By Tichaona
Sibanda
10 November 2005
Long serving Zimbabwe Cricket
President Peter Chingoka was picked up
for questioning on Thursday by the
country's anti-corruption unit. He was
arrested together with his close
confidante and a very controversial figure
in Zimbabwe Cricket, Ozias
Bvute.
The arrest of the two top cricket officials came hardly a
week after
damning allegations were made against them by all of the
country's cricket
provinces, who apparently demanded Chingoka's resignation
during a press
conference on Thursday.
The demand was made in a
letter delivered to Chingoka by Charles
Robertson, chairman of the powerful
Mashonaland Country Districts, on behalf
of six constituted
provinces.
The letter also demanded the immediate suspension of
Zimbabwe Cricket
managing director Osias Bvute "pending a forensic audit of
the business and
financial affairs of ZC before there is total collapse".
According to media
reports, the provinces have requested the board of
directors to support
their call for Chingoka's resignation.
In
their letter to Chingoka, the provinces described him as fomenting
discord,
playing the race card, drawing a "huge salary and perks to which
you are not
entitled" and dismissing their request for answers to 80
questions regarding
the cricket's board's finances. The questions, many of
which referred to
possible dubious activities, were submitted nine days ago
in a 13-page
document. In their letter Thursday, the provinces told
Chingoka: "Your
avoidance of our queries only strengthens our belief that
you have something
to hide. As a long-serving board member and President you
should have
perceived and addressed (financial) areas of concern before they
reached the
point where they are a threat to the very existence of Zimbabwe
cricket."
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Lance
Guma
10 November 2005
The President of the Zimbabwe
National Association of Students Unions
(ZINASU), Washington Katema has
accused the police of assaulting detained
student leaders in custody. Katema
and five student leaders from the
University of Zimbabwe were arrested
Wednesday for allegedly organizing a
student demonstration in tandem with a
weekly nationwide plan of protest
organised by the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (ZCTU).
In an interview with Newsreel immediately
after leaving police cells,
Katema narrated how they were shuttled between 5
different police stations.
They were subjected to varying degrees of assault
and abuse between
Borrowdale, Avondale, Harare Central and St Mary's police
stations before
being sent back to Avondale again. Officers from the Law and
Order section
at Harare central allegedly severely assaulted them while
questioning them
on the reasons for the demonstration.
After
being transferred to St Mary's police station in Chitungwiza,
chronic water
shortages in the town meant they were consigned to stinking
cells because of
unflushed toilets. Lice and mosquitoes added to the misery.
To top it all,
the police switched charges at each police station. After
being charged
under the miscellaneous offences act, the charges were changed
to go under
the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) and vice versa. Amidst
the
deliberate confusion the POSA charge became the final one at the St Mary's
station.
Katema and his colleagues were arrested on Wednesday
at the Manfred
Hudson hall at the University of Zimbabwe after leading a
demonstration by
students. The students were protesting the late payment of
their
supplementary payouts, inflation and the country's flawed
constitution,
which they believe is at the centre of the nation's problems.
He vowed the
arrests will not deter them from further demonstrations and
urged ordinary
Zimbabweans to join the struggle against the oppressive
regime.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
10 November 2005
While starvation due to food
shortages continues to grip the nation,
Zimbabwe's government officials and
ruling party cronies have intensified
farm evictions in the Karoi area. The
Zimonline news site reports that 18 of
the last remaining white farmers in
this prime farming district have been
ordered to leave. The report said
Robert Mugabe's friend Billy Rautenbach is
the only farmer in Karoi who has
been allowed to stay.
The evictions are senseless in a country that is
reeling from hunger
due to a huge reduction in food production. And despite
reassuring rhetoric
and threats from Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono and
Vice president
Musika, there is no security for white farmers in Zimbabwe
anymore.
The 18 farmers were last week ordered to vacate their
properties to
make way for new black owners, most of them reported to be
senior government
officials and ZANU PF cronies. Mashonaland West province
governor Nelson
Samkange confirmed the evictions to ZimOnline, saying that
the black farmers
taking over were just as good. But the situation on the
ground tells a
different story. Many farms are lying idle and Zimbabweans
are relying on
food aid to survive, this only 5 years after the land
invasions started.
As for Rautenbach, the only Karoi farmer who has
been allowed to keep
his farm in this fresh round of evictions, he is wanted
in South Africa on
some criminal charges, and is known to be a personal
friend of Robert
Mugabe.
The latest farm seizures that come
just as the main planting period is
getting underway after the country
received its first substantial rains
about a week ago, flies in the face of
assurances two weeks ago by Mugabe's
first Vice-President, Joseph Msika,
that the government was not out to chase
away all white
farmers.
Mutasa, who oversees land reforms and food aid
distribution, is one of
the government hardliners. He was about three months
ago quoted by the local
media as having said white farmers were filthy and
should all be removed
from the land.
One of the affected Karoi
farmers, Ben Tamblach said a former chief
executive officer of a
government-owned agro-bank was eyeing his farm and
had deployed a number of
war veterans to chase him away from the farm.
The farmer said he
had 50 hectares of potatoes at the flowering stage
and had prepared 200
hectares of maize, while another 100 hectares of winter
wheat had already
been harvested.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Tichaona
Sibanda
10 November 2005
Up to 160 Zimbabwe Congress
of Trade Unions activists, including its
two top leaders are still
languishing in police cells two days after being
arrested for staging
protests against the country's worsening economic
situation.
ZCTU spokesman Mlamleli Sibanda said 120 activists were picked up in
Harare
as soon as the protest got underway, while forty more were arrested
in the
eastern border town of Mutare on Tuesday.
Labour officials are
worried about the inhuman conditions the
activists are being held under at
the Makoni police cells in Chitungwiza.
The town has had no water for almost
a month now and conditions there have
been described as
horrible.
'Imagine a police holding cell with 120 people without
water. Although
they are keeping their spirits high by singing revolutionary
songs, one
cannot undermine the mental torture they are going through' said
Sibanda.
Among those still in detention is National Constitutional
Assembly
chairman Lovemore Madhuku, who was arrested on a separate charge
but on the
same day as the ZCTU protests.
Madhuku is being held
at another filthy police cell in Mbare together
with the Mayor of
Chitungwiza Misheck Shoko. Police spent most of Tuesday
taking fingerprints
and getting warned and cautioned statements from the
activists.
However, the 48-hour period they are allowed to detain people has
since
elapsed and the ZCTU has asked its lawyers to seek an urgent chamber
application to inform the High Court to compel the police to either release
them or take them to court.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
canoe, Canada
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AP) - Zimbabwe's cricket
players and provinces
joined Thursday to demand the resignation of Zimbabwe
Cricket chairman Peter
Chingoka.
Charles Robertson,
chairman of Mashonaland Country Districts
initially delivered the demand in
a letter to Chingoka on behalf of the
country's six
provinces.
The letter also demanded the immediate suspension
of Zimbabwe
Cricket managing director Osias Bvute "pending a forensic audit
of the
business and financial affairs of ZC before there is total
collapse."
The provinces requested the board of directors
support their
call for Chingoka's resignation.
Later
Thursday, the players added their weight to the revolt in
a statement saying
they were "tired of being threatened by ZC and tired of
the way they have
been attacked individually."
"In coming forward in this way
we realize we risk our careers,
especially as ZC has shown in the past they
will not hesitate to bully
players. But we have no choice but to speak out,"
it added.
The conference was attended by all but one of the
provincial
chairmen and by national team captain Tatenda Taibu plus regular
first team
players Dion Ebrahim, Blessing Mahwire, Brendan Taylor and Stuart
Matsikenyere.
Also attending was coach Phil Simmons, who
is fighting a
ZC-inspired deportation order in a dispute over his own
contract.
In their letter to Chingoka, the provinces accused
him of
drawing a "huge salary and perks to which you are not entitled" and
dismissing their request for answers to 80 questions regarding the cricket
board's finances.
Sunday Times, SA
Thursday November
10, 2005 15:39 - (SA)
HARARE - Zimbabwe's triple-digit inflation shot up
to 411% in October on a
year before, dealing an embarrassing blow to central
bank targets to reduce
it to around 300% by year-end, according to official
figures.
"On average a bundle of goods and services that cost 100,000
Zimbabwean
dollars (1.6 US dollars) in October 2004 would on average cost
511,000 (8.50
US dollars) in October 2005," the Central Statistical Office
(CSO) said in a
statement.
The increase hit postal rates,
hairdressing charges and the prices of
bicycles the hardest, up by 1,965.6%,
1,750.8 percent and 1,838%
respectively.
The country's average annual
inflation has been climbing since 2000 when it
stood at 55.9%, rising to 71%
a year later. It reached 133.2% in 2002 before
soaring to 622 percent in
January 2004.
Reserve Bank governor Gideon Gono said last month "the
upward trend is
expected to slow down during the last quarter of the year,
with annual
inflation expected to reach levels of 280 to 300%
by
December 2005 and of between 50 and 80% by December 2006."
Finance
Minister Herbert Murerwa admitted two months ago that targets for
economic
growth and inflation would be missed.
He said that economic growth that
had been expected to reach more than 3.5%
would now be below 2% for the year
in Zimbabwe.
"The annual rate of inflation, which had been targeted to
further come down
to under 300% by year-end, is now projected to end the
year higher," said
Murerwa.
Zimbabwe is in the throes of what
analysts say is its worst economic crisis,
characterised by triple-digit
inflation and chronic shortages of basic
commodities like fuel, cooking oil
and sugar.
The government of President Robert Mugabe blames the crisis on
targeted
sanctions imposed on its rulers by European Union member countries
and the
United States, as well as prolonged drought.
US ambassador
Christopher Dell last week angered Harare when he said the
"Zimbabwe
government's own gross mismanagement of the economy and its
corrupt rule"
were at fault.
Sapa-AFP
BY PAUL
SALOPEK
Chicago Tribune
HARARE, Zimbabwe - Don't come looking
for bargains at the Mbare market
anymore.
Once a sprawling and funky
warren of food stalls, workshops, and mom-and-pop
stores crammed onto the
southern edge of this capital city, Mbare, one of
Africa's iconic
marketplaces, remains little more than a checkerboard of
barren fields four
months after government bulldozers rolled through, razing
thousands of
shanties and ramshackle businesses.
"You must go," a former market vendor
hissed when foreign visitors stopped
by recently. "They are watching. It is
not safe."
"They" were the secret police. The nervous peddler darted back
to his
shelter: a few scraps of asbestos roofing propped up with sticks.
Ragged
market women and their children slumped listlessly in the dust. Some
foraged
for meals at a local garbage dump. And they were the lucky ones.
Hundreds of
thousands of other Zimbabweans made homeless by President Robert
Mugabe's
notorious "Drive out the Filth" urban renewal campaign remain
unaccounted
for. Many face starvation in the countryside.
This is the
grim, Kafkaesque world of modern Zimbabwe, perhaps the only
place on this
hustling continent where market traders run in fear from
prospective
customers rather than mob them - the legacy of a tattered police
state that
is fast becoming the North Korea of Africa.
A recent trip through this
beautiful but insular country, which greatly
restricts the access and
movement of foreign journalists, revealed a nation
fast approaching economic
meltdown, where triple-digit inflation has spawned
absurd parking fines of 1
million Zimbabwean dollars, roughly $12 at the
black market exchange rate;
where asset stripping has degenerated into
leasing out scenic chunks of
world-famous national parks to businessmen
interested in building private
safari lodges, and where the aging strongman
remains so firmly entrenched
that he has demoralized all domestic
opposition, and can tweak the Western
world with impunity.
Last month Mugabe - whose xenophobic regime has been
lumped by the U.S.
State Department with Venezuela and North Korea as an
"outpost of tyranny" -
blasted President Bush and British Prime Minister
Tony Blair at a United
Nations food conference, comparing them to Hitler and
Mussolini.
It wasn't always this way, of course. Only five years ago
Zimbabwe was still
a bright-eyed star of Africa: the continent's second-most
industrialized
nation, a premier tourist destination and a significant grain
exporter. But
since his power began slipping at the polls in 2000, Mugabe
has cracked down
on dissent. And his violent land reforms, which parceled
out 4,000
white-owned commercial farms to landless blacks and government
cronies, have
eviscerated Zimbabwe's economy.
A recent flurry of land
invasions and seizures, many of them targeting the
country's last viable
money-making operations, ranging from Zimbabwe's only
remaining
bull-breeding ranch to a plush tourist lodge inside the famed
Matobos Hills
National Park, have sparked whispers of a "final purge"
against the 400 or
so remaining white landholders.
"Look, white farmers are not the story
anymore, we're insignificant,"
declared John Worswick of Justice for
Agriculture, an organization
pressuring Mugabe and Britain, Zimbabwe's
former colonial ruler, to pay
compensation for lost property.
"We're
talking about mass starvation now," Worswick said. "We're talking
about a
potential for mass dying. We've gone from being a bread basket to a
basket
case."
Hunger statistics bear him out. According to the United Nations
and private
aid groups, a staggering 5 million Zimbabweans will face food
shortages this
year - roughly half the country's population.
Like the
rest of drought-scorched southern Africa, many of the hungry
languish in
small villages, where families already are reduced to eating one
meal of
sadza, or corn mush, daily. But in Zimbabwe, politics has spawned a
whole
new class of the hollow-bellied - some 700,000 urban victims of
Operation
Murambatsvina, or "Drive out the Filth," a Draconian government
slum-clearing campaign.
"My children are now eating out of a garbage
dump," said Zvikomborero, a
33-year-old firewood vendor who asked that her
full name not be used because
she feared police retaliation. "We are washing
potato skins and eating them.
We are starving."
Bulldozers flanked by
platoons of security men flattened her house in
Harare's sprawling Mbare
market district in June, Zvikomborero said. Today,
thugs in the pay of
Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF Party are harassing any
stragglers who dare to camp
in the dusty ruins. The militants roar by in
pickup trucks, hurling violent
threats, she said. Meanwhile, homeless market
women are being reduced to
prostitution - a fatal vocation in AIDS-plagued
Zimbabwe.
"You can
say we are dead," Zvikomborero whispered dully.
Zimbabwe's urban poor
have been criminalized, say Mugabe's critics, because
they supported the
country's feeble opposition party, the Movement for
Democratic Change, or
MDC.
Mugabe's secret police, the Central Intelligence Organization, have
been
ruthlessly effective at neutralizing any threats, human rights groups
say.
Businessmen, foreign diplomats and civic leaders all said they assumed
their
phones were being tapped. And the Chinese recently supplied the
government
with radio-jamming equipment to block foreign or opposition
broadcasts, says
the watchdog organization Reporters Without
Borders.
China, in fact, is one of Zimbabwe's few friends these days.
Isolated by
Western sanctions, Mugabe has relied on a desperate "Look East"
policy to
stay afloat. Beijing exchanged $600 million in trade with Zimbabwe
last
year. Zimbabwe Airlines now flies noisy, Chinese-made turbo-props.
Cantonese
restaurants have popped up under Harare's blossoming jacaranda
trees. And
the tide of cheap and often shoddy Chinese goods flooding local
shops has
been dubbed "zhing-zhong," an ostensibly Chinese-sounding word, by
long-suffering Zimbabweans. Mugabe has outlawed the derisive
term.
Even Beijing, however, appears to be having second thoughts about
investing
in Zimbabwe. "They've turned down Mugabe's offers to take over
commercial
farms," said Richard Cornwell, an analyst at the South African
Institute of
Security Studies. "Like most people, they're waiting to see
when things will
fall apart."
Others aren't. Zimbabwe's hemorrhaging
economy has attracted packs of
business hyenas, both domestic and foreign -
from gold and gasoline
smugglers to entrepreneurs renting islands in
Victoria Falls National Park
for $10,000. According to press reports, a
nephew of Mugabe was arrested two
weeks ago for reselling scarce subsidized
flour in Zambia, where it fetched
a higher price.
Apparently, nobody
has found any profit in 900 tons of U.S.-donated food. In
late July the
United Nations was forced to condemn the mountain of corn-soy
mush, which is
designed for malnourished children and mothers, after
Zimbabwe rejected the
gift food for looking too green after cooking. It was
merely over-fortified
with nutrients. Now it's slated to be burned or
buried, a U.N. source
says.
"We live in frustrating times," said Paul Themba Nyathi, a
spokesman for the
opposition MDC, which has fractured into squabbling camps
over whether to
participate in yet another rigged election, this time for
senate seats.
"Mugabe doesn't have any more power to consolidate," Nyathi
said wearily.
"In my view, nothing has worked against him. International
pressure,
regional pressure - it has no effect."
Mugabe certainly
shows no sign of stepping down before the next presidential
election in
2008. The wily dictator, in power since 1980, is reputed to work
out every
morning at a gym in his $9 million mansion roofed with enameled
Chinese
tiles.
Zimbabwe takes its name from the ruins of a medieval African city
that juts
from a high hill in the nation's southeast - Great Zimbabwe, or
"esteemed
houses" in the majority Shona language. Tourist guides tell how,
when the
city's ancient kings died, the residents of Great Zimbabwe
commented that
"the mountain had fallen."
Mugabe toured the site last
April on the occasion of his 81st birthday, and
climbed to the very top.
Posted on Thu, Nov. 10, 2005
BY PAUL SALOPEK
Chicago
Tribune
HARARE, Zimbabwe - When police arrested Monica Nzou for
selling fruit
on a slum corner, they taunted her about her
AIDS.
Nzou, 34, a shy, painfully thin street peddler and one of
700,000
Zimbabweans uprooted by a government crackdown on informal
settlements,
begged to be released. She had two young daughters to take care
of, she told
the officers. She was an HIV-positive widow - her husband had
already died
of AIDS.
"They laughed and said they were going to
charge me with murder for
infecting my husband," she recalled softly. "Then
they took away my shoes.
They told me to walk barefoot back to the
countryside. They said, `Go away
and die.'"
That is exactly the
fate that confronts not just Nzou, but millions of
other HIV-positive people
in Zimbabwe, a once-prosperous African state
sinking ever deeper into mass
hunger, economic ruin and authoritarian rule.
Haunted by one of the
world's highest incidence rates of AIDS,
Zimbabwe would face a daunting
public health challenge even in the best of
times. More than a quarter of
its 12.7 million citizens are infected with
the deadly virus, U.N.
statistics show. As many as 3,000 new cases surface
in the country every
week.
Yet today, surging inflation, a lack of foreign currency to
buy
imported medicines, and President Robert Mugabe's ruthless slum-clearing
campaign all mean that fewer Zimbabweans than ever have access to crucial
anti-retroviral drugs that are prolonging life elsewhere in AIDS-plagued
Africa.
In the past three months, according to a U.N. report,
hyperinflation
has jacked up the cost of a monthly cocktail of generic AIDS
drugs from
$7.70 to $17 or more - a fatal hike in a country where the
average laborer
earns the equivalent of $20 a month.
Just
obtaining enough food has become a struggle for untold thousands
of
Zimbabweans weakened by AIDS. The nation's farming output has been
slashed
by drought and a disastrous land-reform policy. And in the cities,
the
poorest AIDS victims have stopped taking their medicines due to
Operation
Murambatsvina, or "drive out the filth," Mugabe's massive urban
renewal
program.
Over the past four months, bulldozers have leveled entire
shantytowns
in Zimbabwe. Human-rights groups accuse Mugabe of trying to
drive the
restless urban poor back to the countryside, where his ruling
ZANU-PF party
maintains a tighter political grip. Food aid distribution in
the cities has
been restricted to keep displaced slum dwellers from
returning.
But some humanitarian groups have reacted by slipping
HIV-positive
township dwellers clandestine rations of corn.
"We're seeing a flood of new referrals because people can't afford
their
drugs anymore," said a doctor at a clinic in Harare. Like many health
workers, he asked not to be identified because of the political sensitivity
of the subject.
"They will lie, cheat, do anything to get these
drugs," he said. "I
don't blame them. I would too."
One woman
who was forcibly relocated outside Harare walked six hours
back to a city
clinic to maintain her anti-retroviral drug regime, he said.
Another
HIV-positive woman, dumped at a remote farm, braved police beatings
to reach
a nearby well. She did this for her infected baby, who required
potable
water to drink with his pills.
"The (slum cleanup) destroyed all
these feeding centers for people
with HIV who were just beginning to learn
to take anti-retroviral drugs," a
foreign aid worker said. "They needed that
food to take along with their
drugs. Now those people are probably dying, or
are at least in a critical
state."
The Zimbabwean Health
Ministry still offers subsidized drugs to a few
lucky AIDS patients. But the
funding for such programs is woefully
inadequate. A national drug rollout
announced with fanfare last month, for
example, has a budget of less than $2
million - a sum that will hardly dent
the needs of 200,000 to 400,000
Zimbabweans with full-blown AIDS.
International AIDS funds also
have dried up in Zimbabwe. Mugabe's
regime distrusts outside humanitarian
groups. The average HIV-positive
patient in neighboring Zambia gets $184 in
foreign aid, the United Nations
says. In Zimbabwe, those infected receive
$4.
Meanwhile, even the tiny fraction of Zimbabweans who can afford
drugs
at commercial pharmacies are finding empty shelves.
Three
weeks ago, the nation's main manufacturer of anti-retrovirals,
Varichem
Pharmaceuticals, ceased producing anti-AIDS pills because it lacked
U.S.
dollars to pay for medical raw materials from India.
Zimbabwean
dollars, which are officially exchanged at about 26,000 to
the U.S. dollar,
are devaluing so fast under the nation's 350 percent
inflation rate that few
foreign banks will accept them.
Nzou, the wraithlike fruit seller,
tries to remain optimistic. Now
barred by the government from hawking
bananas and oranges, she has no hope
of obtaining drugs to control her
disease.
"Food is my only medicine now," she said at a private
feeding center
that was quietly supplying the sick with corn. "When I eat, I
feel stronger.
I must remain strong for my girls."
Hefting a
small sack of grain, she stepped gingerly out into the harsh
sunlight and
set off to a distant plot of land crammed with other homeless
slum families
- a frail woman swallowed in the folds of her faded dress.
She kept
to the back streets, to avoid the police.
Institute for War and Peace Reporting
Nothing can beat local
journalists when it comes to providing the best
insight into the world's
trouble spots.
By Alan Davis, 10-Nov-05
Yahoo!, unimpressed by
current news coverage of world hotspots, has launched
its own international
reporting operation it is hailing as "news reporting
for the new
millennium".
The internet giant describes its Kevin Sites in the Hotzone
service as a
"nexus of backpack journalism, narrative storytelling and the
internet
designed to reach a global audience hungry for
information".
In the space of just a few weeks, Sites has been and done
Somalia, the
Congo, Uganda and Sudan. There are a dozen countries still to
go and a
further 15, including Iran, Zimbabwe and Uzbekistan, on the watch
list.
Best known and heavily vilified at home for his broadcast footage
of a US
marine shooting dead a wounded Iraqi in Fallujah last year, Sites
was
already very highly regarded in blogging circles for his postings from
crisis zones across the world while working as a TV cameraman.
Yet it
is only his reputation, bravery and undoubted good intention that
saves
Yahoo!'s first foray into news reporting from being dismissed as a
faintly
ridiculous - even insulting - idea.
There is more than a whiff of
Churchillian hubris in the idea that a single
white westerner can tour and
explain away the world's crisis spots at the
rate of one every two-and-a-bit
weeks.
With Yahoo! accusing them of failing to report global conflicts
properly,
the mainstream media may well ask where was Sites when Islamic
militants
recently stormed the town of Nalchik in the Russian North
Caucasus.
The newswires excepted, it is surely clear that neither Yahoo!
nor the more
traditional media organisations are able to report, let alone
explain
properly, the many conflicts and crises around the
world.
Even the venerable BBC World Service has announced plans to shut
its Thai
service, despite the rapidly developing conflict in the south of
the
country. And although the international media did a brilliant job in
reporting the build-up of coalition forces in Iraq and the march into
Baghdad, the publication of Sir Christopher Meyer's book this week prompts
us again to ask just how good was the actual reporting on Iraq
itself?
A few years ago this would have mattered much less than it does
today. Now,
even as our collective need to understand and communicate
becomes ever more
pressing, global audiences are fragmenting along ethnic
and religious lines.
If the western media were ever able to set standards
and report for the
entire world, it is increasingly unable to do so
now.
In Baghdad, as the recent abduction of the Guardian's Rory Carroll
showed,
even the bravest of western reporters now faces lockdown.
Ironically,
although Iraq remains the biggest international news story, it
is rapidly
becoming an information black hole for western
audiences.
Luckily, local journalism is increasingly able to fill this
vacuum. With all
due respect to Sites and his team, it is local journalism
that constitutes
the best reporting for the new millennium.
But for
the presence of a handful of local journalists who, after some hard
training, can now report as well as any westerner, Uzbekistan's president,
Islam Karimov, would have got away with murder in the provincial town of
Andijana few months ago. A key ally in the "war against terror", he almost
spun the massacre in May of 500 men, women and children into a necessary
police action against Islamist insurgents.
The local Uzbek
journalists in Andijan did not have the benefit of foreign
passports or
plane tickets back out. All they had was their commitment to
covering the
story and their work with the Institute for War and Peace
Reporting -
iwpr.net. The London-based charity provided eyewitness reporting
and
analysis to the world's media on the day of the massacre and in the
weeks
that followed.
Likewise, just a few weeks ago on IWPR, local reporters
inside Nalchik in
the North Caucasus were able to provide the kind of
detailed analysis and
eyewitness reporting that their international
colleagues covering the story
from Moscow 600 miles to the north could
hardly dream of.
The reporting from Andijan will this month land IWPR's
country director,
Galima Bukharbaeva, an international press freedom award
from the US-based
Committee to Protect Journalists. The committee is also
awarding the prize
to Beatrice Mtetwa, a Harare-based media lawyer who also
happens to be on
the board of IWPR Africa.
They and their colleagues
around the world deserve our collective praise and
support for helping keep
the world a better informed - and at great personal
risk.
IWPR is
wholly reliant upon donations and is used to the phones ringing off
the hook
at the first sign of escalating crisis in some far away, forgotten
and
inaccessible place. The callers are from the broadcast and print media
around the world, who want a local journalist to analyse, if not report on,
a breaking crisis.
Chances are we will be able to oblige, having set
up news agencies,
developed human rights and women's reporting networks in
Islamic countries
and provided an iron lung for journalism in some of the
world's worst areas.
We work in nearly two dozen conflict, crisis and
transitional countries,
including Iraq, Afghanistan, Chechnya, Uganda and
Zimbabwe. Funds
permitting, the toughest areas of Asia also
beckon.
So when CNN or the BBC rings, it is not really breaking news, not
for us,
the country or the region concerned. We have been covering many of
the
world's problem spots for years, building up the skills and capacity of
local journalists, helping fine-tune their reporting, analysis and features
and sending it out free of charge in the hope that diplomats, politicians,
aid organisations and the traditional news media sit up and take
note.
Lest we forget, these journalists are not mere fixers or stringers
but
professionals building a new international standard of reporting for
their
own societies.
Alan Davis is a director of the Institute for
War and Peace Reporting.
© Guardian Newspapers Limited 2005
New Zimbabwe
By
Staff Reporter
Last updated: 11/11/2005 01:16:53
THE body of an MDC
polling agent, Petros Jeka, who was murdered by a Zanu PF
member during the
violent 2002 presidential election campaign will be
interred this week after
the government granted a paupers burial.
A former MDC Masvingo North
treasurer, Jeka was stabbed several times on
April 4 2002 by a ruling party
supporter, Winterton Chirove, the Zanu PF's
youth chairperson in the
area.
His relatives persistently refused to bury the body in fulfilment
with the
late MDC activist's deathbed wish that his murderer first pay
compensation -
40 heard of cattle and $2 million
As a result of the
family's refusal and Chirove's relatives failure to pay
the compensation,
the department of social welfare decided to bury the body.
The ruling
party supporter is now serving an 18-year jail term for the
heinous
act.
The Police Officer commanding Masvingo Province Senior assistant
commissioner, Emmanuel Shiku confirmed the development.
"We have
since notified the relatives about the burial," he said
Jeka's decomposed
body has been lying at Masvingo General Hospital, with
efforts to arrange a
burial by the police and the department of social
welfare hitting a brick
wall.
The MDC has refused to recognise the outcome of the 2002 elections
won by
President Robert Mugabe, citing widespread political violence and
rigging.
During the period, dozens of MDC supporters and commercial
farmers were
murdered by suspected Zanu PF shock troops to secure Mugabe's
victory.
President
Tsvangirai’s talking points for a brief to the
Your Excellencies, I welcome this
opportunity to meet and confer with you after a fairly long
period.
n to stay away from the Senate election;
n to withdraw candidates who registered under the banner of the MDC from the Senate election;
n to maintain the unity and integrity of the party, and to jealously guard and re-affirm the party’s commitment to democracy and social justice values;
n to engage the broad Zimbabwean society and galvanise the people to demand a new people-driven Constitution;
n to embark on an intensive, internal political healing
process to iron out differences and disagreements arising, in particular from
the fall out of
n to speed up work on the Congress process to enable the party to convene its Congress by the end of February, 2006.
Morgan
Tsvangirai
President.
Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2005 10:15 PM
Subject: Europe &
Tsvangirai
Dear Ms Kwinjeh,
Contrary to what is reported by
some Internet bloggs, quoting fictitious
analysts and non-existent sources,
Mr Tsvangirai has no intention to leave
Zimbabwe in the near future for any
destination, regional or international,
and to meet anyone in connexion with
the fall-out of 12 October. Mr
Tsvangirai believes the issues are so clear
that they can be attended to at
home by Zimbabweans inside the MDC.
As
for the speculation that Mr Tsvangirai is snubbing President Mbeki, this
is
far from the truth. After briefing Harare-based diplomats this morning,
the
new South African ambassador, Dr Makhalima, paid a courtesy call on Mr
Tsvangirai at his Strathaven residence in Harare at which a number of issues
were discussed , notes compared and fresh proposals for co-operation were
hammered out. Mr Tsvangirai took the opportunity to brief Dr Makhalima on
the state of the party and the MDC's view on the resolution of the national
crisis.
There is worrying, unexplained habit to resort to anonymous
sources in
today's Zimbabwean journalism. Unfortunately, there is very
little we can do
about it because our national crisis has destroyed the
profession and turned
almost all our scribes into political party activists
and faction admirers,
jstling for leadership positions in their
factions.
If you have time, kindly communicate with the editor of the website
and put
the record straight.
Have a good day.
T W
Bango
Personal Assistant to the President,
Movement for Democratic Change,
Harare, Zimbabwe
New Zimbabwe
By Staff
Reporter
Last updated: 11/10/2005 14:55:23
ZIMBABWE'S main opposition
leader was last night ready to plunge his party
into an international public
relations disaster by addressing the European
Parliament next week, days
after he turned down an invitation by President
Thabo Mbeki of South Africa
to discuss a damaging rift with his senior
colleagues.
Sources told
New Zimbabwe.com Wednesday that the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC)
leader would travel to Brussels, Belgium, next week to brief
European MP's
on a split that threatens the six-year-old opposition party.
Sources say
Tsvangirai also wants to use the visit to stake his legitimacy
with the
international community in a raging power struggle with his senior
colleagues, led by his deputy, Gibson Sibanda and the MDC's secretary
general, Professor Welshman Ncube.
However, political analysts warned
last night that Tsvangirai was playing
into the hands of President Robert
Mugabe's propaganda machinery which has
always maintained that he is a
puppet of Western powers seeking to
destabilise Zimbabwe.
"Basically
Tsvangirai is thumbing his nose to President Mbeki, who has tried
to mediate
in the MDC crisis but was told that it would be unnecessary by
Tsvangirai,"
said analyst last night.
"If he goes ahead with this trip, it will not
only alienate him from the
South African government but it will drive a
wedge between the MDC, at least
his faction, and the rest of the SADC
leaders who have always been slightly
circumspect about
Tsvangirai."
The MDC's European Representative, Grace Kwinjeh, declined
to comment last
night, referring questions to Tsvangirai's spokesman William
Bango. Calls to
Bango's mobile had not been returned last night.
The
MDC is currently locked in a bitter internal power struggle, sparked by
a
vote of the party's national council favouring participation in Senate
elections on November 26.
Tsvangirai went against the national
council's vote, and clashed with his
colleagues who now accuse him of being
a "dictator in the making". They have
vowed never to work with him
again.
President Mbeki extended an invitation to the MDC's Management
Committee,
known as the Top Six, to try and broker a truce. However,
Tsvangirai
delivered a snub by refusing to travel to South Africa, while his
senior
colleagues went and met Mbeki.
Analysts say it is "puzzling"
why Tsvangirai would decline such an offer
from an African leader, but be
readily available to discuss his party's
problems with MP's of European
countries with little understanding of the
Zimbabwean
crisis.
"Tsvangirai has failed to convince his own colleagues about the
direction he
wants the party to take. He failed to discuss these issues with
a respected
regional leader, and he is now taking his gospel to Europe. What
chance of
salvation here? It's either he is politically naive or he has just
gone
potty," said an analyst who declined to be named because of a
professional
relationship with some MDC officials.
Political
journalist, Dumisani Muleya, told New Zimbabwe.com he expected the
battle
for the control of the party to continue until the party's national
congress, expected to be held next February.
"It would appear to me
that the only thing that will provide some form of
finality to this split is
the party's national congress. In the meantime, we
will continue to see this
mud bath," said Muleya, news editor of the weekly
Zimbabwe Independent
newspaper.
SABC
November 10,
2005, 07:00
Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwean president, is attending the
opening of an
international meeting hosted by a Commonwealth body in
Lesotho, despite his
country's suspension from the body.
The Maseru
2005 "Smart Partnership" Dialogue, aimed at forming partnerships
between
developing countries, is an annual event convened by the
Commonwealth
Partnership for Technology Management.
Zimbabwe was suspended from the
Commonwealth in 2002 after Mugabe was
re-elected in the presidential
elections.
Business Day
Eddie
Maluleke
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
South African constitution is different from that of any other country
with
a similar political background. The essence of that difference was
articulated by the late Mohamed DP in State v Makwanyane, when he said that
"it retains from the past only what is defensible and represents a decisive
break from, and a ringing rejection of, that part of the past which is
disgracefully racist, authoritarian, insular, and repressive, and a vigorous
identification of and commitment to a democratic, universalistic, caring and
aspirationally egalitarian ethos expressly articulated in the
constitution".
This analysis became more pertinent last week when
President Thabo Mbeki
endorsed land expropriation in accordance with the
constitution. The
fundamental basis, as I comprehend it, is that the current
"willing
seller-willing buyer" premise was unable to bring about substantive
access
to land by the majority. In fact, access to land has been evolving at
snail's
pace since the dawn of democracy. In order to rectify the situation
in SA -
where a small minority owned the majority of the land - the drafters
of the
Freedom Charter wrote that "restrictions of land ownership on a
racial basis
shall be ended, and all the land redivided amongst those who
work it, to
banish famine and land hunger".
Government's
objective is that by 2014, at least 30% of the agricultural
land must have
been redistributed. However, the black majority has
criticised the concept
of "willing seller-willing buyer" because it is not
effecting the transfer
of land ownership fast enough. What is certain,
though, is that SA cannot
follow Zimbabwe's example when it comes to the
issue of access to
land.
One could argue that in SA, to date, government has bent over
backwards to
accommodate minority concerns on the land issue. One need only
look at the
raft of statutory reforms adopted and promulgated by the
government relating
to land - the Abolition of Racially Based Land Measures
Act of 1991
(abolished laws that restricted land rights based on race);
Upgrading of
Land Tenure Rights Act of 1991 (transfer of land rights to
ownership);
Restitution of Land Rights Act of 1994 (restitution of land
rights for
people dispossessed after 1913); Extension of Security of Tenure
Act of 1997
(state measures to facilitate long-term security of land
tenure); Prevention
of Illegal Eviction from and Unlawful Occupation of Land
Act 1998 (which
deals with unlawful eviction); and the Land Reform Act of
1996 (to provide
for security of tenure of labour tenants).
Of
particular significance to me is section 25 of the constitution. Section
25
protects property rights of every owner - and further states that no
arbitrary deprivation or expropriation of property would pass constitutional
muster unless it conformed with the rule of law.
If one looks at
what transpired at the land summit, and at Mbeki's views in
Parliament, it
is clear that SA refuses, and in fact denounces expropriation
without
compensation, at this stage, until amicable solutions and
alternatives have
been fully exhausted. This is not what happened in
Zimbabwe.
Further, the constitution does allow for expropriation
without compensation
but this is not being invoked, as yet, by the
democratic government.
Regardless of these constitutional obligations, the
democratic government
refuses, for the time being, to take measures that
infringe on the rights of
property owners.
Having said that, as a
matter of constitutional imperative, the land
question has, at some stage,
to be addressed (regardless of the aspirations
of the current minority land
owners) if there is to be substantial
realignment of access to land to
realise equality by the majority. Perhaps
this is what influenced Mbeki's
view on land expropriation.
Eddie Maluleke is MD of Mn'wanati
Consulting and a constitutional law
expert.
----- Original
Message -----
From: RSF Afrique / RSF Africa
To: Recipient List
Suppressed:
Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2005 9:05 PM
Subject: ZIMBABWE :
"State sabotage" of radio station's broadcasts / La
radio néerlandaise Voice
of the people brouillée , « sabotage d'Etat »
contre l'information
indépendante
English / Français
Reporters Without
Borders
Press release
10 November
2005
ZIMBABWE
"State sabotage" of radio station's
broadcasts
Reacting to the systematic interference of the Zimbabwean
independent radio
station Voice of the People (VOP) since 18 September,
Reporters Without
Borders voiced outrage today at a campaign to jam
dissident radio broadcasts
which the Zimbabwean authorities are clearly
orchestrating with Chinese
help.
The press freedom organisation
pointed out that this "state sabotage" of VOP
comes three years after it was
the target of a still unsolved bombing in the
heart of
Harare.
"Robert Mugabe's government has once again shown that its policy
is to
systematically gag all independent news media," Reporters Without
Borders
said. "The use of Chinese technology in a totally hypocritical and
non-transparent fashion reveals the government's iron resolve to abolish
freedom of opinion in Zimbabwe."
The press freedom organisation
added: "We reiterate out belief that
Zimbabwe's progressive submission to
the dictatorship of a single view is
being made possible by the
incomprehensible failure of the great African
democracies to take a stand
against this behaviour by the Harare
government."
VOP beams a radio
programme to Zimbabwe every evening from 7 to 8 p.m.
(18:00 to 19:00 GMT) on
the 7.120KHz shortwave frequency using a relay
station belonging to the
Dutch public radio station Radio Netherlands on the
island of Madagascar, in
the Indian Ocean.
"Our signal is no longer as clear as it is supposed to
be," a VOP employee
told Reporters Without Borders. "There is a funny noise
and this is
affecting our evening programme. We can say we are being
jammed." The VOP
staff suspect that the government is using sophisticated
jamming equipment
imported from China.
This hour of VOP programming
has offered the sole opportunity for Zimbabwean
listeners to tune into to an
alternative to the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation (ZBC) ever since
deliberate jamming of the London-based exile
station SW Radio Africa began
in February. SW Radio Africa is no longer able
to broadcast on the short
wave.
Voice of the People was created in June 2000 by former ZBC
employees with
help from the Soros foundation and a Dutch NGO, the HIVOS
foundation. The
police raided its studio in Harare on 4 July 2002 and took
away equipment.
It was then the target of a bombing on 29 August 2002 which
wrecked the
entire studio. It was nonetheless able to resume
broadcasting.
A frequently-used jamming technique is to broadcast a noise
on the same
frequency as the target signal using another radio station's
transmitters.
The power and location of these transmitters determine the
area where the
jamming is effective. According to the information obtained
by Reporters
Without Borders, VOP can now only be heard in the rural part of
Matabelele
Land, an area not covered by Zimbabwe's public radio station.
This suggests
that the noise jamming VOP's programmes is being broadcast by
the Zimbabwean
authorities using the public radio station.
These
illegal practices, which violate international regulations governing
telecommunications, are one of the specialities of the Chinese government.
Jamming is standard practice in China, especially the jamming of Tibetan
radio stations and foreign radio stations beaming programmes to the west of
the country. A Reporters Without Borders release described this policy as
the "Great Wall of the airwaves."
According to a source in Zimbabwe,
a number of Chinese intelligence officers
have been stationed in a luxury
hotel in Harare since January. Chinese
experts have been invited to give
training in telecommunications and radio
communications to Zimbabwean
technicians under economic and technical
cooperation accords signed between
China and Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe's already significant relations with China
have been stepped up
even more as a result of its diplomatic isolation,
which culminated in its
departure from the Commonwealth in 2003. Ideological
affinity and interest
in its natural resources have prompted the Chinese to
sign many political
and trade accords. China has become the leading foreign
investor in
Zimbabwe.
Their collaboration in the area of censorship
may not be limited to radio
broadcasts and could also extend to the pirating
of websites. Reporters
Without Borders has previously voiced concern about
the Zimbabwean
government's acquisition of equipment that could be used to
monitor Internet
traffic. But its expertise is almost certainly not up to
using this kind of
equipment, which suggests that it has subcontracted the
implementation to
its Chinese suppliers.
--
Leonard
VINCENT
Bureau Afrique / Africa desk
Reporters sans frontières / Reporters
Without Borders
5, rue Geoffroy-Marie
75009 Paris, France
Tel : (33) 1
44 83 84 84
Fax : (33) 1 45 23 11 51
Email : afrique@rsf.org / africa@rsf.org
Web : www.rsf.org
Zim Online
Fri 11 November 2005
HARARE - Zimbabwe's October
annual inflation raced to 411 percent,
past the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) year-end target and setting the
stage for further sharp increases
before December, which would compound the
misery of the majority in the
impoverished southern Africa nation, analysts
said.
Inflation
climbed to 411 percent from 359.8 percent in September on
the back of sharp
increases in the prices of bicycles as persistent fuel
shortages force some
motorists to leave their cars for bicycles while some
workers, unable to
cope with the ever increasing fares have resorted to
cycling to and from
work.
Electricity charges, fares for trains, a popular form of
public
transport especially the "Freedom Trains", introduced by the
government
five years ago in urban areas to woo the urban vote, and prices
of food had
helped send inflation past the 400 percent mark.
Zimbabwe is in the throes of its worst economic crisis, shown in
hyperinflation, shortages of foreign currency, food and fuel, a jobless rate
of over 80 percent and grinding poverty.
Analysts said
inflation was likely to end the year above 450 percent,
a blow to central
bank governor Gideon Gono's target of between 280-300
percent and his
efforts to put back on the rails the economy's turn-around
programme.
"We need to have a dramatic policy shift to reverse
the inflation
trend," Harare-based economist James Jowa told ZimOnline. "I
think the
target will not be achieved, personally I see inflation at no less
than 450
percent by the end of the year."
President Robert
Mugabe's government has branded inflation its number
one enemy but all
efforts to tame it seem to be failing. Inflation hit an
all time high of 624
percent last year in January and has since receded but
analysts said without
drastic changes in policy, it could creep back to
those levels.
Analysts attribute recent price increases, which have fed into
inflation, to
the weakening of the Zimbabwe dollar on the newly
re-introduced interbank
market over the last month.
A depreciation of the local currency
will make imports more expensive
and businesses have resorted to passing the
costs to consumers. Zimbabwe is
now a net exporter with its industry
operating below 30 percent and after
some firms buckled under the economic
crisis, throwing thousands onto the
streets.
Figures published
by the Central Statistical Office yesterday showed
that the annual increase
in the consumer price index had already breached
the IMF's forecast of 400
percent by December.
"Even the IMF forecasts are conservative, the
figure will be much
higher come December," added consultant economist John
Robertson.
Early in November, the prices of most basic commodities
more than
doubled in a single week, with analysts saying this would further
push
inflation higher and hit hard on the country's toiling
workers.
Prices of some commodities change almost on a daily basis
in Zimbabwe,
as businesses blame the unstable economic
environment.
The analysts said a return to higher agriculture
production would be
necessary to ease food shortages and stabilise prices
and eventually tame
inflation.
But they said the current fuel
crisis, shortages of inputs and lack of
commercial farming skills by black
farmers resettled on former white-owned
farms had hit preparations for the
coming agriculture season and predicted
Zimbabwe will be forced to import
more food to make up for the expected
deficit.
"One of the
critical elements of any recovery programme is a return to
production on the
farms. With a good harvest, it is the first stage towards
reducing inflation
but our authorities don't seem to realise this," said
Robertson.
Mugabe, in power for the past 25 years, is widely
blamed for gross
mismanagement of the economy, a charge he outrightly
rejects and instead
points to a plot by the West to punish his government
for arbitrarily
seizing land from whites for redistribution to landless
blacks. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Fri 11 November 2005
JOHANNESBURG - The Congress of
South African Trade Unions (COSATU) on
Thursday demanded the immediate
release of hundreds of trade unionists who
were detained in Zimbabwe for
protesting against worsening economic
conditions in the
country.
In a statement released in Johannesburg yesterday, titled
"Stop this
apartheid style repression in Zimbabwe," Cosatu said it was
enraged by the
continued detention of leaders of the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions
(ZCTU) and other civic society activists.
"The
only 'crime' of these workers' leaders has been to mobilise their
members,
the workers and the poor to exercise their basic human right to
demonstrate
and protest peacefully.
"This is yet another attempt to silence the
trade union movement in
Zimbabwe, a force that has withstood untold
harassment from the security
forces in that country."
The ZCTU
leaders and about 200 other demonstrators were last night
still detained at
Makoni police station in Chitungwiza town, about 27km out
of
Harare.
Cosatu called on the African Union, the United Nations and
the
International Labour Organisation (ILO) to step up pressure on President
Robert Mugabe's government to restore democracy.
It said
Harare, which is a signatory to several "ILO conventions,
including the
conventions on freedom of association and right of workers to
strike," must
immediately release the protesters.
Relations between Harare and
Cosatu have been frosty over the past few
years. A Cosatu delegation which
had gone to Zimbabwe to assess conditions
for a free and fair election ahead
of the March poll was in February
deported out of the country.
The union has been at the forefront in criticising the Zimbabwe
government
over human rights abuses in the country. In response to the
deportation,
Cosatu threatened to close Zimbabwe's lifeline Beitbridge
border
post.
Meanwhile, National Constitutional Assembly boss Lovemore
Madhuku and
Chitungwiza town mayor, Misheck Shoko, and several others who
were arrested
last Saturday for demonstrating for a new, democratic
constitution, were
released from police custody yesterday.
NCA
lawyer, Andrew Makoni, said Madhuku and Shoko were set free after
the police
wrongly charged them under the Criminal and Evidence Act. The
police said
they will proceed on the case by way of summons.
The two were
arrested on Tuesday for allegedly inciting violence and
agitating for the
violent ouster of Mugabe and his government. They were
denying the
charge.
Madhuku, who was in a defiant mood last night, said he
will press on
with the fight for a new, democratic constitution for
Zimbabwe.
"If the state has a case against me, it must not use
these dirty and
intimidating tactics, courts are there. There is no need to
detain me for
days. Let them investigate me and then take me to court." -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Fri 11 November
2005
HARARE - Zimbabwe national soccer team coach Charles Mhlauri
is
expected in South Africa tomorrow on a spying mission ahead of Senegal's
match against Bafana Bafana on Saturday.
The Senegalese, who
were drawn in the same group as Zimbabwe at the
Nations Cup finals in
January, take on South Africa's Bafana Bafana in a
Nelson Mandela
Invitational Challenge match in Durban.
The Warriors will also face
Nigeria and Ghana at the African Cup of
Nations finals and this weekend,
Mhlauri has been presented with a great
opportunity to watch a full-strength
Senegal.
A senior Zifa official who spoke to ZimOnline confirmed
that Mhlauri
would make the trip.
"The coach came up with the
idea and we immediately agreed to the
arrangement. He wants to study their
style of play so that he can plot their
downfall.
"As you know,
Mhlauri's main strength is studying the opposition and
capitalising on their
weaknesses and that is exactly what he is going to do
in South
Africa.
"The trip also presents him with a great opportunity to
travel around
and visit some of the players in the national
team.
"He is also expected to set up all the logistics needed to
organise a
training camp for the Warriors in December because they will
spend some days
in Johannesburg on their way to France for a training
stint," said the top
Zifa official.
Zimbabwe will step up
preparations for the African Cup of Nations
finals in December when all the
foreign-based players will be released from
their bases.
A
number of friendly matches have been lined up including a high
profile
international match against neighours Zambia. The Warriors are also
expected
to play South Africa and Egypt before the finals. Mhlauri has
already
indicated that he would like to make sure that the Warriors are
ready for
battle before the tournament kicks off in January. - ZimOnline