influence in the party.
SeniorZANU PF members have hatched new rules barring people with less than
five years of party membership from standing for parliamentary positions on a
party ticket. But Moyo, who joined ZANU PF in 1999 during its campaign for a
new constitution which was rejected in a national poll, is unlikely to be
affected by the new rule, even though reports suggest he is the
target.
Insiders say Moyo is still around, and is yet to clutch the
proverbial last straws. They indicate that his record, which has left a
number of media casualties in its trail, so far impresses President Mugabe,
who has reportedly experienced a roaring popularity rating due to Moyo's
tight grip on the media.
Insiders say what peeves Moyo's
quibblers is not so much the fact that he has crossed their paths during his
tenure as President Mugabe's harsh defender, and also not so much the fact
that he has erred tremendously is his handling of the media in the country,
for which he has received international censure, but, rather, that he has
emerged as the most trusted lieutenant ahead of some of President Mugabe's
long-time allies.
The Daily News and its sister publication, The
Daily News on Sunday, have been shut down under draconian laws promoted by
Moyo, while the weekly Tribune and its sister paper were suspended this year
under the same legislation. The weekly Tribune and the Business Tribune had,
however, merged due to financial problems prior to the
suspension.
Moyo, together with Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa,
has almost become an undeclared think-tank for President Mugabe, relegating
to the fringes some old-timers who had comfortably perched their tents within
the citadels of power.
Senior party members resent Moyo and
Chinamasa, who together with Agriculture Minister Joseph Made were appointed
into President Mugabe's "war cabinet" in 2000 as "omafikizolos"
(newcomers).
Insiders claim that Moyo is currently involved with
President Mugabe in a scheme to win back the Matabeleland constituency from
the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), and that President
Mugabe had directly sanctioned Moyo's philanthropic gestures in the
area.
Chinamasa, it should be remembered, at one time chaired a
committee that intended to spearhead debate on President Mugabe's successor,
but the committee was disbanded by the President in September last year after
it allegedly began to fan divisions in the party.
The question
to ask is: who had entrusted a newcomer to preside over an issue widely
regarded as sensitive within party circles?
ZANU PF insiders say
President Mugabe is aware of, and has personally publicly acknowledged, the
jostling by party heavyweights for his position pending retirement. It is
widely believed by some in ZANU PF that President Mugabe has been gradually
alienating his comrades, and shown increasing trust and favour for the
newcomers. This has made Moyo and his colleagues powerful in the
party.
Moyo, the first deputy secretary to attend politburo
meetings in what became a breakaway from convention in 2000, is widely seen
as wielding too much influence over President Mugabe.
Moyo has
distressed some of President Mugabe's known loyalists, and even cursed them,
without the President saying a word.
For example, Moyo branded
Emmerson Mnangagwa, widely seen as President Mugabe's protégé, an "electoral
coward" and a "coup plotter" when it was alleged that Mnangagwa and retired
army general Vitalis Zvinavashe, a powerful member of ZANU PF and President
Mugabe's circle of lieutenants, had been involved in a plan to broker a
power-sharing deal with MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
Moyo also
embarrassed Vice-President Joseph Msika on the forced acquisition of Kondozi
Estate. Despite Msika, the second most powerful man in the country, resisting
Kondozi's forced takeover, Moyo stuck to his guns and pushed for the farm's
compulsory acquisition. President Mugabe apparently made muffled remarks in
support of Moyo, vowing that the De Klerk family could not prolong its stay
on Kondozi farm.
Moyo also publicly clashed with his party boss
Nathan Shamuyarira over President Mugabe's interview with Sky News.
Shamuyarira, who has indicated his intention to retire from active politics,
is a long-time confidante of President Mugabe.
Apparently,
President Mugabe has never voiced any public concern against Moyo for his
public vitriol, and it is also not clear whether he even privately censured
Moyo for his attacks on the senior party members.
A committee,
reportedly chaired by President Mugabe and consisting of the aggrieved party
members, Msika and John Nkomo, the ZANU PF chairman, was set up to
investigate Moyo's conduct, despite the fact that this had been a public
record. It is not known what has become of the committee.
Nkomo had
come under a barrage of criticism from the state-owned Herald newspaper, a
stance many saw as orchestrated by Moyo because of his tight grip on the
state media. Nkomo had threatened to deal fearlessly with his detractors, and
had made veiled statements pointing at Moyo.
However, President
Mugabe is understood to lend an ear to Nkomo, but how far the party's
chairman will sway him into antagonising Moyo directly remains to be
seen.
Recent skirmishes over a report in The Herald have also left
Moyo unscathed, although sources said it raised the potential for
fissures between President Mugabe and his trusted lieutenant.
President Mugabe attacked The Herald for a report that condemned
South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki for holding talks with the MDC
leadership in Pretoria, but avoided directly assaulting Moyo, the man who
took charge of the government-owned media in 2000.
An insider
said Moyo, who has unlimited access to President Mugabe, "from whose offices
he works", had a private discussion with the President prior to a central
committee meeting at which he raised the issue.
"The rebuke on The
Herald should not be read as a rebuke on Moyo because these two operate from
the same offices and Moyo gives Mugabe press briefings, at which they should
have discussed The Herald stories when they appeared," a source
indicated.
In legal
terms, Zimbabwe is within its rights to continue holding South African
nationals who were jailed for bombing African National Congress targets in
Zimbabwe during the apartheid era.
This is the view of an
experienced Zimba-bwean lawyer whose identity must be protected for
professional reasons. He was commenting on calls in the South African
parliament by Democratic Alliance leader Tony Leone for the release of Kevin
Woods, Mike Smith and Philip Conjwayo, who were jailed in 1989. They
were imprisoned for bombing a house in Bulawayo's Trenance suburb that was
occupied by exiled South Africans who were members of the African National
Congress. Two Zimbabweans were killed and three others were injured in the
blast. The lawyer stressed that Woods, Conjwayo and Smith were jailed
for crimes committed in this country and Zimbabwean authorities had every
right in terms of the law to hold them until they had served their sentences
in full. "In legal terms, there is nothing amiss if Zimbabwe insists
on these men serving their full prison terms for crimes committed on its
territory," he said Last month, Reo Schutte who was jailed in 1989
for car theft, and possession of dangerous weapons was released on
humanitarian grounds. He suffers from prostate cancer and his condition is
terminal. His release has raised hopes that other terminally ill South
Africans serving jail terms in Zimbabwe could also be pardoned. "The
release of Schutte allows one to hope there is a change of attitude by
Zimbabwe towards the men," says South African lawyer, Adolf Malan, who
represents Woods, Smith and Conjwayo. He said President Mugabe and his
South African counterpart Thabo Mbeki held talks annually on the possibility
of granting the prisoners a pardon. According to Malan, Smith, Woods
and Conjwayo all qualify for compassionate consideration. Smith and Woods are
ailing and Conjwayo, who is in his sixties, is getting on in age. A
Zimbabwean with liberation struggle credentials also believes the men should
be pardoned and released into the custody of the South
African government. "In normal international relations what happens
is that at the end of hostilities such as those between Zimb-abwe and the
South African apartheid regime, people arrested in connection with crimes
against the state are usually pardoned and released," said educationist,
journalist and former ZAPU operative, Saul Gwakuba Ndlovu. This rule
applied to people arrested for espionage, arson, sabotage and other
war-related crimes. "It would be humane for the Zimbabwean government
to release these people and send them to South Africa," Ndlovu said
South Africa had underground agents in Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana,
Zimbabwe, Angola, Lesotho and Swaziland at the height of apartheid.
However, the release of Nelson Mandela and other ANC leaders in the 1990s
ushered in a new democratic dispensation. The reason for the
continued imprisonment of South African agents in these countries thus fell
away. He said the oppressive regime men such as Woods, Smith and
Conjwayo were defending had been replaced by a democratic one. "In
cases like this, the principle of retribution is taken into consideration but
that of interstate relations takes precedence as both countries try to turn
over a new leaf and begin a new era". Ndlovu said releasing
the South African agents and spies need not mean that the victims of their
atrocities would be ignored or forgotten. "In terms of compensation,
Zimbabwe can look at either reparations from the South African government or
the Zimbabwean government can itself assist the victims". Interest
in the fate of South Africans arrested for political crimes in Zimbabwe has
increased following the jailing of 68 suspected mercenaries for a foiled coup
in Equatorial Guinea. One of the mercenaries, Ngave Maharukua died
recently and a number of his surviving inmates are said to be suffering from
AIDS - related illnesses. Their lawyer, Alwyn Griebenouw, has
indicated that if the men's health deteriorated, he would ask that they be
transferred to a South African jail where they could receive better medical
care.
DIDYMUS Mutasa, the piscatorial politician
(persistent fisherman in the country's political waters) who covets the vice
presidency of the country (God forbid) is emerging as the most
embarrassingly less than funny comedian of Zimbabwean politics.
Putting his foot in his mouth is, sadly for this once respected pillar of
Zimbabwe's war of liberation, fast becoming his normal mode of progression.
Committing gaffes, it would seem, is as natural to the former Speaker of
Parliament as it is for a crab to walk sideways. Mutasa, whose political
star is on the wane, has a less than cunning way to stir controversies
without knowing where it would all end. If this is not political ineptitude,
then we do not know what is.
Only two weeks ago, the scapegoating
Minister of Anti-Corruption and Anti-Monopolies was at it again. Exhibiting
that peculiar characteristic of local politicians - failure and reluctance
to accept responsibility - he blamed Zimbabweans for everything that has
gone wrong, ironically as a result of the government's poor
decision-making.
Apparently incensed by criticism levelled against
government for plunging the economy into an unprecedented crisis, making
decisions for political expediency, the socio-economic difficulties and the
government mistakes that have aggravated them, the clownish Mutasa showed
once again that he is so abstracted in his opinions when he addressed the
Zimbabwe Institute of Management conference a fortnight ago.
"Yes we do make political decisions but that is because you do not advise us
. . . If we are sloppy and incompetent, it is because you let us . . ." So
said the minister who is incuriously passive in his own pursuit of his
ministry's brief to rid the country of cancerous corruption but intensely
aggressive in the political turf battles with political foes in
Makoni.
It goes without saying that Mutasa's read-my-lips
utterances must have, not without reason, raised eyebrows and coughs of
disapproval from the floor. It could be one of the most irresponsible
statements made by a minister of a civilised government. Indeed, can anyone
imagine any kind of worse hypocrisy, arrogance and profound contempt for the
lovely people of this country? Can there ever be another such pompous,
conceited, opinionated and patronising senior government official as Mutasa
in President Robert Mugabe's government?
What was his aim when
he uttered this? To befuddle people's minds and make them mistrust the
evidence of their own senses? Fortunately Zimbabweans now know better. They
can no longer be misled by cheap political rhetoric by a coterie of inane
politicians who have outlived their usefulness and are intoxicated with the
love of flattery.
Or could it be possible that Minister Mutasa did
not have enough gumption to realise the improbability of what he was saying?
If so, then his judgment as a national leader is not only questionable but
extremely poor as well. So is his choice of words too because his morally
repulsive and insensitive statement is a disgrace to the seat he holds. This
is moreso given that there is a deep well of disenchantment among the
disillusioned Zimbabweans that have endured protracted social
deprivation.
That Mutasa is not only a key but also important voice
in the inner circle of the ruling ZANU PF makes it easier for people to
begin to comprehend how Egyptians worshipped an insect! Most importantly
though, with ministers like Mutasa, who needs enemies? We say so because
whatever he says might be misconstrued to reflect government position. And
this, coming at a time when the government is trying to rally various
stakeholders around its formula for a way out of the vicious circle of the
economic crisis? The mind indeed boggles.
The economy has
collapsed into a recessionary heap under the stewardship of Messrs Mutasa
and company, some of whom are driven by bloated self-interest. Yet warning
signals about the deteriorating economic situation from various stakeholders
went out early enough. But as has been said before, you can take a horse to
a river but you cannot make him drink. The point is, the crisis in Zimbabwe
today, whose depth we doubt the likes of Mutasa fully appreciate, reads more
like a chronicle of a catastrophe foretold. How many times has government
been warned that it risks leaving a terrible legacy of obsolete
socio-economic structures if it continued with its modus operandi? But it
refused to listen or take heed of the advice proffered. If anything, some
hawks in government have continued to suggest political measures as a remedy
for economic woes and social disintegration. And here we are! The once
reassuringly resilient economy is caught up in stagflation - high inflation
levels accompanied by falling industrial production and
employment.
If the government is as receptive to new ideas as
Mutasa wants us to believe, then the question is: How did we get where we
are? What has government done about lingering concerns on: its profligacy
and the implications of deficit spending, the political patronage system
that has spawned deep-seated corruption eating at the very fabric of the
nation, weaknesses in economic policy, Zimbabwe's continued isolation, the
implications of government's stop-go privatisation programme, lack of
political tolerance and hatred for compromise which have produced dangerous
tensions tearing society apart and the folly of taking populist stances on
sensitive issues because it is politically expedient, among
others?
For all we know, some well-meaning Zimbabweans who have
pointed out these issues are accused of working against the government to
effect regime change by some Cabinet ministers who think that they
monopolise patriotism, common sense, reason and objectivity. Typically, the
politicians who have turned Zimbabwe into a theatre of political bigotry
have always behaved like cream - they get stiffer with every
whipping.
This is why the Zimbabwean public can justifiably be
nauseated by Mutasa's pretensions. The people, to whom Mutasa and company
should be accountable but treat with disdain, must have read the minister's
remarks with a mixture of disgust and despair, to say the least. What he
said was nothing short of insulting the intelligence of the long-suffering
Zimbabweans.
Even in his egotistical imagination, Mutasa knows
only too well that what he said had no fibre of sincerity and that it defies
common sense. It was rather too specious and spurious as to be tangible, so
to speak. If the story Mutasa, who has clearly lost touch with reality, told
is true - something we refuse to believe - then, it is further evidence that
truth can indeed be stranger than fiction.
This exposes him as
the only major politician in the country, (probably alongside Joseph Made of
the food puzzle and Samuel Mumbengegwi who erroneously believes that
Zimbabwe is "an island" which can prosper in isolation) who can be labelled
a liar without fear of libel! That is why we sincerely feel for our beloved
country to know that Mutasa is even aspiring for higher office.
Editor - Ever so often we read that
a government delegation has travelled to a foreign country and signed
various "cooperation agreements" or has received foreign delegations and
signed deals.
What is the exact content of these agreements and who
exactly benefits from them? Surely, Parliament should demand that such
agreements be debated and their benefit to Zimbabweans be explained. I have
not heard anything on this point from our distinguished MPs to
date. I have in mind recent agreements signed with the Chinese and
Equatorial Guinea. I urge MPs to query these agreements and their
content on behalf of ordinary Zimbabweans. Could Fingaz journalists also
look into these agreements? Are we not in danger of having our
country mortgaged to foreigners or incurring dubious debts and obligations
which us taxpayers will have to continue to pay when our ageing politicians
are long dead?
FARMING
insurance in Zimbabwe has declined by over 70 percent in the past four years
because of lack of knowledge of the merits of insuring crops and
livestock.
Sources in the insurance industry said only an estimated
30 percent of the new breed of commercial farmers was taking up crop and
livestock insurance. They said close to 80 percent of farming
equipment such as tractors, combine harvesters and irrigation equipment,
most of which was looted from white commercial farmers at the height of the
government's chaotic land reform programme, had not been insured.
It has been established that insurers are sceptical about underwriting crops
and farming equipment because of the uncertainties surrounding land and
property ownership. Insurance companies, like most commercial banks in
the country, have also cited lack of technical know-how on the part of the
new farmers, most of whom were parachuted onto the country's prime farming
land without the expertise required in large-scale agriculture. The
drastic fall in agricultural insurance has dampened the government's stated
objectives of returning Zimbabwe, once the region's breadbasket to its faded
glory. Zimbabwe Commercial Farmers' Union president Davidson Mugabe
said the slump in the taking up of agriculture insurance had become an
unnecessary risk. "They are new in the industry and they may not
know the importance of taking up insurance. As farmers, you will be
operating on high risk because one might lose cattle through theft and
illness, crops and equipment can be destroyed by fire or vandalised and
eventually if they are not insured you are bound to lose everything," Mugabe
said. The price of livestock has escalated over the past four years
such that a dairy cow now costs over $5 million. Mugabe said his
organisation, which boasts of a membership of more than 12 000, has made
arrangements with Jupiter Insurance to have members of the organisation
insure their livestock, vehicles, property and farm equipment.
Under the scheme, the animals can be used as collateral for them to access
loans to boost their farming ventures.
ZIMBABWE'S
hospitality and leisure industry, which has been on a downward slide in the
past four years due to plummeting tourist arrivals, has resorted to
reviewing room rates as a way of encouraging local demand.
Leading
hotel groups Zimbabwe Sun Leisure (Zimsun), Rainbow Tourism Group (RTG) and
Cresta Hospitality have introduced different packages for clients as the
industry looks to capitalise on the traditional festive season spending
boom. Zimsun and RTG are currently offering significant discounts,
while Cresta has introduced room auctioning. Zimsun chief executive
Shingi Munyeza said pricing in the industry had been tailored to suit client
requirements as the industry draws towards its traditional Christmas season
peak. "Rates for resort hotels, lodges and city hotels have been
reviewed to attract huge numbers of tourists and locals. We have introduced
our own discount and instalment packages, while others have brought in their
different types of reviews. All this comes at a time when the industry is
struggling to increase occupancy levels," Munyeza said.
ZIMBABWE'S tractor fleet has shrunk
by 22.2 percent over the past four years, posing a threat to a revival of
agriculture, industry players say.
The country requires 45 000
tractors to fully implement its tillage needs on the more than three million
hectares of both old and newly resettled commercial farms. But it only has
10 000 tractors, according to Agriculture and Rural Development Permanent
Secretary Ngoni Masoka. It has been established that a single tractor
costs about US$20 000. "We cannot replenish our fleet overnight. It's a
massive programme that can be sponsored through the productive sector fund
and from gains from the proceeds obtained in the industry," Zimbabwe
Commercial Farmers Union president Davidson Mugabe said. Masoka
said complete agricultural mechanisation would take about 10 years and would
be implemented with the assistance of the Food and Agriculture Organisation,
a United Nations agency. The District Development Fund, a state-arm
that provides tillage services, is undercapitalised and ill-equipped for the
task. The parastatal, which currently has about 800 tractors, requires
more than $20 billion to operate at full capacity and provide tillage
services for the 2004/05 cropping season. The drastic reduction of
the tractor fleet has been attributed mainly to the government's land reform
programme, which saw agricultural equipment being vandalised and
plundered. Zimbabwe has in the past received agricultural equipment
from the Japanese, Chinese and from Iran, but only top government officials,
war veterans and ruling ZANU PF party bigwigs have reportedly been the major
beneficiaries.