"I don't know if these have been
produced for the truckers because so many drivers have HIV," said the man who
asked not to be named. "But I'm not sure people will tear these open anyway,
because the joke is just too good."
The Zimbabwean
BY WILF MBANGA
LONDON - If the
26 MDC members who have registered for the forthcoming
senatorial elections
have not withdrawn their candidature by Saturday this
week they will be
deemed to have expelled themselves from the party.
In an exclusive telephone
interview with The Zimbabwean, MDC President
Morgan Tsvangirai said a duly
constituted meeting of the National Council
was convened at the weekend and
took decisions that were binding on the
party's membership.
"Anyone
who goes against these decisions will face the disciplinary measures
provided for in our constitution," said Tsvangirai.
The meeting gave
the candidates seven days in which to withdraw from the
elections.
"If they choose to go ahead and contest the Senate
elections they will have
expelled themselves and, in effect, be standing as
independents," explained
Tsvangirai. "We do not have a split personality.
The MDC decided not to
participate in the elections - so how can the MDC
field candidates?"
He rebutted allegations that his intransigence in
refusing to dismiss a
'mafia cabinet' of personal advisers was the reason
for the split. "These
people are managers in the president's office. They do
not usurp the powers
of the elected executives," he said.
Last
weekend's meeting was attended by 52 of the 66 council members, with
party
chairman Isaac Matongo, who was initially one of the pro-Senate group,
in
the chair.
Most members of the dissenting group, who had threatened to
boycott the
meeting on the grounds that the President had no powers to call
it, sent
their apologies - thus recognising its legitimacy. The rebels, who
include
four members of the national executive, appear to have the support
of party
executives in the two Matabeleland provinces as well as some
districts in
the Midlands.
The council meeting decided that a party
congress would be held in January,
at which a new executive would be
elected. Judging by the mood of the people
in the country at the moment, the
congress will, no doubt, endorse the
decisions of the council
meeting.
"The whole nation is behind us," asserted Tsvangirai. "This
crisis has given
us the opportunity to re-focus. Let Mugabe be the focus of
our struggle. Not
Ncube or Sibanda. It is unfortunate that some individuals
have resorted to
personal attacks - we should be above that. There is too
much at stake."
However, the Ncube camp said the meeting was unlawful
because it was not
held in terms of the party constitution. They said its
decision was
'fraudulent and thus null and void'. The faction has accused
Tsvangirai of
violating the MDC constitution 'willy-nilly' and of being a
'dictator in the
making'.
Meanwhile, High Court Judge President
Paddington Garwe this week nullified
the suspension of Job Sikhala, National
Executive member and MP for St
Mary's (Chitungwiza) on the grounds that the
party's constitution does not
give the party president that power. He
ordered Tsvangirai to pay the costs.
The MDC President had suspended
Sikhala for making false allegations that
the party had received funds from
Ghana, Nigeria and Taiwan, in breach of
the law. The party and the three
countries denied the allegations and
Sikhala then apologised and withdrew
the statement.
Political observers have remarked at the speed with which
the High Court has
moved in this case, considering its normally sluggish
dealings. For example
several electoral fraud cases from 2000 have still not
been heard and there
is a huge backlog on the court roll.
The Zimbabwean
BY MORGAN TSVANGIRAI,
MDC PRESIDENT
CHITUNGWIZA - The MDC is gravely concerned about the
deteriorating services
in Chitungwiza caused by constant government
interference in the running of
the city.
Similar moves were taken against
the work of the councils in Harare, Chegutu
and Mutare. Ignatius Chombo, the
Minister responsible for local government,
interferes with our efforts to
work in local government every day. Harare is
in a mess because of that. The
same picture is developing in Bulawayo,
Masvingo and other local
authorities.
Zanu(PF)is not interested in co-existence. In Chitungwiza,
the council
inherited a mess characterised by huge historical service
backlogs, a
collapsing sewage system and a shrinking revenue base. Attempts
by the MDC
council to rectify these anomalies were sabotaged almost on a
daily basis by
a regime which has declared war on its own
people.
Take the case of garbage collection, for instance. The city paid
Noczim, a
state fuel procurer and distributor, two months ago for diesel.
Nothing has
come the city's way, so is the Mayor expected to clear the
rubbish?
The money allocated for upgrading the sewer system was diverted
by a council
official to support Zanu (PF)'s election campaign. The campaign
failed to
bear fruit as its candidates in the March Parliamentary election
were
rejected by the people. The council then suspended its official for
misusing
the money. Chombo insists that the official be reinstated, lest he
fires the
council.
We urge the people of Chitungwiza to organise
themselves and confront this
form of unproductive interference. We are
against violence in Chitungwiza.
We are against violence against the people.
Our party structures must rally
the people and support the Mayor and the
council in this struggle.
The Zimbabwean
BY LITANY BIRD
Dear Family and
Friends,
Zimbabwe in November is a spectacular country. Young men and
women are
graduating from our senior schools and their poise, enthusiasm,
determination and love of Zimbabwe is exemplary. Listening to and watching
these future leaders of our country makes me know, without a doubt, that
there will be change in our land and it will be a change for the
better.
Every day, as the rainy season draws closer, the sky gets darker and
heavier
and the temperatures take you to melting point. The trees are
glorious in
these last hot days before the rain: Msasas coming into pod,
Acacias covered
in new leaf, Jacarandas bathed in hot purple flowers and
Flamboyant trees,
almost too beautiful for words, draped in spectacular red
flowers. Many of
the streets and avenues are lined with Bauhinia trees,
alternately pink and
white flowering and now covered in long curling
pods.
The Bougainvilleas planted on the outskirts of many of our towns
years ago,
are also in full flower at the moment, covered in great cascading
streams of
gold, white and purple blooms. The birds at this time of year are
a delight
too; paradise flycatchers showing off their long orange breeding
tails,
nightjars calling for mates and trailing exquisite white breeding
pennants
and orange-eyed glossy starlings patrolling sunburnt, termite
infested
lawns.
Some evenings as the flying ants stream out of dry
dusty holes in the
ground, it is just breathtaking watching birds arrive
from all directions,
swooping and swerving, gorging on the fat, buttery
insects. The European
migrants have started arriving, with swifts and
swallows regularly visible.
It does not bear thinking what will happen if
bird flu arrives here where
experts are few and far between, travel nearly
impossible due to fuel
shortages and where people are so hungry they will be
hard pushed not to eat
dead birds if they find them.
And this week
there is a feeling of blessed relief in our town. Because the
MDC here did
not nominate candidates for the approaching Senate elections,
we will not
have any voting. For a rare change we are not being harassed and
intimated
and forced to attend rallies and meetings. We are not being
visited by
large-chested women wearing clothes decorated with the President's
face.
Women who bang on our gates, write our names down in their
little exercise
books and scare us into giving donations for ruling party
rallies. Our
streets are quiet these evenings, we greet neighbours and
strangers happily
and the talk is of growing food and of rain. This time,
thankfully, our town
is spared from election madness, spared from the
indignity of trying so
hard, risking so much and then having to watch the
manipulation afterwards.
There is much to be thankful for this November.
Until next week, Ndini
Shamwari Yenyu
The Zimbabwean
NGOMAKURIRA
When you have a healthy
constitution you hardly notice it. But if you are
sick you're aware of it
all the time. So it is with the Constitution of a
country. It is there to
enable people to grow and develop. It is there to
open doors. It is not
there to impede and restrict. Drafting a constitution
means harmonizing my
freedom with yours, balancing rights and duties,
openings and constraints.
When it works, as I say, you do not even think of
it. It is like bodily
health.
In Zambia today they are working on a new constitution. There are
verbal
battles as different interest groups grapple to get their view
across. It is
a battleground where selfishness and magnanimity fight it out.
Constitutions
inherited from colonizers have not protected citizens; have
not opened doors
to growth and development. They have been easily
manipulated by selfish
interests. Leaders have ignored them without being
called to account. The
struggle now is to formulate a constitution that
binds everyone and for that
to happen it has to have everyone's
consent.
It is impossible to achieve this consent if there is no freedom
to debate,
where one side wants to write the constitution and every one else
has to
just go along with it. Where there is no consent it is like building
on
sand.
In Zimbabwe the debate was closed in February 2000 when the
people rejected
the government's plans. Instead of addressing the issues
underlying that
rejection the whole process came to a halt. Now we are
realizing that a
constitution that really has everyone's consent can be a
way forward. The
search for it can unite people of different
interests.
Some of the fiercest words in the gospel are reserved for
those who block
the freedom of others to grow and flourish. 'They tie up
heavy burdens and
lay them on people's shoulders but will they lift a finger
to move them? Not
they!' (Matt 23). You can sense the anger of Jesus against
those who oppress
others and block their freedom. In many countries it is
taken for granted
that you can live where you choose, start your own
business, speak your mind
and associate with whom you will. The constitution
is there to protect the
basic freedoms of people. It is a kind of adaptation
of the Ten Commandments
to suit a particular environment. It is like an
irrigation channel that that
both restricts and frees at the same time.
The Zimbabwean
Editorial comment
The
American Ambassador Chris Dell has been personally vilified for his
straight
talking about the causes of Zimbabwe's crisis. Mr Dell's recent
official
address at Africa University was a breath of fresh air.
We are all sick to
death of foreign diplomats who pussy-foot around the real
issues and hide
behind diplomatic-speak in an effort to avoid Mugabe's
anti-imperialist
rantings.
It's about time the Mugabe regime was told a few home truths.
Shooting the
messenger is its classic knee-jerk reaction to the unpalatable
truth. And so
far, fear of being shot has silenced the vast majority of
would-be critics.
Shame on them.
Instead of addressing the issues
raised by Dell, the authorities resorted to
a clumsy smear campaign,
revealing their true nature as a bunch of thugs who
use fear and
intimidation to silence their critics.
It is interesting to note that the
ministry of information has been leaking
like a sieve to the government
media about Mugabe's intention to summon Dell
to a meeting. Why has this not
come from foreign affairs? And why threaten
the man through the press? Why
not just summon him and let the press report
on that?
We hope neither
Dell nor his government will allow themselves to be bullied
by these thugs.
Almost all the points contained in his paper have been
covered by this
newspaper during the past 10 months. Every Zimbabwean knows
them to be true.
And if they don't they are deluding themselves. Studies and
statistics can
back up everything he said.
Censoring Zimbabweans is one thing - and the
Mugabe regime is a past master
at that. But censoring diplomats is quite
another. Dell comes from a free
country where people are used to speaking
their minds. Zimbabwean diplomats
in the United States and elsewhere have
been critical of western
governments - but they have not been summoned to
the President's offices to
be scolded like naughty schoolboys.
The Zimbabwean
Concluding our series
of extracts from The Feasibility of Democracy in
Africa by Claude Ake in
which the author considers the future prospects for
democracy in
Africa.
Considering the difficulties of democratization even in the best of
circumstances, the spread and the intensity of the struggle for
democratization has been remarkable. The idea of democracy is seriously
engaged in Africa in a manner which will not only be decisive for Africa but
also for democracy. It is clear enough from these country experiences that
democratization is not just a fad in the way that some development
strategies have been, or a reaction to political liberalization in Eastern
Europe, or an expression of the contradictions of westernization or the
product of political conditionality. It is expressing a very deep need for
self-realization, a need so deep as to elicit arduous effort and monumental
risks. Without exceptions the democratization processes reviewed briefly
here attest to this.
If there is no doubt about the commitment and
the intensity of the struggle,
the question of the achievement of this
commitment is less clear. At first
sight the achievement looks impressive.
To begin with, while in assessing
what the commitment has achieved in
substantive democratization, it should
not be forgotten that the very
commitment itself is an achievement, not only
because it is sustained in the
face of formidable obstacles and dangers, but
also because it contributes a
great deal to the feasibility of democracy.
Democratic behaviour does not
come naturally to most people, and the
existence of democracy can never be
taken for granted; it has to be defended
in daily struggles, at any rate, in
'eternal vigilance'.
The commitment has also yielded concrete results.
The surge of
democratization is changing the legacy of dictatorship,
military regimes and
single-party rule in Africa. . By the end of 1994
virtually every country in
Africa, except some like Sudan, Liberia and
Sierra Leone which were fighting
a civil war or virtually in a state of
anarchy (Zaire) or just recovering
from a civil war (Uganda), had held
multi-party elections or were on the
verge of doing so.
It is
tempting to read too much into these developments. Welcome as they
are, they
suggest rather more progress towards democracy than the realities
on the
ground. To begin with, the democratization process in contemporary
Africa is
largely an urban phenomenon. It has hardly engaged the rural areas
where 60
to 80 per cent of Africans live. This relative exclusion of the
rural areas
is not only due to the physical isolation and economic
marginalization of
the rural areas, it also has to do with the sociology of
rural
poverty.
It is problem enough that the new democratic politics is largely
confined to
the urban areas. But, worse, it has tended to be dominated by
the
Westernized elite, especially university teachers and students, labour
leaders, business leaders, human rights lawyers and activists, and prominent
politicians some of whom had collaborated with the rulers against whom they
now agitate. The influence of this leadership is moving the democracy
movement from its social base and to a shallow form of democratization. The
tendency to reduce democratization to multi-party election is not so much an
imposition of Western supporters of democratization in Africa as a
reflection of the social base of the leadership of the democracy movement.
It is disturbing that in too many countries in Africa, democratization is
little more than an opening for elites who were previously excluded from
power to compete for it.
But in so far as democratization is limited
to the competitive selection by
political society at large of those to
control the state, what has been
gained in the end is only the right to
choose between oppressors, not the
right to choose between liberty and
oppression. Democratization should offer
much more than what it appears to
be offering now, namely, electoral
competition which conceals the illusion
of voting without choosing. ..
It is going to be extremely difficult to
find political arrangements, values
and practices which enable expression of
the democratic will of the people
in the African context. Existing political
arrangements and their
assumptions are quite alien to the cultural
experience of rural Africa. .
The democracy movement in Africa does not
appear to reflect sufficiently the
fact that for most people in rural Africa
the national political society is
really an incomprehensible abstraction.
Their sense of political community
tends to be localized, as does the focus
of their primary political identity
and loyalty. Having very little sense of
affinity and the sharing of common
concerns with the national political
society, existing forms of democratic
participation tend to make little
sense.
Africa has come a long way with democratization but there is still
a very
long way to go.
- Thanks to the publishers for permission.
Source: Ake, Claude, The
Feasibility of Democracy in Africa. Dakar: Council
for the Development of
Social Science Research in Africa, 2000,
pp.72-74.
The Zimbabwean
BY OWN CORRESPONDENT
BULAWAYO -
Just days after Voice of the People VOP listeners thought their
favourite
radio station was back on air using a different frequency, jammers
managed
to disrupt the powerful Radio Netherlands transmitter in Madagascar
again.
Sources at the station told The Zimbabwean of their frustration as
they
alleged CIO operatives and Chinese experts were celebrating their
success.
But they are determined to go on fighting. "Journalism to us is
like
revolution and we see ourselves as revolutionaries who should be part
of
change in Zimbabwe," said the sources.
The Zimbabwean
BY WURAYAYI
ZEMBE
It is now beyond question that the Zanu (PF) regime of Robert Mugabe
has
completely failed to run the business of state. The constitutional base,
too, has collapsed. Zimbabwe is now plagued by rampant corruption and
dictatorship that have devoured millions of lives.
A new, people-driven,
democratic constitution is the only peaceful solution
to the country's
problems.
A democratic constitution is an open declaration of
self-determination that
represents an expression and embodiment of 'people
power'. It enshrines
fundamental principles of public governance, by a
political authority, based
on people's democratic values, transparency and
fair play. Simply put, a
democratic constitution is the main instrument at
the centre of state
governance.
In the Zimbabwean context,
historically a democratic constitution marks the
beginning of real
independence, self-determination and legitimate democratic
governance.
A democratic constitution will put an end to the current
political
dictatorship that has destroyed our country. Among other things, a
good
constitution provides for democratic rules and regulations governing
elections. Competitive free and fair democratic elections give birth to
legitimate governments that govern on the basis of 'constitutional rule or
law.' Zimbabwe desires to be a multi-party constitutional
democracy.
On 12 February 1994 the Democratic Party (DP) passed a grand
resolution
demanding, inter alia, a native constitution and democratic
electoral rules
and administrative mechanisms as preconditions for the
holding of democratic
free and fair elections in Zimbabwe. The party then
resorted to a political
strategy of boycott and civil disobedience to
counteract bogus elections
called and organised by the Zanu (PF) regime. In
1995 and 1996 the people of
Zimbabwe resoundingly boycotted both
parliamentary and presidential bogus
elections respectively. Thus the
illegitimate despotic regime had been
isolated and its tyrannical nature
fully exposed!
The DP's constitutional demand was given impetus in 1997
when a civic body,
the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), was
established initially under
the auspices of the Zimbabwe Council of
Churches. Automatically the party
became a founding institutional member of
the NCA and the only political
party that participated in the NCA's first
public demonstration demanding a
new democratic constitution for
Zimbabwe.
NCA as a civic constitutional movement was able to harness and
marshal
democratic forces represented by institutional and individual
members
towards the call for a people-driven constitution in the
country.
In 1999 the Mugabe regime succumbed to pressure and decided to
hijack the
constitutional issue by establishing a Constitutional Commission
(CC) to
which Mugabe appointed his political stooges and sycophants as
commissioners, 400 of them. The purpose of the Commission was to prevent the
people from producing a democratic constitution. Mugabe's commission
authored a document which the regime offered to the people through a bogus
referendum in February 2000. People rejected it. Mugabe's regime made an
acrobatic u-turn to re-adopt the long expired Lancaster House constitution
(kudzokera kumarutsi sombwa).
Since then, the regime has been holding
bogus elections. The DP boycotted
all these elections, constituent with its
1994 resolution. All other
political parties participated in the fraudulent
shameless elections thereby
giving false legitimacy to the brutal
regime.
The people of Zimbabwe must make their demand for a democratic
constitution
by confronting the Mugabe regime through open demonstrations
and civil
disobedience.
- Zembe is the president of DP and a member
of the NCA Taskforce and the
chairperson of the NCA's Political Parties
Liaison Committee.