http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=7268
November 14, 2008
By
Raymond Maingire
HARARE - The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) has
formally rejected a
recent ruling by regional leaders that compelled both
Zanu PF and the MDC to
share responsibility over the Ministry of Home
Affairs and form an all
inclusive government forthwith.
An SADC
Heads of States Extra Ordinary Summit held in Johannesburg, South
Africa, on
Sunday rubber-stamped an earlier ruling by its Organ on Politics,
Defence
and Security in Harare last month that the rival parties must
jointly
control the Home Affairs Ministry.
But the MDC says SADC continues to
ignore its principal concerns by
narrowing its deliberations and focusing on
the Home Affairs Ministry, when
it is only one of the burning issues that
have stalled the controversial
September 15 agreement.
Zanu-PF and
the MDC signed the power-sharing agreement which committed the
rival parties
to an all- inclusive government for the next five years.
The agreement
leaves Zanu-PF leader Robert Mugabe in the office of President
and installs
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai in the position of Prime Minister.
The
parties also agreed to form a government of 31 ministries and a
proportional
distribution of 15 ministries to Zanu-PF, 13 to MDC while the
smaller
faction of the MDC led by Arthur Mutambara will take up three.
MDC Deputy
President Thokozani Khupe told journalists in Harare Friday that
her party
has resolved not to participate in any new government until all
its concerns
have been addressed.
"The MDC rejects the Organ Troika's resolution and
Communiqué of 28 October
2008 seeking to erroneously reduce the sticking
points to only the Ministry
of Home Affairs," said Khupe.
MDC says it
will also not abide by the unpopular ruling by the full SADC
summit on
November 9 which it says was arrived at "unprocedurally", as it
allowed
President Mugabe, an interested party, to remain seated among them
in
defiance of the SADC's chairman's instruction that the feuding parties
should recuse themselves while they sought private opinion on the
matter.
The MDC contends this had a huge bearing on the final ruling by
the regional
bloc, which was largely welcomed by Zanu-PF.
The
opposition also says Zanu -PF has a history of insincerity and will only
agree to take part in the new government once the five outstanding issues it
has raised have been clarified and allowed to pass.
Khupe said her
party sought to have Constitutional Amendment No 19 agreed
upon by the
parties before the new government is installed.
The MDC went to SADC to
ask the regional bloc to help resolve alleged
disparities in the allocation
of key ministries between itself and Zanu PF,
which have all been grabbed by
Zanu-PF.
The party is also agitating for clarity on the composition and
terms of
reference of the National Security Council, itself a by product of
protracted power-sharing negotiations between the parties.
The MDC
has also set the issue of equitable allocation of provincial
governors,
which President Mugabe has unilaterally allocated to his Zanu-PF
party
loyalists, among some of the issues to be resolved before the MDC can
commit
itself to the proposed new government.
President Mugabe has since
"invited" Tsvangirai to submit a list of his
party officials to be drafted
into the new cabinet.
The 84-year-old leader is expected to announce a
new administration this
weekend against warnings by political analysts that
his government will
immediately be confronted by a legitimacy crisis and
would be unable to
unlock crucial support from the international community
to keep his
government running.
But the MDC contends the resolution
by SADC last week does not bestow any
right to the Mugabe and his party of
forming any government or inviting any
party to joining
government.
Said Khupe, "The longer that this crisis remains outstanding,
then the
obligation on SADC, AU and the people of Zimbabwe that a
transitional
authority be instituted pending the enactment of a new people
driven
constitution and the holding of elections under African and
International
supervision."
The MDC has also vowed to resist any
attempts by President Mugabe to form a
unilateral government.
"In the
event of an illegitimate government being unilaterally formed, the
MDC will
not be party to the same and will peacefully, constitutionally and
democratically mobilize and campaign against the illegitimate
government."
The MDC also accused Zanu-PF of "serious breaches of the
parties' Memorandum
of Understanding, which have manifested themselves in
the continued alleged
abductions and assaults on its officials and
supporters and political
activists.
CNN
HARARE, Zimbabwe (CNN)
-- Zimbabwe's main political opposition party refuses
to join a unity
government with President Robert Mugabe unless several
conditions are met, a
party official warned Friday.
Movement for Democratic Change Vice
President Thokozani Khupe said those
conditions include amending the
country's constitution to allow for the new
posts and institutions that were
created under a power-sharing agreement
signed by Mugabe and MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai.
"Given the lack of sincerity and lack of paradigm
shift on the part of
ZANU-PF, the MDC shall participate in a new government
once the
constitutional amendment has been passed and effected into law,"
Khupe said.
MDC and Mugabe's ZANU-PF signed the power-sharing resolution
in September,
but it has failed to ease political tensions. Tsvangirai
accuses Mugabe of
grabbing all key ministries such as home affairs,
information, local
government, foreign affairs and defense.
Khupe
said the MDC wants an "equitable distribution" of existing ministerial
posts
if it is to join a government with Mugabe.
"In the event of an
illegitimate government being unilaterally formed, the
MDC will not be (a)
part ... and will peacefully, constitutionally and
democratically mobilize
and campaign against the illegitimate government,"
she said.
On
Wednesday, the ZANU-PF party resolved that it must form a government of
national unity, regardless of Tsvangirai's position.
Khupe rejected
that move, saying that "neither Robert Mugabe nor ZANU-PF has
the legitimacy
to form a government."
Tsvangirai garnered the most votes in the March
vote, but did not win enough
to avoid a runoff with Mugabe, who has ruled
the country since its
independence from Britain in 1980, when it was called
Rhodesia. Britain is
one of many countries that do not recognize Mugabe's
reelection.
The MDC leader withdrew days before the June 27 runoff,
alleging that
Mugabe's supporters had waged a campaign of violence and
intimidation
against opposition supporters.
He said he could not
participate in the election, which he condemned as a
"sham."
Last
week, the Southern African Development Community -- a group of nations
charged with mediating the situation in Zimbabwe -- proposed that two
ministers would oversee the Ministry of Home Affairs, one from the MDC and
one from ZANU-PF. SADC asked both sides to assess that arrangement over the
next six months
On Wednesday the ZANU-PF party resolved that it must
form a government of
national unity, saying that SADC had addressed the
outstanding issues.
But Khupe rejected that position, noting that only
Mugabe was present at
last week's SADC summit in South Africa. Neither
Tsvangirai nor the leader
of a splinter MDC faction, Arthur Mutumbura, was
present.
"Neither Robert Mugabe nor ZANU-PF has the legitimacy to form a
government,"
Khupe said. "The SADC resolution does not bestow Mugabe with
the right to
form a government."
BULAWAYO, 14 November 2008 (IRIN) -
Zimbabwe's political crisis deepened on 14 November with the withdrawal of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by Morgan Tsvangirai, from
the moribund power-sharing deal with President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF.
Photo:
What
happened?
An MDC communiqué at the end of a national council meeting said it would
peacefully campaign against any unilateral government appointed by Mugabe, and
called for fresh elections under international supervision.
The party
defended its decision on the grounds that, since the signing of the
power-sharing agreement on 12 September, Mugabe had pursued an "obstructionist
approach" and an "entrenched power-retention agenda" for the ZANU-PF party.
The MDC alleged that this included the "crafting of an assassination
plot, codenamed Operation Ngatipedzenavo, intended to eliminate the MDC
leadership", amid a wider campaign of violence and intimidation aimed at the
party "and the people of Zimbabwe".
The communiqué rejected a resolution
passed by leaders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) on 9
November, urging the formation of an all-inclusive government to save the
faltering agreement.
The MDC accused the SADC of mistakenly narrowing
the sticking points to only control of the home affairs ministry and police,
ignoring the unresolved logjams over the distribution of other portfolios, the
appointment of provincial governors, permanent secretaries and ambassadors. IRIN
was unable to get comment from ZANU-PF.
The power-sharing deal, brokered
by South African President Thabo Mbeki, appointed as mediator by the SADC, was
meant to fairly apportion ministries between ZANU-PF, Tsvangirai's MDC, and a
breakaway faction of the MDC led by Arthur Mutambara.
Mugabe was to
retain the presidency, while Tsvangirai was to become prime minister and have a
say in the running of the government until new elections in 2012. But no
constitutional amendment was passed to create the post of premier, and the deal
was quickly overcome by bickering over posts and powers.
Mugabe is now
expected to form a government without Tsvangirai – which many fear signals a
return to the extreme levels of violence that racked the country during this
year's election, when over 80 MDC supporters were killed.
The MDC won the 29 March legislative poll
and Tsvangirai beat Mugabe into second place in the presidential vote, but fell
short of the 50 percent plus one ballot required for a first-round victory.
Everybody knows that ZANU-PF has no solution
to the country's problems, and everyone was hoping that Tsvangirai will agree to
come into the government and solve our problems
Tsvangirai withdrew from the presidential run-off, citing the political
violence, which left Mugabe as the sole candidate. However, the election was
condemned regionally and internationally as unfree and unfair.
Disappointment
Zimbabweans in Zimbabwe's second
city, Bulawayo, received the news of the MDC's withdrawal from the unity deal
with mixed feelings.
Martha Moyo, 28, said she was disappointed.
"Everybody knows that ZANU-PF has no solution to the country's problems, and
everyone was hoping that Tsvangirai will agree to come into the government and
solve our problems."
Jabulani Sithole, 36, said the MDC was justified in
refusing to take part. "It is clear that Mugabe did not want the MDC in
government, because he should have negotiated in all earnestness, but giving
them useless ministries was an indicator that the talks are dead, and what is
left now is for the talks to collapse."
The MDC was condemned as
"unpatriotic" by Nhamo Tsunga, 40. "These people [MDC] just want power, and they
do not care how much we are suffering. The MDC should have just agreed to join
government, and then sort out the other issues when they are in government. All
this shows that they are selfish, and they are doing these things for themselves
and not for the people."
Zimbabweans have been battered for years by
shortages, lack of social services, and an inflation rate estimated at 231
million percent in July.
A trio of elders - former UN secretary-general
Kofi Annan, former US president Jimmy Carter, and rights activist Graca Machel -
are due to visit Zimbabwe next week to try and focus global attention on the
humanitarian crisis.
http://africa.reuters.com
Fri 14 Nov 2008, 14:19
GMT
HARARE, Nov 14 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's opposition MDC said on Friday
it had
uncovered a plot to assassinate its leaders, increasing the chances
that
deadlocked power-sharing talks with President Robert Mugabe will
collapse.
"The (MDC) national council notes with concern...the crafting
of an
assassination plot intended to eliminate the leadership of the MDC,"
party
vice president Thokozani Khupe said.
November 14, 2008 RESOLUTIONS OF THE 7th MDC
NATIONAL COUNCIL OF 2008 Harare, November 14, 2008 PREAMBLE NOTING the resolution of the African Union of the 30th of June 2008, taken in
Sharm El-Scheikh, Egypt, on the resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis, dialogue
commenced between Zanu PF and the MDC culminating in the MOU on the 21st of July
2008, and the Global Political Agreement (GPA) on the 11th of September 2008
with the signing ceremony on the 15th of September 2008. AWARE of the high expectations of the people of Zimbabwe and Africa following
the execution of the GPA. NOTWITHSTANDING that the GPA was to come into effect immediately after its
execution, Zanu PF has in fact prevented the implementation of this agreement
and its consummation. NOTING the material unresolved and outstanding issues connected to the
dialogue in particular; i. The non-enactment of Constitutional Amendment
No. 19 APPRECIATING the keen desire of SADC and other key institutions of seeing a
genuine resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis and expressing gratitude for the
huge amounts of time and effort devoted by the same leaders to the same, DESIROUS of achieving finality to the current dispute given the economic
meltdown and the massive suffering of the people of Zimbabwe reflected in
entrenched poverty the collapse of public health, education, transport , water
and energy crisis, monetary policy dislocation and supersonic inflation. CONCERNED with the obstructionist approach, lack of paradigm shift and the
entrenched power retention agenda of Zanu PF reflected in; a. serious breaches to the Memorandum of
Understanding, FURTHER CONCERNED about the non-sitting of Parliament and the destructive
interference with Local Authorities and MDC Councillors. Now this Council resolves that: 1. The Party expresses
acknowledgement for the role and efforts of SADC and the AU in finding solutions
to the crisis in Zimbabwe. FOR AND ON BEHALF OF THE SUFFERING AND STRUGGLING PEOPLE OF ZIMBABWE. THANK YOU. MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE
ii. The appointment of Provincial Governors
iii. The appointment of
senior government officials such as Permanent Secretaries and Ambassadors
iv.
The equitable distribution of ministerial portfolios
v. The composition and
constitution of the National Security Council
vi. The fraudulent and
unexplained alteration of the agreement of the 11th of September 2008 and the
one that was signed on the 15th of September 2008
b. renewed violence, abductions and assaults against the MDC
and the people of Zimbabwe in the obvious direction of replicating the post 29
March barbaric violence, in particular the arrest and continued detention of MDC
Mashonaland West senior leadership such as Concilia Chinanzvavana and ten others
at unknown centres,
c. concerned about the hindrance, denial and obstruction
of food aid to Zimbabweans,
d. the vicious attack on Civic Society members
such as Jennie Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu of WOZA, Lovemore Madhuku
of
NCA and members of ZINASU,
e. the vicious and unmitigated hate speech,
propaganda and unbecoming
statements in the State media,
f. the crafting
of an assassination plot, code named Operation Ngatipedzenavo intended to
eliminate the MDC leadership and decimate the Party through frivolous
allegations, and
g. Zanu PF training of militia in Zimbabwe to be redeployed
back into
the country from neighbouring countries posing as MDC bandits
and
rebels.
2. The MDC rejects:-
a. The
Organ Troika’s resolution and Communiqué of 28 October 2008 seeking to
erroneously reduce the sticking points to only the Ministry
of Home
Affairs.
b. The SADC “ruling” and communiqué of the 9th of November 2008 on
the basis that the same was unprocedurally arrived at in that Robert Mugabe, an
interested party, sat in during deliberations in total defiance of the SADC
Chairman’s ruling that the three Zimbabwean parties recuse themselves
c. The
Communiqués of the 28th of October and 9th of November ignored the other five
outstanding issues, in particular, the principle of equity and the fact that a
new government cannot be formed without Constitutional Amendment No. 19 and all
other issues remain outstanding.
3. Given the lack of
sincerity and lack of paradigm shift on the part of Zanu PF, the MDC shall
participate in a new government once Constitutional Amendment No. 19 has been
passed and effected into law.
4. Implores the high offices
of SADC and the AU as underwriters and guarantors of this agreement to step in
and ensure a successful conclusion and finality to the current
breakdown.
5. Notes that there was a sham election on the
27th of June 2008 and therefore neither Robert Mugabe nor Zanu PF have the
legitimacy of forming any government or running this country in the absence of
the consummation of the GPA, the enactment of Constitutional Amendment No. 19
and the resolution of all other outstanding issues. In addition, the SADC
resolution of the 9th of November does not bestow any right on Robert Mugabe or
Zanu PF of forming any government or inviting any Party to joining that
government.
6. The longer that this crisis remains
outstanding, then the obligation on SADC, AU and the people of Zimbabwe that a
transitional authority be instituted pending the enactment of a new people
driven constitution and the holding of elections under African and international
supervision.
7. In the event of an
illegitimate
government being unilaterally formed, the MDC will not be part
to the same and will peacefully, constitutionally and democratically mobilize
and campaign against the illegitimate government.
8. The
humanitarian crisis has to be urgently attended and that Zanu PF and its interim
authority must ensure free, unfettered availability and access of food aid and
more importantly the international community must exercise its obligation of
Responsibility to Protect under the United Nations.
9. The
MDC submits itself before God and reaffirms its commitment to the present
dialogue and more importantly reaffirms its commitment to achieving
democratization in Zimbabwe through constitutional, peaceful nonviolent and
democratic means.
10. Parliament must be convened as a
matter of urgency to carry out its normal business of overseeing the
Executive.
11. Ignatius Chombo and the Zanu-PF authorities
desist from obstructing and
interfering with the work of Local
Authorities.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=7256
November 14, 2008
By
Our Correspondent
HARARE - High Court judge Charles Hungwe on Tuesday
issued four court
orders, including one on the Home Affairs Minister, Kembo
Mohadi, to
immediately produce 12 MDC activists held incommunicado since
October 30 on
charges of receiving training in sabotage, terrorism and
banditry in
neighbouring Botswana.
The High Court orders were issued
to Mohadi, Police Commissioner-General
Augustine Chihuri, the Officer
Commanding the Homicide Section of the
Criminal Investigations Department,
Chrispen Makedenge and the investigating
officer, one Detective Constable
Muhuya.
Earlier, the Magistrates Court had expressed dissatisfaction over
the
defiance by the police, who successively failed to produce the twelve in
court.
Defence lawyers then approached the High Court seeking an
order to declare
the continued detention of the MDC activists
illegal.
The 12 were on October 30 seized by state security agents in
Banket,
Mashonaland West province. The State agents raided the homes of the
MDC
leadership and arrested the MDC members including a two-year-old
girl.
During the arrests, police are said to have seized property
including a
computer and official party documents at the home of MDC's
national
executive member, Concilia Chinanzvavana.
She is the MDC
Women's Assembly provincial chairperson for Mashonaland West
and was the MDC
parliamentary candidate for Zvimba South constituency during
the elections
held in March.
She is in custody along with her husband Emmanuel, an
elected councillor in
Banket and together with their two year-old
baby.
Others in police custody are MDC ward 22 councillor, Fidelis
Chiramba, the
losing candidate in senatorial election for Zvimba, Fani
Tembo; ward
coordinator Lloyd Tambwa, as well as MDC activists Fidelis
Musona and Ernest
Mudimu. Other MDC activists being held incommunicado are
Jerry Musona,
Fanuel Tembo, Theater Kaseke, and one other identified only as
Mutendagawi.
Makoni told The Zimbabwe Times that the 12 were transferred
from Banket to
Harare and were initially held at Mabelreign Police Station
before they were
moved to Avondale Police Station.
They were then
released into the custody of Makedenge, who has moved them to
an unknown
location, said Makoni.
Makedenge was said to be off duty and would only
return to work next week.
"We don't know where these people numbering 12
are," Makoni told The
Zimbabwe Times. "But they are accused of training
insurgents and being
terrorists and saboteurs."
They are being
charged for treason under the draconian Criminal Law
(Codification and
Reform) Act for allegedly undergoing training in banditry,
which carries
life imprisonment if convicted. The 12 are being charged under
a clause that
reads: "Any person who attends or undergoes any course of
training, whether
inside or outside Zimbabwe, for the purpose of enabling
him or her to commit
any act of insurgency, banditry, sabotage or terrorism
in Zimbabwe shall be
guilty of training as an insurgent, bandit, saboteur or
terrorist and liable
to imprisonment for life or any shorter period."
The officials and
activists are accused of being part of a team sent by the
MDC to Botswana to
receive training in sabotage, terrorism and banditry.
Botswana has
angrily rejected the charges, and invited a fact-finding
mission to prove
the allegations, provoking a diplomatic tiff between Harare
and
Gaborone.
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF party alleges that the MDC
was plotting
acts of banditry to destabilise government and oust the veteran
leader.
The Zimbabwe Times heard that Mugabe and his party presented the
detained
MDC activists' treason cases to regional leaders at the
extraordinary SADC
summit on Zimbabwe at the Sandton Convention Centre in
Johannesburg last
Sunday.
Mugabe and his Zanu-PF negotiators are said
to have used the MDC activists'
case to argue for sharing of the Ministry of
Home Affairs with the MDC,
stating the opposition could not be given sole
control of the key ministry
because it was plotting to destabilise the
country.
The alleged subversive plot was earlier reported to the SADC
troika on
Politics, Defence and Security ahead of the summit, explaining the
activists'
prolonged detention and their apparent use as cannon fodder in
the
convoluted battle for the Home Affairs ministry.
The Zimbabwe
Times learned that the police had defied four court orders now,
beginning
with the first order issued last week Monday. There was a
subsequent hearing
where police again failed to produce the accused in
court.
Makoni was
then forced to file an urgent court application at the High Court
compelling
the police to bring the arrested to court or release them as 48
hours had
lapsed from the time of their arrest.
By Thursday last week, the police
were still defying the High Court order.
Makoni returned to court to seek an
order declaring their continued
detention illegal, an order issued by Hungwe
Tuesday.
Hungwe on Tuesday ordered Mohadi, Chihuri, Makedenge and Muhuya,
who claimed
they were not aware of the whereabouts of the accused in
opposing
affidavits, to utilize all sources including the CID and other
private
informers, at their disposal to locate the 12 detainees
immediately.
Hungwe declared the continued detention of the 12 beyond 96
hours was
blatantly illegal and contemptuous of the High Court; he said the
officers
were overstepping their bounds.
The defence team stated that
there was mounting apprehension that the 12
could have been harmed or even
murdered. Hungwe said the allegation against
the activists was alarming and
required the serious attention of the police
officers
concerned.
Police officials presented a daily progress report of their
efforts to date,
including searches of various places for the 12.
But
Makoni told the court that the police officials' were not making sincere
efforts to trace the twelve and were misguiding the court. Hungwe had ruled
that the detained be produced in court at or before 4pmon Tuesday, but the
State has again defied the order.
The police have also been ordered
to allow the detained people access to
their lawyers and their families and
that they should receive medical
treatment at medical facilities of their
choice, amid fears some of them
could have sustained injuries from
beatings.
Hungwe's order compels the respondents and the police
intelligence agency,
the PISI Unit, to establish the whereabouts of the
detainees and inform the
court. The court order also directed the police
officers and other
respondents to protect the lives and rights of the
detainees.
The MDC has denied the banditry charges and also rejected
claims by Zanu-PF
lead negotiator at the talks, Patrick Chinamasa that
Western intelligence
services in collusion with the Botswana government were
attempting to
transform Tsvangirai into a warlord like the late Angolan
rebel leader,
Jonas Savimbi.
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa demanded
the immediate and unconditional
release of the MDC activists and alleged
Zanu-PF was trying to incriminate
the MDC on fictitious charges of banditry
and terrorism.
He said that the systematic plot and concoctions of
banditry against the MDC
was high on the agenda of the MDC's 44-member
National Executive and the
128-member National Council meetings scheduled
for Harare on Friday.
://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
14 November 2008
There are a
growing number of reports of abductions across Zimbabwe amid
fears that ZANU
PF has renewed its violent crackdown on opposition activists
and
supporters.
In a web blog depicting daily life in Zimbabwe for the
British news service
BBC, the Harare based author on Friday described the
rising concerns of
recent abductions and 'rumours about renewed violence.'
The author
continued, saying: "One of my colleagues confirmed it was true -
people in
the rural areas are disappearing in the night, she told
us."
Pishai Muchauraya an MDC official in the Manicaland constituency, on
Friday
further confirmed that there have been more abductions and a rising
level of
violence. He explained that there have been reports of 'violence
and more
abductions across the country,' and confirmed one attack on MDC
members in
his constituency. Muchauraya said three MDC supporters were
abducted by ZANU
PF members who raided an MDC meeting in Rusape last
week.
"The ward chairman, Leighton Sithole and two student leaders were
beaten and
left for dead and are still recovering in hospital," Muchauraya
said. "I
still think there is a likelihood of more abductions and more
violence
against our members in an effort to force us to submit to ZANU
PF."
This comes days after police brutally broke up several NCA protests
across
the country, arresting over 100 activists. On Thursday the NCA
reported that
one of their detained activists, a three months pregnant woman
'miscarried
after a particularly brutal attack by officers at Mutare Central
Police
Station. Nine NCA members still remain in police custody in Mutare,
and face
a weekend in detention at the Mutare Central Police Station. The
nine were
scheduled to appear in court on Friday but their case had still
not been
heard by the end of the day.
At the same time 12 MDC
activists who were arrested in Banket two weeks ago
are still missing,
despite an urgent High Court order filed on Tuesday
demanding the abducted
people be brought to court. Opposition activists have
said ZANU PF is
returning to its 'default language of violence,' saying they
are now being
attacked randomly.
Meanwhile, as fears grow of more violence, Zimbabwean
NGOs and Human Rights
groups have been campaigning at the current session of
the African
Commission on Human and People's Rights taking place in Nigeria.
The
Commission, which is an organ of the African Union (AU), is tasked with
the
protection and observance of human rights across Africa.
Gabriel
Shumba, the director of the Zimbabwe Exiles Forum has been in
Nigeria this
week, and said on Friday that Zimbabwe has been a 'hot topic'
of debate,
despite not being top of the session's agenda. He explained that
human
rights campaigners at the session have warned that the situation in
Zimbabwe
'will explode' if serious action is not taken. Shumba said the
Commission
itself has expressed grave concerns, and added it is likely to
take the
Zimbabwe issues to AU leaders.
But Shumba warned that while the
Commission has made 'encouraging
pronouncements,' it is the AU ultimately
that will decide what action needs
to be taken in Zimbabwe.
"The
Commission as an institution is ultimately accountable to the AU and
therefore the regional leaders that head the AU," Shumba explained. "The
commission therefore might not be in a position to act according to its own
suggestions."
http://news.yahoo.com/
Fri Nov 14, 9:27 am ET
HARARE
(AFP) - Former UN secretary general Kofi Annan said Friday that he
and
former US president Jimmy Carter will visit Zimbabwe next week to find
ways
to ease the country's deepening humanitarian crisis.
They will travel
with rights activist Graca Machel, wife of former South
African president
Nelson Mandela, on November 22-23 on a mission to prevent
the crisis from
worsening, Annan said in a statement.
"Relieving the suffering of
millions of people must be the priority of
Zimbabwe's leaders," Annan said
in a statement. "But global attention is
also slipping as Zimbabwe's
humanitarian crisis worsens."
Zimbabwe's economy has been in free-fall
for years, battered by
hyperinflation last estimated at 231 million percent
in July.
Although the country was once a food exporter, the United
Nations estimates
that five million people -- nearly half the population --
will need food aid
in January.
Annan insisted that their mission was
purely humanitarian and would not not
touch on the protracted negotiations
to form a unity government under a
two-month-old power-sharing
deal.
"However, we urge Zimbabwe's political leaders to move swiftly to
fully
implement the September 15 agreement, particularly the provisions on
humanitarian and food assistance," he said.
"Delays in forming a
government are prolonging the suffering of the people,
Annan
added.
Annan, Carter and Machel are members of the Elders: 12
world-respected
statesmen with hands-on experience in conflict
resolution.
The group was formed last year by Machel and Mandela on his
89th birthday.
http://www.politicsweb.co.za
Caren Bohan
26 June
2008
US presidential candidate says African nations have been "quiet
for far too
long"
CHICAGO (Reuters) - U.S. presidential candidate
Barack Obama said on
Wednesday the international community must do more to
try to help resolve
Zimbabwe's political crisis and to pressure President
Robert Mugabe who is
clinging to power.
He singled out South Africa
as one country that needs to apply more pressure
on Mugabe, 84, who has
refused to step down.
"What's happening in Zimbabwe is tragic. This is a
country that used to be
the bread basket of Africa. Mugabe has run the
economy into the ground. He
has perpetrated extraordinary violence against
his own people," Obama told a
news conference in Chicago.
Obama, a
Democrat, is running in the November presidential election against
Republican John McCain.
"Not only do I think that the United Nations
needs to continue to apply as
much pressure as possible on the Mugabe
government, but in particular other
African nations, including South Africa,
I think have to be much more
forceful in condemning the extraordinary
violence that's been taking place
there," Obama said.
"And frankly,
they have been quiet for far too long and allowed Mugabe to
engage in this
sort of anti-colonial rhetoric that is used to distract from
his own
profound failures as a leader," he added.
"What is remaining of this
election is a complete and total sham," Obama
said, echoing U.S. President
George W. Bush
"I don't think that whatever the results of this election
on Friday, that
Mugabe will be able to claim any sort of legitimacy as a
democratically
elected leader in Zimbabwe," he added.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, November 14 2008 - Two
Zimbabwean soldiers reportedly died in
the Democratic Republic of Congo this
week in the Eastern Front at Bujumayi,
RadioVOP can
reveal.
"They are obviously clashing and fighting with the
rebels because
there are two Zimbabwean who died on the warfront recently
and their bodies
will be brought back home. One of the soldiers has been
confirmed to be from
Gweru while it has not been yet confirmed where the
other soldier is from
but he is suspected to be from Masvingo," said a
soldier who spoke to
RadioVOP.
The soldier, who would not
be named for security reasons, said some
soldiers remained in the DRC to
mann key points such as diamond mines,
providing security services to DRC's
President Joseph Kabila among other
things.
He said the
soldiers have since been sent to the warzones to fight
rebels.
The current fighting, which began when a peace deal
between Nkunda's
rebels and the army collapsed in August, has displaced some
250,000 people,
bringing to 1 million the number of people in North Kivu who
have fled their
homes in two years.
Nkunda initially said
he was defending fellow Tutsis against attacks
by the Hutu rebels. But he
has since widened his objectives to overthrowing
President Joseph Kabila
unless he agrees to direct negotiations.
Congo's army is in no
shape to resist him. It was supposed to be
reconstituted from the various
units, militia and rebels that fought in a
civil war that ran from 1998-2003
in which several million people, mostly
civilians, died. But poorly paid
government soldiers scattered as rebels
advanced, fleeing mere rumours of
fighting. The retreating soldiers looted
and killed in Goma as they fled the
front line in late October and did the
same more recently as they pulled out
from the town of Kanyabayonga.
Over 5 million people have died
since Congo's last war began in 1998,
more than in any conflict since World
War Two and nearly all from
war-related hunger and disease.
BULAWAYO, 14 November 2008 (IRIN) - Impatience
among the hungry and food relief operations put on the back foot by a nearly
three-month ban are complicating an already desperate situation as Zimbabwe
barrels towards its peak food crisis, less than two months away.
Photo:
IRIN
Waiting
for food
The UN
estimates that in the first quarter of 2009 more than 5.1 million people,
nearly half the population, will require food assistance, although many
humanitarian workers privately fear the extent of malnutrition may be deeper
than first thought, a worrying situation that has surfaced in the past few days
after a severe funding shortfall resulted in a cut in food rations to below the
minimum monthly requirement.
Preparations by food relief agencies for
the impending crisis were compromised by President Robert Mugabe's ban on their
operations - for alleged political partisanship - as he fought for his political
life during a presidential run-off that he eventually won, although the high
levels of violence and intimidation made the international community dismiss
the poll as unfree and unfair.
The ban disrupted the vetting process of
potential beneficiaries and the delay in distributions are causing rising levels
of frustration among those in need of emergency food assistance.
Effort
Ncube, 54, whose extended family includes his four children, eight
grand-daughters and several other relatives, has survived on the roots
and wild fruits available in Matabeleland South Province for the past four
months.
"The donor agencies are taking long, and already, as it is, we
are facing death due to hunger, but some villages have benefited from food
donations. But we have been assured by the relief agencies that we will be
benefiting soon," he told IRIN.
Ncube's family has borrowed relief food
from people in the neighbouring districts of Ntepe and Gwanda, who have received
the reduced food rations from World Vision, a Christian relief and development
non-governmental organisation (NGO).
"Once we get our rations then we
will pay back what we got from the neighbours, but the rations are taking too
long to come," Ncube said. World Vision is covering six of the seven districts
in Matabeleland South Province.
Making up for lost time
Rations have been cut to below the recommended monthly
calorific minimum in response to dwindling food supplies, as international
donors have failed to heed a US$140
million emergency appeal by the UN World Food Programme (WFP). At current rates, WFP has
sufficient food supplies to last until the end of December.
Each person now receives a monthly
ration of 10kg of maize, 1kg of beans and 0.6 litres of cooking oil, in a
bid to stretch resources. Recipients were previously given 12kg of maize and
1.8kg of beans.
We are making up for the lost
time. The process should have started long before the situation got so bad, but
we were not on the ground [because of the government ban]. The need in the
country currently is overwhelming
"We are still vetting some communities and verifying
information that we have, and because of the magnitude of the crisis and the
objective of feeding all deserving cases, the vetting process has not been easy
due to the numbers involved," Wilfred Sikhukhula, director of World Vision's Humanitarian
Emergency Aid, one of the relief agencies falling under the US-funded Consortium
for Southern Africa Food Security Emergency (C-SAFE), told IRIN.
"We are
making up for the lost time. The process should have started long before the
situation got so bad, but we were not on the ground [because
of the government ban]. The need in the country currently is overwhelming,"
he said.
"We have had a situation where communities are doing whatever
they can to access food, and that in some instances includes them inflating the
number of family members ... we have to go through the figures and rectify where
there are anomalies before we can commence the feeding process," Sikhukhula
said.
An aid worker, who declined to be named, told IRIN that the
exaggeration of family sizes was becoming commonplace, as "people, out of
hunger, believe if they inflate the numbers they will get more and they will not
starve in future."
The strict processes used to determine need are not
readily understood by the beneficiaries, and the wait for food assistance often
translates into accusations of favouritism by humanitarian agencies.
"The relief agencies are selective - how did they decide which village
to start with, and which people to give the food to? Some people, who are
deserving, were removed from the list and were told that they will not get any
food," an irate Martha Sibanda, 49, in the Dongamuzi area near Lupane, the
provincial capital of Matabeleland North Province, told IRIN.
Relief
agencies use a standard procedure for determining who should receive food first:
top of the list are households headed by children, the elderly and the
chronically ill, followed by single-parent families, households with orphans,
and families with a high dependency ratio.
Next in line are
beneficiaries that include families with no fixed or temporary income, families
with no ownership or custody of assets with a market value that could be
exchanged for cash or barter, and those without remittances from national or
international sources.
A little is a lot
Raviro
Mahara, 46, a single parent of three children in Chirumanzi district, about
120km southeast of Gweru, the Midlands provincial capital, went on a fruitless
100km journey on foot searching for maize. She had left her children with no
food, apart from a small stock of the wild fruit known
locally as hacha.
"I had been away for four days looking for maize-meal
for my three children and myself, but could not get it because where it was
available, it was being sold in foreign currency, which I did not have," Mahara
told IRIN.
In desperation she submitted her name, with other people from
her district, to an NGO operating in the area and after three days was called to
a local shopping centre, where staff from the NGO provided each family with 20kg
of maize-meal, two litres of cooking oil and 10kg of maize seed.
"It was such a relief. Without that help
from the NGO my family would have definitely starved. Considering the size of my
family, and given that we have to depend on what has been given to us almost
exclusively, the food aid is not much, but that little makes a big difference,"
she said.
It was such a relief. Without
that help from the NGO my family would have definitely starved. Considering the
size of my family and given that we have to depend on what has been given to us
almost exclusively, the food aid is not much, but that little makes a big
difference
Without the donation, her final option would have been to
slaughter one of her two remaining cows, but it would have left her without
draught power for the main farming season, which has already begun.
Rugare Gadaga, 60, who lives in the same area, also received a donation
from the NGO. "I just hope this is the beginning of good things to come. For
months, officials from the district
headquarters have been sending word that we will soon receive food aid from
the government, but promises don't drive our hunger away," he told IRIN.
"I wonder why the same government that purports to be disturbed by our
plight has been barring the NGOs from distributing food to us, only to reverse
that position when some people have starved to death," he said.
Gadaga's
son, Samuel, 30, has a job as a supervisor at a Gweru factory. His salary of a
few dollars a month, which is continually eroded by the inflation rate of 231 million percent, supports his five
children and his father.
"Urban life is now so stressful, and I am
struggling to keep my head above the water, fending for my family. After every
two weeks I am forced to look for 20kg of maize to send home, and my prayer is
that the NGOs continue with their work, for that will lessen my burden," Samuel
told IRIN.
Fambai Ngirande, spokesperson for the National Association of
Non-Governmental Organisations, the NGO umbrella body, told IRIN that the
distribution of food "though still coming in small measures, is refreshing".
"People have nowhere to turn to but NGOs because the government, even
though it is supposed to play the leading role in ensuring food security for
affected communities, is proving to lack capacity or will," he commented.
"It should be remembered that relief operators are overwhelmed, and are
constrained by the lack of resources and politically motivated disruptions as
the food crisis deepens daily."
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=7291
November 14, 2008
By Our
Correspondent
HARARE - A young female police recruit died at Morris Depot
from injuries
sustained after she was allegedly assaulted by her instructor
while training
last week.
The circumstances surrounding the death of
police recruit Pamela Mudzingwa,
aged 26, (ID No. 03-119025T-03) are as
intriguing as the explanation given
by the police to the bereaved family,
amid allegations of a clear cover-up.
Mudzingwa died last Thursday during
training after she was allegedly
viciously assaulted by her instructor, an
Inspector Mawone, at Morris Depot.
The police cited the cause of the
deceased's death as low blood sugar level.
It is now alleged that the
post-mortem report was falsified. While the post
mortem report prepared by
the police says "recruit died of low blood sugar
level," a medical report
states that Mudzingwa sustained injuries from the
impact of a blunt
object.
Sources within the police informed The Zimbabwe Times that
Mudzingwa died
after she was allegedly assaulted by Mawone, who allegedly
accused her of
being "sympathetic to the opposition". The Zimbabwe Times has
not been able
to obtain independent of official confirmation of these
serious allegations.
It is alleged that the assault on Mudzingwa was so
vicious that she soiled
her pants before she lapsed into unconsciousness.
She was rushed to the
Morris Depot clinic from where she was referred to
Parirenyatwa Hospital.
She was pronounced dead on arrival at the
hospital.
In the forefront of the alleged cover-up of what could be a
case of alleged
murder are Assistant Commissioner Chris Ndebele, the Morris
Depot
Commandant, and Chief Superintendent Douglas Marekera, the Deputy
Commandant.
Sources allege that Marekera is openly interfering with
investigations, amid
reports he has stopped the Harare Central Police
Station's Homicide Section
from instituting murder charges against
Mawone.
Marekera claims he has instructions from Deputy Police
Commissioner Barbara
Mandizha to quash any investigations into the case.
Mandizha is alleged to
be related to Mawone. She was the Morris Depot
Commander before she was
catapulted through promotion to the position of
Deputy Police Commissioner,
the second highest in the police force. The
Deputy Commissioner normally
emerges from the ranks of assistant
commissioners with many years of
experience at Police General
Headquarters.
Mandizha has allegedly issued instructions that the
Mudzingwa case should be
handled internally at Morris Depot. No charges have
so far been preferred
against Mawone.
In a bid to pacify the
Mudzingwa family, Marekera allegedly led a delegation
to their rural home at
Mataga in Mberengwa for the funeral and offered to
bankroll all funeral
expenses.
Our police sources said this was highly unusual.
"When a
recruit constable dies, the police force usually sends an inspector
or
superintendent as the commissioner's representative," said our source.
"In
this case the Chief Superintendent attended."
A family member who has
confided in The Zimbabwe Times said from the day
their daughter's body was
returned to them, the parents and family members,
have harboured grave
suspicions about the nature of police investigation
into Pamela's death and
the police claim that it was diabetes-related.
"We want justice to be
done," he said.
The family member said Pamela had called home regularly
from Morris Depot
and had never indicated that she had any health
problem.
"She was clearly happy and seemed in very good health both
physically and
emotionally," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
"Of course she
was complaining like everyone else that there is widespread
hunger but we
don't buy this explanation that her death was related to poor
health."
He said after they viewed the deceased's body at the burial,
family members
had expressed concern at the bruising on her face. The family
member said
personally he was puzzled by the discrepancy in the autopsy
report on the
cause of death and the medical record referred to on the
autopsy.
"Clearly the investigation into the death of our daughter was
flawed," he
said.
He added that they had persistently requested
documents concerning Pamela's
death from the police but their efforts had
been in vain. Gradually,
however, sympathizers in the force had sneaked the
documents to them.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Friday, 14 November 2008
06:28
13 November 2008
National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA) members have been exposed to
brutal acts of violence at the
hands of the Zimbabwe Republic Police after
being arrested for participating
in peaceful protest actions on Tuesday. An
NCA Regional Officer has reported
that a female detainee, who was three
months pregnant, miscarried after a
particularly brutal attack by officers
at Mutare Central Police Station.
Many NCA members remain in police
custody, while others have been released
on bail or after being forced to
pay fines.
A female NCA
member, name withheld, was three months pregnant when she
was arrested
during Tuesday's peaceful demonstration in Mutare. She was
taken to Mutare
Central Police Station, where she was detained along with
eight others. The
NCA Regional Officer for Manicaland has not been granted
access to the
woman, but has learned from the other female detainees that
she has suffered
a miscarriage. The women report that they were all
subjected to severe
beatings while in policy custody. They described how
the pregnant woman was
kicked in the stomach by police officers wearing
heavy police boots. A
lawyer from Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights is
currently trying to gain
access to the woman to ascertain her condition and
demand that the police
allow her to receive the necessary medical treatment.
All nine
Mutare detainees remain in police custody while awaiting an
appearance in
court scheduled for tomorrow. Police officials have not yet
indicated what
charges the NCA members may face.
Today in Bulawayo, five NCA
members were taken to court and charged
with a violation of Section 37 of
the criminal code, which concerns actions
intended to incite violence.
These men were released on bail pending a
court date set for November
27.
Additionally, ten NCA members were today discharged from police
stations in Harare and Gweru after being forced to pay fines. The fines
were said to be penalties for disorderly conduct or similar behavior. Many
of the released individuals described beatings at the hands of police
officers. NCA staff attempting to take food to the Gweru detainees were
themselves detained, and much of the food they delivered was confiscated and
eaten by police officers.
The violence that has been directed
at NCA members is deeply shocking
and demonstrates the current government's
contempt for democratic principles
and the rule of law. Moreover, the
collaboration of state security agents
and prosecuting authorities in
charging peaceful protesters with various
crimes is a clear sign of the
degenerating state of affairs. All those
detained for participating in
Tuesday's peaceful demonstrations should be
immediately released and all
charges relating to the action should be
dropped.
The NCA
remains committed to a democratic transition founded on the
writing of a
new, people-driven constitution. The continued violence and
injustice
directed at NCA members will not deter the organization from
pursuing its
campaign for constitutional reform.
NCA Information and
Publicity Department
ncapublicity@yahoo.comThis e-mail
address is being protected from
spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to
view it
(04) 736 338
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
14
November
After celebrating the split of the MDC in October 2005, ZANU PF
is staring
deep into its own impending split after disgruntled members from
ZAPU
announced they were breaking away. The 2 parties came together under a
unity
accord in 1987 but since then senior ZAPU members feel their authority
and
relevance has been undermined by current political developments. The
group
says their members are being sidelined in important decisions and they
cite
the manner in which the inter-party talks between the MDC and ZANU PF
have
been conducted as an example. Last weekend the leaders of the group
declared
the unity accord 'dead and buried.'
Former Home Affairs
Minister Dumiso Dabengwa, war veterans' leader Andrew
Ndlovu, Tryphine
Nhliziyo the ZANU PF secretary for administration for
Bulawayo Province, and
publicity secretary Effort Nkomo among others are
leading the rebellion. In
a desperate bid to stop the rebels breaking away,
ZANU PF on Wednesday
assigned National Chairman John Nkomo to meet the
disgruntled members. But
as our correspondent Lionel Saungweme reports,
Nkomo is a poor choice for
mediator and does not command the respect of his
ZAPU colleagues who view
him as having completely sold out to ZANU PF.
Saungweme told Newsreel the
rebels initially invited Vice President Joseph
Msika to their meeting, not
because they wanted him to lead the party as
reported. Instead they wanted
Msika, the most senior former ZAPU member to
hear their grievances. A ZAPU
statement confirmed that a meeting, 'convened
on 8 November 2008 at Stanley
Square, Bulawayo, resolved that the political
structures of ZAPU cease to
operate under the title ZANU PF, and to resume
the title ZAPU, and that all
party structures operate under the authority of
the constitution of ZAPU.'
District councils will prepare and convene a
consultative conference in
December in order to mobilise and restructure the
party for a congress by
March 2009.
Newsreel also understands the rebels have said ZANU PF does
not have the
right to investigate their breaking away from the party. "We
are not slaves
to ZANU PF," one member declared, telling our correspondent,
'the 1987 unity
accord was a voluntary arrangement and they have every right
to walk out of
it if they felt it was no longer serving its purpose.'
Another official
blasted the unity accord as, 'a mere surrender document
signed by the late
nationalist Joshua Nkomo.' After years of acrimony
between ZAPU and ZANU PF,
Nkomo and Mugabe signed a unity deal that merged
the 2 parties into ZANU PF.
Over 20 000 people in the Midlands and
Matabeleland provinces were butchered
to death in state sponsored attacks
most commonly referred to as the
Gukurahundi Massacres.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, November 14
2008 - Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Governor (RBZ), Dr
Gideon Gono, on Wednesday
rushed to his Financial Gazette newspaper and
dished out a statement meant
for commercial banks and building societies
instead of giving bank managers,
RadioVOP can confirm.
Gono announced a return to Real Time
Gross Settlement (RTGS) and
internal transfers to his newspaper before he
had given the notice to
commercial bank managers.
There
were therefore no internal transfers or RTGS allowed Thursday as
banks
professed ignorance about the new notice.
A CFX Bank Limited
manager told RadioVOP that they could sanction RTGS
or internal transfers as
Gono had not told them.
The Bankers Association of Zimbabwe
(BAZ) president, John Mangudya,
refused to comment saying the issue was
sensitive. However he confirmed that
commercial banks had not been given the
statement by Gono.
Gono is understood to have a substantial
stake in The Financial
Gazette.
Meanwhile investment levels
have been increased once again this time
to Zd 200 billion by stock broking
firms.
Kingdom Stock brokers (Private) Limited and Renaissance
Securities
(Private) Limited on Thursday confirmed that they had hiked
investment
rates, which were now expected to go up every month. The
stockbrokers said
citizens should buy unit truts, which were much cheaper
than investing on
the Zimbabwe stock Exchange (ZSE). Last month the levels
stood at Zd 20
billion.
ZSE Chief Executive Officer,
Emmanuel Munyukwi, said the rates would
be pegged in US dollars soon duue to
inflation currently at about 231
million percent in
Zimbabwe.
The ZSE is a hive of activity but money is being
eroded by inflation
and people cannot get their funds from the bourse as
they are only allowed
to withdraw Zd 500 000 daily while corporates get Zd 1
million.
http://news.xinhuanet.com
www.chinaview.cn 2008-11-15
00:40:17
HARARE, Nov. 14 (Xinhua) -- At least six people and
more than 200
cattle have died in Lupane District in Zimbabwe's western
province of
Matabeleland North following an outbreak of anthrax, the daily
newspaper The
Chronicle reported on Friday.
Although
Provincial Medical Director for Matabeleland North Irene
Ndiweni could not
comment, saying she was attending a conference in Victoria
Falls, sources in
the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare insisted that six
people have died
so far from the disease.
Some of the villagers who ate the
affected meat are reported to be
still undergoing
treatment.
Principal Director in the Department of Veterinary
Services Stuart
Hargreaves said he had not yet received a comprehensive
report on the
anthrax outbreak.
Provincial Veterinary
Officer in Matabeleland North Dr Polex Moyo
confirmed the outbreak of the
disease but said it was now under control.
"There was an
outbreak of anthrax in Dongamuzi last week where a
large number of cattle
died. I cannot give you the correct figures now about
the number of the
cattle which died since I am not in my office but it was a
large number,"
said Dr Moyo.
"We have put the area under quarantine. We have
also vaccinated
the area and the situation is coming under control.
Villagers should rest
assured that their cattle will be
saved."
Reports emanating from Lupane indicate that many
villagers lost
their cattle to the disease.
http://www.apanews.net
APA-Harare
(Zimbabwe) A media watchdog on Friday criticised the collapsed
state of
Zimbabwe's telecommunications sector following more than a week of
erratic
coverage by the country's main service providers.
The sole fixed
telephone network run by the state-owned TelOne is in an
appalling state of
affairs, with erratic coverage in the urban areas and is
virtually
non-existent in the rural areas.
Problems on the fixed telephone network
have also negatively affected
Internet traffic in Zimbabwe during the past
three weeks.
The three mobile telephone networks - Econet Wireless,
Telecel Zimbabwe and
the state-owned Net One - have also failed to cope with
the market demand
for their services in Zimbabwe 's hyperinflationary
environment.
Econet Wireless published a statement on November 10
withdrawing its
contract line services for clients under one of its payment
schemes, a move
which has deprived thousands of Zimbabweans of their right
to communicate.
Together with other mobile service providers, Econet
Wireless subsequently
raised tariffs by 2,000 percent this week, with the
average cost of a text
message rising from approximately 1,000 Zimdollars
(about US$2 at the
official exchange rate) to at least 20,000 or
US$40.
The Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA) said the collapse of
the
telecommunications industry was an impediment on the right of the people
of
Zimbabwe to communicate as well as their right to freedom of expression
as
guaranteed in Article 9 of the African Charter on Human and People's
Rights.
"This right includes the ability and access to usage of tools of
communication such as the Internet, fixed telephones and mobile telephone
networks by ordinary people, as emphasised by the World Summit on
Information Societies held in Tunis, Tunisia, in 2005," MISA said.
JN/nm/APA 2008-11-14
http://www.cathybuckle.com
14th November 2008
Dear Friends.
Where
to now? That is the question we are all asking ourselves since the
shameful
SADC decision to support the status quo in Zimbabwe. This was the
much
vaunted 'African solution to African problems'.
I ended last week's Letter
with the words, "Dare we hope that this time
common sense, decency and human
compassion will prevail?" and now we know
the answer. Hope deferred, it
seems. We were told that the fifteen members -
though apparently there were
only six of them present - of SADC voted in
favour of a resolution
instructing the opposing parties to go home and form
a government of
national unity. That, said SADC Secretary Thomaz Salamao was
the decision of
SADC and must be respected. As for the disputed Ministry of
Home Affairs,
well the two sides must share that Ministry between them. How
that would
work, Salamao could not say; indeed he was forced to admit that
not one of
the SADC countries had such an arrangement in their own country
but that was
the solution proposed for Zimbabwe. That was the 'African
solution' to the
human tragedy that has engulfed our country and is spilling
over the borders
with refugees flooding into the surrounding countries of
these very states
whose leaders are content to ignore the human suffering of
thousands of
African people. Once again SADC has demonstrated its total
failure to
recognise the democratic will of the people as clearly stated in
the March
elections which Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC won. Instead, SADC
chose to
placate Mugabe, recognised him as president and even allowed him to
sit in
on their deliberations. The MDC delegates obeyed the ruling to leave
the
room but Mugabe categorically refused and a gutless Chairman, none other
than the South African President Motlanthe, apparently lacked the moral
authority to compel the old man to leave. Thus Mugabe was present in the
chamber when the ruling was made, daring the SADC members to say one word
against him, no doubt.
Not only have SADC recognised an illegitimate
president, they have, by their
failure to act, become complicit in the
criminal activity of a government in
'borrowing' donated funds intended to
fight Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria.
The money was diverted says Gideon
Gono for 'other national priorities' It's
not hard to see what those
'priorities' were as the Mugabe regime dishes out
bribes to judges and
chiefs to continue their craven support for a morally
and financially
bankrupt government. SADC turns a blind eye to all this as
they do to the
violence inflicted on the opposition. SADC surely know it is
happening but
continue on the same path of blind support for a man who has
destroyed his
country and allows men women and children to die rather than
give up on iota
of his power. Only God can remove him says Mugabe but in the
meantime he
will kill, beat, starve and imprison anyone who dares to oppose
him.
MDC meets today to discuss the way forward following this slap
in the face
from SADC. I imagine it will be a very stormy meeting. Certainly
local
pundits have been vocal with their advice but then words are cheap.
Opinions
range from : Let Mugabe get on with it, leave him to hang himself;
Pull out
of the Agreement entirely; Fresh elections are the only answer; Go
to the AU
and failing that the UN for a solution. No doubt all those views
and many
others will be reflected at today's meeting. Zimbabweans are very
good at
talking but what is needed now is Action. Looking in from the
outside what I
see is the lack of unity even among the democratic forces.
Months ago all
the civic organizations vowed they would work together to
overthrow the
regime. When one group demonstrated they said they would all
be there to
support their brothers and sisters. It has not happened; instead
the police
pick off the brave demonstrators - be they WOZA or NCA or ZCTU -
like so
many flies and toss them in gaol to rot in the fetid prisons that
daily spew
out their dead. It is only by acting together that the civic
movements and
the MDC will demonstrate to SADC, the AU and the UN that they
are one united
people. Without that unity of purpose, the people will remain
rudderless,
like a ship without a captain sailing on an ocean of endless
suffering. Only
through solidarity of purpose and unity in action will
Zimbabweans free
themselves from the dictator's cruel tyranny. Then hope
will be restored. We
can do it.Yes we can!
Yours in the (continuing)
struggle PH
http://www.namibian.com.na
Friday, November 14, 2008 - Web posted at 8:04:51 AM GMT
HENNING
MELBER
SINCE the mid-1990s, Namibia emerged as one of the closest
allies of
Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF.
The Nujoma
government never missed an opportunity to document its
unconditional loyalty
to Mugabe.
Despite his official retirement from government politics
in 2005, the
Founding Father of the Republic (as Swapo President in office
until November
2007) remained actively involved in policy matters and
influential in terms
of Namibia's policy to Zimbabwe.
On July 1
2006 Nujoma used a political rally in Outapi in the party's
northern
stronghold area to reiterate his unconditional support for Mugabe:
"If the
English imperialists make a mistake today to occupy Zimbabwe, I will
instruct Swapo to go fight for the Zimbabweans," he told his audience,
adding, "you touch Zimbabwe, you touch Swapo".
Nujoma's close
ties to the Mugabe regime have effectively undermined
any attempt to mark
out a more obviously critical or at least more distant
position.
When in mid-2006 Isak Katali, Deputy Minister of
Lands and
Resettlement, was quoted by the Zimbabwean media as praising
Zimbabwe's fast
track land reform as suitable for Namibia, this was
officially downplayed
back home as being quoted out of context.
But Nujoma came publicly to Katali's rescue.
In the same speech
quoted above he declared that, "if the people of
Zimbabwe did this, we can
do it in the same manner".
But Zimbabweans preferred another option
and indicated that they would
actually like to do it
differently.
They voted against all odds for the opposition MDC,
and the Zanu-PF
lost its parliamentary majority.
The people
also chose the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai as next
head of state and
gave him more votes than incumbent Mugabe.
Only the latter was not
willing to vacate his seat.
Instead, he resorted to even more state
terror in a desperate effort
to coerce people into what they did not
want.
Since mid-2008 it is obvious that Zimbabwe is governed by an
illegitimate regime.
Following the example set in Kenya earlier
on, the new exit option for
those unwilling to give up power is not to
accept the defeat and to
negotiate themselves back into a government of
national unity.
Sadly enough, several SADC states were willing to
play along and give
support to a despot and his securocrats, whose time had
actually run out.
Namibia is among those countries which, despite
own official
commitment to a democratic political system, have been party to
the ongoing
bailout.
COMRADELY RELATIONS President Mugabe's to
Namibia on February 27-28
2007 was declared to be a symbol of the enduring
friendship between the two
countries, notwithstanding public protest by some
local human rights
activists.
Their protest over the massive
outbreak of renewed repression of the
political opposition from March 11
2007 onwards resulted in the protesters
being banned from presenting a
petition to the Zimbabwean High Commission in
clear violation of
constitutionally enshrined rights.
An opposition party motion in
the National Assembly to discuss the
Zimbabwean situation was dismissed by
the Swapo majority and the Foreign
Minister declared such a debate would
amount to interference in the internal
affairs of another
country.
In August 2007 the prominent government critic John
Makumbe, a scholar
from the University of Zimbabwe, was to give a lecture at
the University of
Namibia (which had been planned and announced publicly
long before).
But the office of the Vice-Chancellor cancelled the
event at short
notice, presumably on the instruction of the former Head of
State, who is
the University's Chancellor.
As a result, the
lecture was moved to a different venue and drew a
large
audience.
The aborting of academic freedom in the wake of this
censorship
remained largely a non-issue.
During 2008 Namibia's
government policy was an increasingly passive
but nonetheless reliable
support factor for the Mugabe regime and its
efforts to remain in
power.
None of the violations of human rights and other minimum
standards of
governance, including the rigged elections and the refusal to
share power in
a meaningful way were commented upon in any uncompromisingly
critical
government statements.
Instead, the commander of
Namibia's army, General Martin Shali,
visited despite the problematic
situation in mid-2008 Zimbabwe for earlier
scheduled official talks with the
military.
When this was questioned, the official response justified
this as a
routine exchange, which had nothing to do with the current
political
situation.
CONTINUED SOLIDARITY President Pohamba
summarised Namibia's current
official Zimbabwe policy in his response to a
journalist in mid-2008.
In his view, Namibia as a SADC member,
would adhere to the official
SADC policy.
In the absence of
such a policy, Namibia's passivity translates into
continued support for the
status quo while refraining officially from the
earlier demonstrative
declarations of support to the Mugabe policy.
Such declamatory
statements of solidarity are left to individual
political office bearers
representing influential views within Swapo.
For the party and its
government, Zanu-PF remains the only acceptable
political
partner.
High-ranking members of Swapo eagerly voice unconditional
support to
the Zanu-PF government.
At a Swapo rally in late
August 2008 in Windhoek the Deputy Minister
of Labour, Petrus Ilonga claimed
that SADC countries were misled by
Tsvangirai and would need to apologise to
Mugabe and Mbeki.
At the same event, the Minister of Lands and
Resettlement, Jerry
Ekandjo, claimed that Mugabe was freely and fairly
re-elected.
Both political office bearers are prominent
representatives of the
Nujoma-inspired camp, which exerts strong influence
within Swapo's political
establishment.
The hard-liners include
the leadership in the Youth League, the Elders
Council, the Women's League
and the National Union of Namibian Workers.
Meanwhile the
government continues to abstain from any public
criticism of Mugabe's
policy.
While attending the United Nations General Assembly in late
September
2008, President Pohamba reportedly appealed for lifting of all
sanctions and
urged the international community to provide financial and
humanitarian
assistance to Zimbabwe to ensure the successful implementation
of the
power-sharing agreement.
Since then, there have been no
critical interventions by Namibia with
regard to the delay of the
implementation of the agreement and the impasse
over the distribution of
portfolios between the parties.
President Pohamba was among the
five SADC Heads of State attending the
extraordinary meeting in Johannesburg
on 9 November 2008, which failed to
overcome the stalemate by at least
indirectly strengthening the Zanu-PF
claim to maintain a large control over
the state's security organs.
There were no indications that the
Namibian President has used his
influence to advocate a more conciliatory
political option seeking to meet
the expectations of Tsvangirai's
MDC.
Neither has Namibia had any official contacts with
Tsvangirai.
EVER ONWARD TO SHAME Namibian parties prepare for the
next
parliamentary and presidential elections towards the end of
2009.
With the RDP in existence, the unchallenged hegemony of Swapo
might be
seriously contested for the first time.
This new
constellation absorbs all energy of current policymakers and
party officials
in Swapo to regain its two-thirds majority in the next
elections.
Zimbabwe is in this perspective largely a domestic
affair, and not a
foreign policy issue.
The disappointing
result of the SADC meeting in Johannesburg on
November 9 2008 testifies once
again to the fact that so far former
liberation movements in Southern
Africa, who have obtained political power
in their sovereign states and are
in control of the government, remain
foremost loyal to each other and find
it difficult to accept any political
alternatives beyond the common
bonds.
While most media in Namibia provide an arena for a much more
critical
public discourse also on Zimbabwe, Namibian government politics
will not
adjust.
Hidipo Hamutenya, the former Foreign Minister
who now heads the
opposition party RDP, has recently articulated more
critical views on the
violation of democratic principles and human rights
under the Mugabe
government.
This does not enhance the chances
that such a view might gain further
ground and ultimate acceptance within
Swapo or the government.
The opposite might well be the case: Swapo
has announced in October
2008 the establishment of a new party
think-tank.
According to the party's Secretary General, the
politically reliable
party members appointed to serve in this new
institution are among others
tasked to offer advice on Namibia's foreign
policy in the spirit of
anti-imperialist solidarity.
Given the
implications of this erstwhile noble term as abused in the
more recent
context of Southern Africa and in particular Zimbabwe, this does
not bode
well for democracy and human rights.
Even though the
anti-imperialist struggle for the Independence of
Namibia did once claim
that the fight was not least for democracy and human
rights as alternatives
to oppression and illegitimate rule against the will
of the majority of the
people.
The current translation of the erstwhile slogan "Ever
onward to
victory" into the ongoing solidarity with the regime in Zimbabwe
seems in
this light to become increasingly a reason for shame.
* Henning Melber is the Executive Director of the Dag Hammarskjoeld
Foundation in Uppsala/Sweden.
He joined Swapo in 1974.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=7285
November 14, 2008
Constructing a
contextualized way forward
By Arthur G O
Mutambara
Introduction
DURING the Extraordinary SADC Summit on the
9th of November 2008, the
regional leaders considered the political and
security situation obtaining
in our country. They released a communiqué in
which, among other
resolutions, they decided that: (1) the inclusive
government be formed
forthwith; (2) the Ministry of Home Affairs be
co-managed between ZANU-PF
and MDC-T; (3) the efficacy of the arrangement in
(2) be reviewed after 6
months; (4) Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment 19 to
give legal effect to
the global political agreement be introduced without
delay. There have been
various responses to this SADC ruling on Zimbabwe.
The purpose of this
treatise is to contextualize all these healthy debates
and try to proffer a
structured and systematic way forward.
The
Urgency of Now
At this juncture in the history of our country we should
be seeking
solutions that enable us to unite our people. We need to bring
supporters of
all the three political parties together. Being Zimbabwean
should take
precedence over political affiliation. Our country is going
through a
humanitarian, social and political crisis of immense proportions,
and our
challenge is to pursue the national interest ahead of personal and
partisan
aspirations. The question is; what is it that we should do to unite
our
people, and salvage our country? Going into the SADC summit, the
position
of our party was very clear. We were totally and unequivocally in
support of
Tsvangirai getting the Ministry of Home Affairs given the
distribution of
the other security ministries, and in pursuit of fairness
and equity. Our
position was that MDC-T should be given sole ownership of
that ministry. We
clearly and vigorously articulated our position before the
SADC leaders in
defence of Morgan Tsvangirai and his Party. We dismissed
Robert Mugabe and
ZANU-PF's claim to the ministry as not only baseless, but
unreasonable,
frivolous and vexatious. We dismissed the allegations of
banditry against
MDC-T with the contempt that they deserved. We fought a
good fight against a
greedy and intransigent ZANU-PF regime, but lost at the
Summit.
However, it must be emphasized that it was a clear understanding
among the
three political parties that we were going to SADC for a firm
ruling, some
kind of arbitration. This ruling we sought from the regional
leaders was
meant to be binding on all three protagonists. Although there is
no legal
instrument to ensure enforcement and compliance of such SADC
decisions, the
understanding was that given the eight weeks of dialogue that
had taken
place, since the signing of Global Political Agreement, we were
going to
SADC for finality and closure. Clearly, from the communiqué, the
SADC ruling
was not favourable to both MDC formations. It was particularly
devastating
to MDC-T.
As a party, we sought a particular outcome and
got a different result. The
Summit decision is not what we wanted. We were
disappointed. As we move
forward, the challenge is not whether one likes the
SADC decision or not,
but rather how to respond to the negative outcome.
Zimbabwe is still a
member of SADC. We have not left. Until such time that
as a nation we leave
SADC we must respect it as one of our regional
institutions. We must find a
way of remaining engaged with SADC. We can't
disengage. We must clearly
explain and outline our reservations about the
ruling, but at the same time
respecting SADC processes and outcomes. This is
more so because we, as
Zimbabwean leaders are the ones who went to SADC
seeking a ruling. If we had
no faith in the SADC system we should not have
gone there with our national
matters in the first place.
The key
thing is that all the stakeholders on the Zimbabwean dialogue must
remain
engaged. As Africans let us have the capacity to disagree without
being
disagreeable. As Zimbabweans let us have the capacity to disagree
without
being contemptuous of each other, and without being disrespectful of
each
other. We need a new kind of discourse in our country and continent. We
need
dispassionate and rational disputation. You can't insult SADC without
insulting yourself as a country and as a Zimbabwean. So, even though the
ruling was unfavorable to us, we must, as a matter of principle, respect and
honor it. Nonetheless, we do not suggest brazen and unimaginative
compliance. We recommend innovative engagement with SADC leading to both
adherence to the ruling and resolution of our reservations about the
same.
Restating the Purpose of the Inclusive Government
In the
discussions about the allocation of cabinet positions leading to the
establishment of an inclusive government, we seem to be missing the forest
for the trees. What is the purpose of this inclusive government? What we are
trying to establish is a transitional authority whose sole purpose is
creating conditions for free and fair elections in Zimbabwe. The winners of
a free and fair poll will then form a proper government. What we seek to
establish is an imperfect institution, a means to an end. We are not trying
to form a government which will run Zimbabwe forever. We are not trying to
form a perfect government, the alpha and omega of governance. We seek to
create an imperfect institution which will create conditions in Zimbabwe
that will allow free and fair elections. We intend to do this by resolving
the humanitarian crisis in our country in particular the health and food
situation, carrying out national healing, and recovering and stabilizing our
economy. More importantly this transitional government has a mandate to
develop and adopt a new people driven constitution. Most of our problems
leading to unfair and undemocratic elections are a result of a dysfunctional
constitution.
We should spend more time discussing the core business,
agenda and strategy
of this government and not bicker over cabinet
positions. What is important
is setting up a multi-party policy task force
to harmonize the positions of
the three political parties on this work to be
executed by the new
government. If we were to disagree in such debates, that
will be honorable
and respectable disputation. While we solidly support
Tsvangirai in his
efforts to get the Ministry of Home Affairs, we are not
prepared to destroy
Zimbabwe because he has not gotten that ministry. We are
saying let us set
up this imperfect government and carry out the activities
outlined above.
Thereafter, we can go to fresh polls. The sooner we do this
the better. At
this time our country and people are not election ready. What
we have done
is that since the 15th of September we have lost nine weeks of
preparing for
elections. We have lost nine weeks of making Zimbabwe ready
for free and
fair elections. We have lost nine weeks of goodwill and
enthusiasm among our
people. We have gone back to destructive politics of
name calling and
insults. Most significantly, in the past nine weeks lives
have been lost,
through disease, starvation and acute economic decay.
Parirenyatwa and
Harare hospitals have now been effectively closed down.
Businesses have
either collapsed, operate at dismal capacities or are shut
down. We have had
nine weeks of destroying lives and businesses in
Zimbabwe.
This is where we draw the line and take a principled position.
Not a single
life should be lost in pursuit of Tsvangirai's Presidency of
Zimbabwe. He is
not worth it. Not a single Zimbabwean life should be lost in
the MDC-T
ascendancy to power. We are sure our brother Tsvangirai and MDC-T
agree with
us on these observations. If they do not we are happy to
vehemently disagree
with them. There is no political leader or political
party in our country
that is worth dying for. We are saying as Zimbabweans
let us close ranks and
work together to save our country. This is the
imperative need we face as a
country. This is our definition of the urgency
of now. It is an opportunity
we have to lay the foundations of a better and
lasting democracy and to
repair the economic fundamentals of our country.
So, we are appealing to the
Zimbabwean in Mugabe, and we are appealing to
the Zimbabwean in Tsvangirai,
to put national interest before personal
interest.
Only a Tripartite Arrangement Will Work
The inclusive
government that SADC endorsed, by definition, must involve all
three
political players. There is no scope in the implementation of the SADC
decision for President Mugabe to form a solo or unilateral government. The
communiqué speaks about immediately putting in place mechanisms to process
and adopt Constitutional Amendment No19 in the Parliament of Zimbabwe. This
will then give legal effect to the Global Political Agreement, thus
providing legal standing for the inclusive government. For the amendment to
pass, it requires two-thirds majority and that can only be achieved by the
three political parties working together. There is absolutely no scope for
President Mugabe to form a unilateral government. As a Party, we hereby make
an unequivocal declaration; we will not be involved in any Mugabe government
that excludes our colleagues in MDC-T. In the national interest and as a
matter of principle, decency and integrity we say no to any such
arrangement. We are not interested in any unilateral Mugabe government. The
only way we can unite and heal all our people is by involving all three
political parties in government. Furthermore, it is neither practical nor
technically possible to work with ZANU-PF while excluding our colleagues.
Enacting amendment 19 requires two thirds majority which the three parties
can only achieve if they work together.
Any functional arrangement
has to include both MDC-T and ZANU-PF.
Tsvangirai has to be party of any
mathematics that produces the two-third
majority and that is why we are
spending our time talking to our colleagues
in MDC-T and urging them to
compromise and put Zimbabwe first. We are also
leaning on Mugabe and
pressurizing him to be magnanimous, and behave like a
Statesman. He should
not be gloating over the SADC ruling. He must reach out
to Tsvangirai, and
await further guidance from SADC. There is no government
that can be formed
in Zimbabwe without both Tsvangirai and Mugabe. They need
each other. Our
role as a Party is to keep these Zimbabwean leaders and
their followers
engaged with each other. This is national interest time. We
are caught up in
between the proverbial rock and hard place. Any brazen
behaviour on the part
of Mugabe will be totally unproductive and will drive
the country into
further chaos. Mugabe and Tsvangirai must find each other.
Tsvangirai must
be strategic and clearly take cognizance of the limited
options that he has.
Both political leaders must desist from toying around
with unproductive and
destructive shenanigans. They must put national
interest ahead of their
narrow partisan aspirations.
The Alternatives are too Ghastly to
Contemplate
It is our humble submission that there is absolutely no
alternative to the
Global Political Agreement of 15th September 2008. This
is as good as it
gets. The sooner we consummate this arrangement the better
for our entire
country. One misleading theory and misconception that has
been advanced by
misguided and un-intelligent Western analysts and
Governments is that; "Just
stay out of this inclusive government and give
Mugabe six months, his regime
will collapse. Mugabe will be brought to his
knees by the economy and then
MDC-T can walk into power." This is clearly
unimaginative and uninformed
analysis. We want to respectfully disabuse our
colleagues in MDC-T of this
false consciousness and distortion of reality.
There is no regime in Africa
that has collapsed because of economic problems
alone. This regime of Robert
Mugabe will not collapse because of the
economy. This has never happened
anyway. Yes more Zimbabweans will die, as
they are already dying in droves,
but the regime will not collapse. No one
will walk into State House without
firing a shot. The economic collapse
would have to be combined with an armed
struggle or mass demonstrations to
drive Mugabe out of power. Now, how do
you do any of these complimentary
revolutionary activities without any
support among the 15 SADC countries and
their organizations? Are Zimbabweans
ready to get into the streets and
fight? We hope that these un-intelligent
Western analysts and Governments
will improve their thinking and analytical
capacity. In any case, in our
situation should it be necessary to kill for
political office? Why should we
walk into power over dead bodies of our
people? Do we learn anything from
the Obama experience?
Of course, we are not recommending an armed
response, nor do we think it is
desirable at this point in time, given the
history of our country and the
nature of our dispute. We are saying even if
you were to engage in an armed
struggle, how do you do it without a regional
base, without support in the
region. You cannot launch your armed struggle
from New York and London. You
do it from the region. We seek to emphasize
the foolishness of going against
15 Heads of State. Let us learn the
importance of the region and regional
leaders from history. In 1979 when
Mugabe and Nkomo where at Lancaster House
and they didn't like the agreement
they pulled out and decided to go back to
the bush. It was Presidents
Nyerere, Kaunda and Machel who instructed them
to settle despite the fact
that the agreement was an unacceptable compromise
to the two Zimbabwean
leaders. Mugabe and Nkomo did not agree with the
Frontline States leaders,
but they respected their advice and complied. What
is so special about Mr
Tsvangirai today? Mugabe and Nkomo disagreed with the
regional leaders but
realized they could not survive without those regional
players. In the same
spirit we are saying we don't like the SADC decision,
but we should show
respect to the African leaders and continue working with
them. MDC-T must
understand that it is not enough to have American and
British backing
without regional support.
We have read remarks by President Khama before
the SADC summit, where he was
proffering an internationally supervised
Presidential poll as a solution to
our crisis. This proposal has been
repeated in many circles. First and
foremost, as we have already explained,
the people and the country are not
election-ready. Under what law do you
call for a fresh presidential
election? Who is going to call the election?
How can we even talk about
international supervision of elections, if SADC
cannot even force Mugabe to
handover Home Affairs to Tsvangirai? Who is
going to force Mugabe to bring
international supervisors to monitor our
elections? If we are to have
elections today, they will be under the June 27
2008 conditions. More
importantly the only legally possible elections will
be harmonized ones,
that is, Presidential, Senatorial and Parliamentary
elections. The current
Parliament and Senate would have to be dissolved
prematurely. These
elections will then be conducted under brutal and unjust
conditions of June
27, where there will be neither international supervision
nor freeness and
fairness.
More significantly, these polls will be
under the current dysfunctional
constitution. It doesn't take too much
imagination to guess who will win in
such a plebiscite. So why impose such a
futile exercise on our country? The
gains that the opposition made in both
the Senate and House of Assembly will
be totally reversed. The Presidential
election will again go to ZANU-PF. All
these outcomes will happen not
because ZANU-PF is popular, but because we
will be operating under unjust
conditions and a flawed constitution. A new
election is a non-starter. We
wish people like President Khama would talk to
us before they proffer
unimaginative and impractical solutions on our
country. The only way to
prepare for elections is to go into this imperfect
government and prepare
our people for elections by doing the things we have
outlined above. This
Global Political Agreement is as good as it gets. It is
the best short-term
answer that will allow us to extricate our country from
its current morass.
We are saying that our options are very limited as three
political leaders,
Mugabe included. Pragmatism and flexibility demands that
we as opposition
leaders go into this flawed government and prepare our
people for an
election that we can win.
The Key Ministry Misnomer
It is
important that we deconstruct the nature of the dispute that led us to
SADC.
As political leaders in Zimbabwe we are victims of a seriously flawed
characterization and ill-conceived importance of ministries. By using a
dysfunctional and meaningless framework to inform the allocation of
ministries, we have set ourselves for failure. The notion of a key ministry
is a huge misnomer. Every ministry is important. Why is Home Affairs a key
ministry while Education and Health Ministries are not? Why is Defence a key
ministry when Economic Planning, Water and Public Works are not? The
definition of a key ministry is very subjective. Education can be more
important in terms of dealing with the people's lives than home affairs.
There is a school in every village, there is a school in every ward and as a
political party if you are in charge of education you can positively
influence the lives of more Zimbabweans. Our economic and social sectors
have collapsed and this is where the focus should be. Consequently, we do
not agree with what has been bandied around as the key
ministries.
While we all agree that there must be equity and fairness, it
must be stated
up front that the whole exercise of sharing ministries and
distributing key
ministries is a subjective exercise. In fact to fight over
ministries is a
misguided exercise because we are seeking to construct one
inclusive
government, not two or three governments. We seek to establish,
one
government with one cabinet, not a fragmented government. There will be
collective responsibility in that cabinet, and that coalition arrangement
must be driven by mutual respect and trust. There will be no such thing as a
ZANU-PF Minister or an MDC Minister - just Ministers for the people of
Zimbabwe. No Minister will take instructions from ZANU-PF or MDC
headquarters. The executive authority will reside in the one cabinet. Our
problem is that the three political parties are very low on trust and
respect for each other. We must build trust and respect for each
other.
With respect to the contentious Ministry of Home Affairs, both
MDC-T and
ZANU-PF's obsession with it is misplaced and unwarranted. The
Minster of
Home Affairs is just a figure head. The ministry is run by a
Permanent
Secretary who is the ministry's chief accounting officer, a Police
Commissioner who reports to the President and the Police Act. Cabinet has
overall executive authority over the ministry. It is instructive to note
that it was during Joshua Nkomo's tenure as Home Affairs Minister that the
onslaught against his Party, ZAPU, was instigated. Dumiso Dabengwa was a
hapless Minister with insignificant influence. The same applies to John
Nkomo and Kembo Mohadi. This means Mugabe can give up on the ministry
without jeopardizing his interests, while Tsvangirai can possess the
ministry without being able to use it to pursue any of his aspirations.
Thus, both political leaders can do without the Ministry of Home Affairs.
What each of them gain by possessing the ministry is just propaganda value
that they can use to placate their constituencies. It is a shame that we are
destroying our country over a dispute that is ostensibly driven by form and
not substance at all.
The Envisaged Way Forward
There are two
things we need to emphasize on the way forward. The first one
is that there
is no recourse or any kind of way forward outside the SADC
system. The
second issue is that the inclusive government prescribed by SADC
has to
include all three political parties. We can't go to the African Union
without SADC. We can't go to the UN without SADC. Any further appeal has to
involve SADC. If we somehow get the opportunity to go to the AU through
brazen and unorthodox methods, the AU is most likely to defer to the
decision of its lower organ, SADC. The AU will ask President Kikwete, the
chairman of the AU, to report on the SADC outcome. We don't actually expect
a different outcome from the AU even if we are able to get there. It is
important to clearly understand that the SADC decision was by consensus,
which means both Presidents Kikwete and Khama have to vigorously defend it.
Both personal and institutional integrity means that not a single SADC
leader can criticize or operate outside this SADC ruling. Furthermore, there
will be no moral basis for anyone to discuss Zimbabwe at the UN without SADC
or AU involvement and support.
The US and the UK cannot even begin to
bring Zimbabwe to the UN systems
without the support of these two African
institutions. Any way forward will
have to start with SADC. We need to
reengage SADC and raise all our concerns
with them while not undermining
SADC processes in general and the ruling on
Zimbabwe specifically. The
challenge is how do we strategically respond to
this bad outcome in an
effective and sustainable manner? As an opposition
party in Zimbabwe you
cannot go to war with 15 Heads of State, and expect to
win. This SADC
consensus decision is a ruling the ANC leadership has to
defend because
their President was chairing that meeting. You can't
disrespect the SADC's
summit and its recommendations without insulting Zuma
(ANC), Vavi (Cosatu),
and Blade Nzimande (SACP). Now if you lose all these
potential allies, in
addition to all the 15 regional leaders, how much
traction can you achieve?
We need to apply our minds and be strategic. Even
the Western governments,
in particular the American and British, if they
have any modicum of
intelligence and strategic thinking, will realize that
they cannot afford to
be rubbishing a regional institution like SADC , going
to war with 15 Heads
of State, and setting onto a collision path with the
continental body- the
AU. If they were to do this, these Western governments
will be ineffective
and destroy their own economic and strategic interests
in the region and
continent. We are clear that they are driven by their
permanent interests
and they will not sacrifice their aspirations in the
entire continent just
to please Mr Tsvangirai. We have to be smart in our
analysis. There has to
be a way of discussing the Zimbabwean crisis without
being un-strategic and
hence ineffective.
An effective way forward for our country requires both
creativity and
imagination in the implementation of the SADC ruling. It is
important that
all the four aspects of the ruling are attended to
simultaneously. We must
seek to satisfy all four aspects of the SADC
prescription. The starting
point is to immediately stop President Mugabe
from unilaterally forming a
government. This was not the SADC
recommendation. We should try to address
all MDC-T concerns in the process
of implementing the SADC communiqué. The
negotiators of the three parties
must immediately get together and agree on
the content of Amendment 19 to
the Zimbabwean Constitution. This should be a
quick and painless exercise
because it is just extracting the aspects in the
Global Political Agreement
that require legislation. The amendment must be
gazetted by next Tuesday.
The legislative framework required for the
National Security Council must
also be gazetted similarly, presumably as
part of Amendment 19. Soon after
the gazetting of these legal instruments
the PM designate and DPM designate
must be sworn in, and the three
principals will then form the rest of
cabinet together.
Also as a matter of urgency, before the gazetting of
the legal instruments,
a public pronouncement must be jointly made by the
three principals, with
the assistance of SADC, outlining the timelines and
processes which the new
government will use to discuss the outstanding
issues of Governors,
Permanent Secretaries and Ambassadors. This should be
an unequivocal
statement. There should be a public acknowledgement, by the
three
principals, of the fraudulent changes made to the September 11
constituting
agreement and a public commitment to adhering to the
un-doctored version of
the same. The dispute around the Ministry of Home
Affairs can be addressed
by using the 6 month efficacy review provision in
the SADC ruling. If the
co-ministering proves unworkable there is a
potential exit strategy provided
by SADC. Also this 6 month review window
can also be used to raise concerns
about the other outstanding matters
(MDC-T concerns) outlined above if they
are not resolved by then. In fact,
in 6 months we can have a make or break
SADC Summit review of the entire
inclusive government.
Conclusion
The future of our country is in
our hands as Zimbabweans. The divisions we
are experiencing are too trivial
for us to allow the country to
disintegrate. The nature of our dispute and
the content of our disagreements
do not warrant nor justify national
self-destruction. There is more that
unite us than that which divide us. It
is time to heal and unite our people
and nation. If we fail future
generations will not blame SADC, but us as
Zimbabwean leaders. Pursuit of
the national interest, political tolerance,
inclusivity, and mutual trust
and respect, will guide us towards the answer
to our national challenges. If
we keep hope alive, we shall overcome. This
is time for statesmanship and
stateswomanship.
(Prof Arthur Mutambara is the president of a faction of
the Movement for
Democratic Change.)
http://www.zimdiaspora.com
Friday, 14 November 2008 17:03 Peter Nyoni
News
By Gibson Nyambayo (opinion)
Today the whole nation is in a
seizure; the whole country is in fits of
anguish, desperation, misery and
utter despair. This day Zimbabweans from
all walks of life are shaken by the
convulsions of a dying economy, a
disintegrating moral and social fabric.
Today the nation is in desolation.
Zimbabweans today sing one
song, a song penned by burdened hearts, a hymn
that tells of desperation.
The masses have endured a lot for long hoping for
a respite. A respite that
is proving all but precariously elusive. They
waited for that day when
persecution, hunger, diseases and unnatural deaths
will be history. A day
that will signal the new beginning, a new
dispensation, a new life, a new
dream, a hope for all, a day that will
change their lives. The day is not
coming; we are facing death before it is
with us. Can anyone hear
us?
Our reservoirs of hope and dream are dry. Dry, very dry after
years of false
hope and daydreaming. Today only streams of agony tears flow
endlessly among
us. Our challenges have become a curse of the century, a
thing one who will
never envy even in hell. This day after the hullabaloo
about the talks,
there is no more talks. The deal that brought the zeal
amongst us is all but
dead. The light that we all thought we saw at the end
of the talks tunnel is
all but no more. There is no more
hope.
The house that we all built with pride and love is now a
ramshackle. Today
our beautiful past and nation that we used to enjoy is way
unimaginable, its
like we migrated to another planet. A planet that is ruled
by madmen, where
mad laws are the order of the day. A dangerous planet where
elections don't
mean anything more than a time to beat, maim, rape or kill
your brother for
his choice. A planet where leaders care for themselves and
family, where
human rights are not sacred, where a person's life is
equivalent to that of
a disease carrying cockroach.
In our
country everyone has become a prisoner of a manmade tragedy. Our
lives are
today are nothing but a sign of our rulers power. They have the
power and
discretion to terminate our lives at will. Today the country is in
ruins.
The whole nation is fast turning into a cemetery, everywhere you go,
fresh
graves greet you as people die en masse. Dying of hunger and treatable
diseases while leaders haggle, dine, wine and gloat about cabinet posts.
Today Zimbabwe is a nation in exile. Today many have been forced tout of the
country, running away from the madmen, fleeing away from hunger and
diseases. A land that all envied is no more. The land that was once a beacon
of hope is now in ashes. The breadbasket nation is but all a horrible basket
case. Today Zimbabwe is no more; at least the country that we used to know
and love is dead. It's painful.
Our country today is
suffering from calamitous leadership deficiencies.
Leaders; at one moment we
revered as God given. Today mass migration by a
country not at war bears the
hallmarks of a failed state. Today we rue our
choices of yester year. Today
Zimbabwean should look at itself for
salvation. We at one time looked at the
west for the sanctions and isolation
but the regime is still with us, we
then looked upwards for divine answers
and intervention but alas we are
still waiting, we then focused South for
diplomacy and we got quiet
diplomacy from Mbeki a man whose denialism and
aloofness is the major factor
to the catastrophe we are in today.
Today tears run down my
cheeks if I think of all the problems below.
Collapse of the
Education Sector
There is no more education to talk about in
Zimbabwe. The state of the
sector resembles that of a war torn state, a
state where guns substitute
pens. Education is now a pale shadow of its
former self in the early
nineties and early eighties, a time when the whole
world had some good words
about it. A time when it was an envy of many in
the region. The time that we
reached the highest literacy levels in the
continent paralleled only by
Tunisia.
Today nobody cares that our
children are spending the day at home or in town
selling BACOSSI airtime.
Nobody cares a dime that the teachers that used to
impart knowledge to our
children have all crossed the borders to take up
menial jobs in neighboring
countries. No one feels embarrassed that our
teachers with all their
academic achievements are being employed by people
who cant even spell their
names, some who are practicing sangomas! It's not
an issue to those
masquerading as our government that our children are fast
losing their
future. It does not dawn on them that claim to be our chosen
leaders that
our children will be vagrants if this situation is not dealt
with
immediately.
Today Mugabe and his man stand watching us horror
stricken, as the nation is
slowly turns into a banana republic. A state that
will increase their
returns in looting and hemorrhagic corruption. Their
drunken policies over
the years decimated and disintegrated the once
promising nation. Today
Zimbabwe is far off worse than Rhodesia during the
war and sanctions era; at
least people had food and teachers in most
schools. Today there is no food,
no clothes, no drugs, no electricity, no
freedom, no teachers, no education,
today there is nothing. Today there is
ZANU PF and its messengers of death.
There is nothing left
anymore.
This year we all were amazed to see headman and militias
supervising exams.
Surely we have watched our country going to the dogs. It
beats me to imagine
how and why anyone normal can sanction an illiterate
drunk to supervise an
exam. It boggles the mind to think that a person who
dropped or was not
willing to attend school during his time can suddenly
appreciate it to the
extend of being trusted to supervise an exam! It
frightens me to think where
we might end up soon. I hope this is the
furthest we have allowed to be
taken for a ride concerning our education and
other sectors.
Today virtually every school has shut its doors.
Today no pupil is receiving
education. This time every pupil can write off
this year as an academic
year. Our children will remember this year as a
year when we their parents
ignored their futures, a year that we all took
part to ruin their tomorrow,
a year we all stood and watched Mugabe and his
madmen crush their ambitions.
We will cover our faces in humiliation and cry
our hearts out but it will be
too little too late. Lamentations of a dying
people.
Health and Sanitation
The ongoing Cholera
epidemic in Harare bears the hallmarks of a failed or
crippled health and
sanitation sector. Today Zimbabwe is in an acute and
unprecedented manpower
and drug shortages. Today all big and small hospitals
have closed officially
or unofficially. Today the closure of hospitals has
condemned Zimbabweans to
the cemetery, people dying from simple treatable
ailments.
Years of neglect, corruption, looting and utter
misadministration has put
the health sector where it is now. Rampant
contempt and utter disrespect of
medical practitioners rights, wishes and
demands all but forced them to
search for greener pastures. Today the sector
is reeling under severe
manpower deficiencies. We all watched when the
regime went at length to
pauperize the medical personnel. We are now paying
dearly for that grave
mistake. For only a dead man can offend a medicine
man.
Today the water in Harare is no longer a life giving basic
but a disease
bearing threat. The water that we cant live without has turned
into a
life-sucking monster, a vampire killing anyone who dares ingest. That
is our
water in Harare, a water that is no longer coming from tapes but
shallow
sewage infested pools. The water reticulation system is all but
overwhelmed
or collapsed as a result of disrepair and neglect. The system
can no longer
cope with the rise in population, it was not meant the high
population now
in town. Since it was inherited from the Smith government
nothing has been
done to uplift it to match demand. The ministers have took
turns to loot the
funds meant for the refurbishment of the water works.
Today we bear the cost
as our relatives children die as a result of that.
Today everybody faces
cholera death.
With all Hospitals
closed or not functional any emergence case will result
in a death. All
pregnant women have 50-50 chances with death. A simple
disease or ailment is
no longer such but a death sentence. Those carrying
the HIV are having the
worst of moments as the few ARV's that are available
are beyond a normal
person's reach. A nation that has a failed or collapsed
health and
sanitation system is all but near a dead state. I don't know but
these are
just lamentations of a dying person. Dying while our leaders dine
and wine
in hotels quarrelling over who should take what for his powers. By
the time
they come back to their senses very few will be there to see them,
we all
will be dead.
From an Economy to a Zhanuconomy
There
is no more economy to talk about. Years of unparalleled greedy,
embezzlement, corruption, neglect, plutocracy, abuse and mass looting left
the economy in this dead state. Hemorrhagic hyperinflation fuelled by
chronic policy flip-flops, economic indiscipline and reactive and
unprecedented populist government expenditures has all but condemned the
once vibrant and diversified economy into a coma. We are now surviving in a
zhanuconomy where unheard off economic policies are the order of the day.
This is a type of an economy where those in power determine the prices of
commodities, an economy where market forces mean nothing.
The
levels of economic collapse are only expected of a country at war, where
everyone everywhere is carrying a gun! The economy has shrunk to levels of a
small American town. Ours is an economy under siege from its leaders who are
ready to see it die. The economy is a victim of several African dictatorship
diseases, those ailments that come from porous management systems,
non-existent accountability parameters.
Today the economy has
been dollarised. Very few people are getting the
dollars in salary or wage.
I wonder how people will survive. The owners of
the USD shops are the same
people that made our Dollar tissue paper. Today
they charge prices that can
scare even the worst devil.
The economy is grappling on its knees
as a result of erratic supplies of
power and water. The environment
prevailing under the zhanuconomy does no
support production but dealings and
quick money. An economy that does not
produce or produce very little will
continue to find it difficult to survive
to see another day. There is no
more economy to talk about. Its only
lamentations my
friends.
Agriculture or Zhanuculture
I will not bother
myself writing anything about this area. I will only take
this opportunity
to ask a few questions. Right, what do we call a nation
where every
minister, his wife, children and girlfriends own commercial
farms?
Which is prudent to buy a tractor and thousand tonne of maize
seed than to
buy thousands of tractors and a pack of seed for the whole
nation?
When do you plan for an agricultural season, when rains start
falling or
after harvest? Forgive me it was only lamentations of a dying
man.
Gibson Nyambayo can be contacted on gibnyambayo@gmail.com
SW Radio Africa
Broadcast 14
November 2008
Violet Gonda's guest on this week's Hot Seat programme is
Professor Arthur
Mutambara, one of leaders in the inter party talks, who
gives us his
position on the status of the power-sharing deal. The MDC
leader describes
the other MDC leader, Morgan Tsvangirai as "foolish" and
"un-strategic" by
not accepting the recent SADC recommendations. Mutambara
goes on to tell
those critics who are calling him a spoiler 'to go
hang.'
(click on links below or copy and paste to web browser to listen
to audio
file)
mms://swradioafrica.streamuk.com/swradioafrica_archive/hotseat141108.wma
OR
for MAC users:
http://swradioafrica.streamuk.com/swradioafrica_archive/hotseat141108.wma
TRANSCRIPT
WILL BE SENT AS SOON AS POSSIBLE.
Here is a little suggestion you can put on your website concerning
coping with the Zeros in Zimbabwe.
In the scientific and Mathematical fields there is what is known as
the Standard or Scientific notation.
Examples follow
346,000,000,000,000,000.00 (Three hundred and forty six
quadrillion) surely to write this figure on the check amount is getting tedious
if not impossible. This number can however be written as 3.46 X
1017
Which is quite easy to write. More examples maybe
applicable
346,000,000,000,000,000.00 = 346 X 1015 => 346
quadrillion
500,000.00 = 5 X 105 => 5
Quadrillion
1,000,000.00 = 1 X 106 => 1
Million.
This idea can be quite useful considering the rate at which the
zeros are progressing.
For a quintillion it will be something like 1 X 1018 .
This I am sure Zimbabweans can easily cope with.
Thanks for putting this on your web
J