U.S. EYES REPRISAL FOR BEATING OF EMBASSY STAFF
David R. Sands
THE
WASHINGTON
TIMES
-----------------------------------------------------------
The
Bush administration said yesterday it may reduce its
diplomatic and aid
personnel in Zimbabwe to protest the
government's "completely unacceptable"
response to an
incident last week in which a U.S. Embassy employee
was
beaten by supporters of President Robert Mugabe.
State Department
spokesman Philip Reeker dismissed as
"utterly without foundation" charges by
Zimbabwe's interior
minister that U.S. diplomatic personnel were to blame in
the
Nov. 15 incident, in which two Zimbabwean nationals, one
employed by
the American embassy in Harare, were severely
beaten on a visit to an
expropriated farm controlled by
allies of Mr. Mugabe.
The "unprovoked
attack" is "a serious breach of the Zimbabwe
government's responsibilities to
safeguard diplomatic
personnel in Zimbabwe," Mr. Reeker said.
"Their
response will be certainly factored into our ongoing
assessments of the
safety of our personnel and of diplomatic
and humanitarian operations in
Zimbabwe," the spokesman
added.
The beating is just the latest
irritant in rapidly
deteriorating U.S.-Zimbabwean relations.
Mr.
Mugabe has reacted angrily to U.S. criticisms of his
human rights record, his
coercive land-redistribution
program targeting the country's productive white
farmers,
and of the government's political manipulation of food and
aid
distribution in a country where more than half of the
12.5 million population
could be facing severe food
shortages and famine in the coming
months.
A senior State Department official earlier this month said
the
administration was weighing "intrusive, interventionist
measures" to bypass
the Mugabe government and ensure food
delivery throughout the country, a
comment the Mugabe
government said was an effort to justify a
potential
invasion.
Mr. Reeker said yesterday the amount of U.S. aid,
which is
delivered through U.N. and private relief aid channels, was
based
on the humanitarian need in the region, not on
relations with the government
in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwean Information Minister Jonathan Moyo told
the
leading state-owned newspaper in Harare that last
Friday's
confrontation was sparked by "the intrusive and
interventionist
behavior of U.S. Embassy personnel."
The U.S. government lodged an
official protest on Monday
after the U.S. group - which included an American
embassy
employee and a British national working for the United
Nations -
were accosted by a group of "war veterans," former
members of Zimbabwe's
military who have become a crucial
support base for the
president.
U.S. officials say the group was attempting to document
the
scale of the food crisis. Zimbabwean officials claim the
party was on
a propaganda mission, tossing food from their
vehicle and then filming the
local residents rushing to get
it.
The beatings of the two Zimbabwean
nationals followed a
sharp interrogation of the group. The State Department
on
Tuesday condemned the "completely ineffective response" of
Zimbabwean
police after the U.S. diplomat contacted them by
cell phone.
The
official account of the incident "clearly once again
betrays the cynicism of
the Mugabe government in Zimbabwe,"
Mr. Reeker said.
The spokesman
said no decisions have been made on whether to
pull U.S. diplomatic and aid
personnel out of the country,
but warned the attacks were of "grave concern
to us and to
others in the international community."
Mr. Mugabe has
blamed a regionwide drought for the recent
food shortages, but a report
released in South Africa
yesterday by a Danish human rights group supported
U.S.
contentions that at least some of the shortfalls were
created by the
government for political reasons.
"The threat of being deliberately
starved by the government
if the opposition won votes was used to profoundly
influence
vulnerable rural voters in the recent elections," according
to
the report from Physicians for Human Rights-Denmark,
based on three months of
interviews and travel inside
Zimbabwe.
"If it is not possible to
increase nonpartisan food supplies
into the country, it is our opinion that
starvation and
eventually death will occur along political party
lines,"
the group
warned.
-----------------------------------------------------------
This
article was mailed from The Washington Times
(http://www.washtimes.com/world/20021121-91341040.htm)
Sent: Wednesday, November 13, 2002 11:23 AM
Subject: 'Presidential
Elephant' update
Hi everyone, Just thought you might be interested in hearing how the last
de-snared elephant calf is doing. Story attached. (Last two paragraphs speak
of the elephant family.)
The Anti-Poaching Unit, just yesterday, found a dead wild dog, a dead
zebra, and a dead buffalo, all in the one area here on the Hwange Estate. All
dead in snares. They also picked up 46 snares just in that one day ..... and
found a poachers camp too - with meat hanging out to dry. Ambushes set to try
to catch them. Here's hoping ...
The elephant snaring continues here. The latest one was sighted with a
snare around it's chest, however I was never able to relocate it. The rains
have now arrived, and elephant sightings are becoming less frequent. This
concerns me a a great deal, given that the elephants are no doubt still picking
up snares. Given the increased poaching, I'm certain there's elephants walking
around out there with snares. I just wish I could locate some family groups.
(With the rains, I haven't sighted a family group for over a week now - and
given none are collared, I have no idea where they are.)
An adult female elephant was found shot just a few weeks ago. Looks like
our poachers now also have guns .....
This is all complicated by lack of fuel. It can be difficult enough
funding my own huge petrol bill, but when you can't even buy petrol, it's so
much more frustrating!
Anyway .... we must perservere.
Take care, Sharon.
LETTERS FROM ZIMBABWE (No. 31)
- 7 November 2002
by Sharon
Pincott
An army of flying ants in the
sky; dung beetles rolling their balls
of elephant dung;
a tortoise; a frog; an egret.
The rains have arrived.
I watched as the first raindrops hit the ground, sending up
puffs of dust. It is true that the
smell of the first rains is a smell etched into the psyche of all of those who
live in the African bush. The lingering
dust of the long dry months is washed away.
The wings of the flying ants cover the surface of the excavations made
by the elephants at the mineral licks, now all full with water. That familiar frog chorus fills the
air. Flowers bloom in the bush -
a chandelier of pinkish white lilies; the bright red fireball at the base of the trees; the crinkly white flowers of the
bauhinia; the striking yellow of the
Zambezi Gold. Everything appears to
turn greener by the hour.
The elephants have dispersed. They are no longer mudbathing in the sloppy grey mud, their
delight no longer showing in bright pink eyes rolling around in massive heads
almost completely submerged in mud, looking as if they’re possessed. I miss seeing them appear regularly from the
bushes, doing their ‘floppy run’ to the pan
- their familiar relaxed, loose
movements, head swaying to an age-old rhythm, always bringing a smile to my
face.
The mongoose family continues to visit often. They remind me of otters as they slither
around in my birdbath on sweltering days.
Then, bedraggled, they pull themselves along on their bellies, over the
grass, as if both back legs are injured.
Two of the boldest ones come and lie on the grass mat, inside my
rondavel, legs outstretched. Outside,
they chatter to each other incessantly.
I close my eyes, listening, wondering if they are, perhaps, from another
planet! They certainly sound like they
could be. I imagine them transmitting
back from planet earth. I sit and
wonder what they’re saying. I’m
beginning to think that mongoose really are little men, spies no less, from Mars!
….
The snakes have definitely arrived. I sighted three in just one day. This, for me, is not good news. One slithered under a table in a researcher
friends’ house. “I don’t know alot
about snakes. I don’t know if that’s
poisonous or not”, said my friend calmly watching the snake’s movements. The snake reared up, hooded and spitting, in
that very familiar, very unwelcome way.
“Now THAT’S poisonous! ….”
The big daddy baboon who appears from nowhere at my open
door, to sit for a while, is also unwelcome.
One day he’ll give me a heart attack.
Back on the ‘Touch the Wild’ estate, I had not sighted the
de-snared family of elephants since the day after the last snare removal. It had been nearly 6 weeks. I was driving home after a full day in the
field, the elephants no longer around in big numbers. I caught sight of a small family in the bush by the
roadside. I hit the brakes. Out of the corner of my eye I had sighted
the mother of the de-snared calf. With
a distinctive ‘V’ injury in her right ear, her name is Vee. I reversed.
There they all were, all 8 members of the family. The de-snared calf was by Vee’s side.
His little leg has healed so well. There will be no permanent injury. Belonging to the ‘V’ family, his name is
Victory - because …. it was.
Sent: Thursday, November 14, 2002 9:49 AM
Subject: MORE Re:
'Presidential Elephant' update
Hi again .... Just another quick update :
The news is far worse than first thought I'm afraid. Dead wildlife
count is now:
Buffalo - 6 Sable - 6 Zebra - 2 Painted Dog - 1 All dead in snares. Over
150 live snares have now been collected just in this one area, here on the
Hwange Estate. THREE poachers' camps now located, with structures set up for
drying meat. No poachers have been caught.
A (live) giraffe was sighted just this morning with a tight snare around a
leg.
I went this morning to take some photographs - and to my horror, in this
same location, I sighted three family groups of elephant. (What's worse, is
that elephant sightings have been infrequent of late due to the onset of the
rains - and now, they're in THAT area.) This is one of the known areas that the
'Presidential Herd' roam. It is an area right in the middle of my study range.
Fresh elephant spoor right beside broken snares is proof that at least 4
elephant have recently encountered these snares. I hate to think what I might
see when the elephants are again more visible at the waterholes ...
I'm in the process of trying to get another 4-man team out there, picking
up snares.
Now all we need is for CITES to lift the ivory ban, and then these poachers
will be out for ivory - not just meat.
Trying times ....
cheers, Sharon.
----- Original Message ----- From: "Sharon Pincott" <
spincott@mweb.co.zw> To: <
tfbetts@zol.co.zw>; "WEZ" <
mpd.sales@telconet.co.zw>; "Keith
and Col"
<
kayancee@mweb.co.zw>
Sent: Wednesday, November 13, 2002 7:23 PM Subject: 'Presidential Elephant'
update Hi everyone, Just thought you might be interested in hearing how the last
de-snared elephant calf is doing. Story attached. (Last two paragraphs speak
of the elephant family.)
The Anti-Poaching Unit, just yesterday, found a dead wild dog, a dead
zebra, and a dead buffalo, all in the one area here on the Hwange Estate. All
dead in snares. They also picked up 46 snares just in that one day .....
and
found a poachers camp too - with meat hanging out to dry. Ambushes set to try
to catch them. Here's hoping ...
The elephant snaring continues here. The latest one was sighted with a
snare around it's chest, however I was never able to relocate it. The rains
have now arrived, and elephant sightings are becoming less frequent.
This
concerns me a a great deal, given that the elephants are no doubt still picking
up snares. Given the increased poaching, I'm certain there's elephants walking
around out there with snares. I just wish I could locate some family groups.
(With the rains, I haven't sighted a family group for over a week now - and
given none are collared, I have no idea where they are.)
An adult female elephant was found shot just a few weeks ago. Looks like
our poachers now also have guns .....
This is all complicated by lack of fuel. It can be difficult enough
funding my own huge petrol bill, but when you can't even buy petrol, it's so
much more frustrating!
Anyway .... we must perservere.
Take care, Sharon.
Sent: Friday, November 15, 2002 8:55 AM
Subject: New story
New story attached - albeit not a real nice one.
cheers, Sharon.
LETTERS FROM ZIMBABWE (No. 32)
- 15 November 2002
by Sharon
Pincott
The crowned cranes have arrived. So have the tiny black spaceships, hurtling through the air at
rapid speed. I smile. Do mongoose get rides back to Mars on dung
beetles?! ….
Elephant sightings become infrequent with the first
rains. I look at video footage to pass
the time as I sit and wait in hope. The
youngsters race around like lunatics.
High-pitched squeal-like trumpeting as they run giddily forwards, and
backwards. Who are they chasing? - or
who’s chasing them? Seemingly
nobody. It’s a game, and they’re loving
it. It must surely be true. There must, indeed, be some thought process
going on in that comical little mind.
The young elephants have an imaginary friend, or perhaps foe - or
must we really believe that young elephant simply are indeed genetically
programmed to behave in this bizarre way?
I really don’t think so.
I don’t remember vividly a lot about my childhood. I do remember the guinea pigs that lived
under the sharp-edged pampas grass; the
smell of cigarette smoke, that I loathed;
and eating gooseberries from my mother’s garden. As I sit watching an elephant bull with my
punnet of gooseberries in hand, I recall glimpses of my childhood. Whoever would have thought that the young
girl eating gooseberries in the tiny country township of Grantham in south-east
Queensland, would one day be savouring the taste of them amongst the elephants
of Africa. I look at my elephant
friend, drinking just a few metres away:
“I had a dream, and you were in it, and I was in it with you”. It was no longer a dream. It was reality. But part of it, now, was in fact a nightmere.
Poaching continues to cause great concern. An elephant with a snare around it’s chest,
only sighted once. Two zebra. Dead.
Six buffalo. Dead. Six sable.
Dead. A painted hunting
dog. Dead. All found. Snared. Too late.
…. And an elephant. Shot. Dead.
Where will it end? ….
The loading of a rifle is a sound that I don’t particularly
like. Dangerous animals, dangerous
people perhaps. It’s a necessary
precaution. I walk into the bush with
two ‘Touch the Wild’ professional guides.
We stop abruptly.
Branches chopped off a tree signal that all is not right. A few metres away are crossbeams, set high
in a tree. It’s a structure used for
drying meat. The long horns of a sable,
impressive no longer, are aloft in the branches. The sable’s head, body not attached, is on the ground. The pro-guides watch the yellow-billed kite
in the air. Before the vultures, the
kites discover fresh meat. Further on,
a buffalo lies dead. Across the sandy
road the poachers had boldly set up camp.
Plastic from a mealie-meal bag on the ground. Ashes from a recent campfire.
More structures for drying meat.
A zebra skin. Another buffalo
skin.
The poachers had fled.
For now.
Fresh spoor around broken snares is disturbing proof that
elephant have encountered these death traps just recently. I fight an overwhelming urge to somehow be
able to take the snare off the leg of the innocent giraffe, sighted one recent
morning, and have it put tight - tighter
- around the legs of the
poachers, and leave it there, festering and debilitating, day after day.
Would this be punishment enough? …
Daily News
War vets divert maize-meal to Zanu PF
rallies
11/21/02 8:36:53 AM (GMT +2)
From
Ntungamili Nkomo in Bulawayo
Incidents of MDC members being
prevented from buying basic commodities
by Zanu PF functionaries, which have
largely been confined to rural areas,
have spilled into urban
centres.
The Bulawayo United Residents' Association (BURA) has
charged that
so-called war veterans are diverting maize-meal supplies from
shopping
centres to places in suburbs where they conduct political
rallies.
The BURA information and publicity officer, J L Dube,
recently said
suspected MDC supporters were barred from attending meetings
where some
essential commodities were being sold.
Dube said on
Thursday last week a truckload of maize-meal, which was
supposed to be
delivered to the Nkulumane shopping centre, was diverted by a
group of war
veterans to a spot where they were holding a meeting.
"The
situation is just disastrous. It seems war veterans have taken
over the
responsibility of the distribution of maize-meal and other basic
commodities
to shops, and suspected MDC supporters cannot access these
items," said
Dube.
"They cannot even attend the Zanu PF meetings so as to buy
the
commodities thereafter. "We need some investigations about why
the
maize-meal is being sold by war veterans in the streets instead of at
shops.
To make matters worse, these people are not licenced to sell the
commodity."
Some disgruntled residents said since last month, Zanu PF has
been convening
a chain of meetings in the high-density suburbs at which the
war veterans
advise those "on the wrong side of politics" to come forward and
join Zanu
PF for them to be allowed to buy maize-meal.
Diglotius
Sibanda, a Nkulumane resident, said it has become common for
Zanu PF to call
meetings in the evenings where maize-meal is sold only to
those who
attend.
He said residents, especially those suspected to be
supporters of the
MDC, were not allowed to buy the commodity even if they
attended the
meetings.
However, Zanu PF has dismissed the
allegations as unfounded and
baseless.
An official who
identified himself only as Dube said: "We don't know
anything like that, my
friend, and, in any case, Zanu PF will never do that.
"Such reports are
spread by people who want to gain some political
mileage."
There
are also reports that the government wants to introduce a
situation whereby
maize is sold only in council recreation halls and only to
Zanu PF
supporters.
Meanwhile, the Harare Executive Mayor, Elias Mudzuri,
confronted a
Zanu PF gathering at the Hatfield municipal hall where they were
selling
maize without the consent of the city council.
He was
reportedly denied entry into the hall by about 500 Zanu PF
supporters who
chanted anti-MDC slogans denouncing him. The weekly reported
that those
present were ordered to produce Zanu PF party membership cards in
order to be
allocated maize-meal.
Daily News
Zanu PF evicts MDC supporters
11/21/02
8:38:35 AM (GMT +2)
Staff Reporter
ZANU PF youths
continued their acts of violence with impunity in Mbare
this week by
intensifying evictions of suspected MDC supporters from flats
in the
suburb.
Last Thursday night, a group of Zanu PF youths forcibly
evicted a
number of residents from Block 12 of Matapi Flats.
A
woman who escaped eviction by a whisker said more than 30 Zanu PF
youths
armed with sjamboks and knobkerries descended on the flats
around
11pm.
"They came into the building with a woman named
Oripah and forced
their way into our rooms and began taking our property out
and dumping it
the corridor," she said.
They allegedly told
their victims not to make a sound or cry out for
help otherwise they would
beat them to death.
The woman, who spoke on condition of anonymity,
said Oripah moved into
Matapi flats two months ago and evicted the original
tenants.
Since then she has been working with the marauding youths
acting as an
informer and directing them to the homes of opposition MDC
members.
She alleged that Oripah was there last Thursday night when
the youths
took their terror campaign to Block 12 and was busy pointing out
the homes
of MDC supporters.
Another woman who lives in Block 12
but who was not affected by the
evictions said the police reacted swiftly and
the youths fled. Five families
had to sleep in the corridors that night as
they feared reoccupying their
flats in case their tormentors
returned.
By Friday morning the hallways had been cleared of all
personal
effects belonging to the unfortunate families as they had already
gone to
seek alternative shelter elsewhere.
However, all those
interviewed said only the Police Reaction group
acted with urgency when
dealing with the Zanu PF militias but the Zimbabwe
Republic Police were not
active at all.
Police in Harare refused to comment on the matter
and referred this
paper to the police headquarters who refused to speak to
The Daily News.
FinGaz
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Mugabe's re-militarisation of ZANU PF
Reginald
T Gola
11/20/02 7:36:06 PM (GMT +2)
Robert Mugabe's ZANU
PF, which is largely believed to be
illegitimately ruling, has seen great
advantage in the maintenance of a
para-military complexion in the post
independence era.
The nature of Zimbabwean politics, coupled with
tyrant Mugabe's high
desire to build a strong personality cult the Mao
Tsetung way of Communist
China, the fear of the emergence of democracy and
good governance, fear of
accountability, the high will to continuously loot
public resources,
institutionalisation of unpunishable state and party
thuggery, and another
high desire to set up permanent election rigging
machinery, among other
reasons, has no room in the very near future for an
opposition government.
The Zimbabwean "Lord's Resistance Movement"
ZANU PF, has been very
calculating. This is a party that survives and rules
on terror. The terror
which is unleashed through the war veterans of the
liberation struggle who
have yielded to the Mugabe bribery
politics.
The generality of War Veterans had been reduced to
dust-bin stuff
after the 1980 independence until the emergence of a would be
viable
opposition had it had some visible strategy and political
maturity.
This opposition shook the corridors of power. There was a
lot of
agitation in fear of good governance. Good governance and democracy
which
would likely see every looter, murderer, fraudster and corruption baron
in
his/her right place. This was fear of the prison walls. Fear of all the
law
suits and claims from the victims of state terrorism, ZANU PF,
and
government crimes.
Mugabe had made a gross miscalculation
when he attempted to violently
silence Comrade Hitler Chenjerai Hunzvi. When
he tried to make him the only
martyr of the War Victims Compensation Fund
that he (Hunzvi) looted with his
father, relatives and comrades just like all
the senior party and government
officials.
Common sense
prevailed as a matter of urgency and Mugabe had to make a
sudden u-turn. As
usual, charges got cooked into thin air as the power of
bribery
prevailed.
Hunzvi was hired and made to undertake an oath of
undying loyalty and
support for Mugabe. This saw him (Hunzvi) being an
instant millionaire and
abandoning his medical practice and converting his
Glen View surgery into a
ZANU PF concentration camp for the opposition and
human rights activists.
At his death Zimbabwe witnessed a villain
being declared a national
hero by Mugabe's "Lord's resistance Movement" for
serving the tyrant with
unquestionable loyalty.
This involved
the infamous "kill the white farmer, opposition and
human rights activists"
campaign which has left over a hundred activists and
farmers killed and the
number has continued to rise.
Para-military parties entrench
themselves through their war skills and
proficiency in the use of the legal
and the illegal arms of war.
An alternative government would only
come into being in the event of
the para-military party splitting within
itself and one of the splinter
groups winning the elections. For a civilian
party to dislodge a
revolutionary party is a mammoth task. Nigeria's Chief
Mushood Abiola's fate
bears living testimony of that.
The
civilians in Nigeria won the elections and immediately got
arrested and
eventually killed by the militarised state.
General Vitalis
Zvinavashe's threat to Tsvangirai was not a joke. The
para-military party
would go to any extent that would keep it in power. That
is to say that it
had a choice between playing it smart through the rigging
alternative or
going for the blood-shade alternative.
The discarded war veterans
would have had a great potential of turning
history the other way if they had
continuously remained discarded.
They would have either come up
with their own war veterans party
possibly led by Hitler Hunzvi, or aligned
themselves to some other political
party. The effect would have been balanced
violence and thuggery as trained
personnel, the police and the army, would
have faced equally trained
personnel from the other party.
So
both Hunzvi and his fellow war veterans yielded to the power of
bribery which
served as the first straw to Zimbabwe's economic woes as it
entailed the
release of huge amounts of unbudgeted funds running into
several millions of
dollars set to appease the dissenting war veterans.
These war
veterans and the revolutionaries that fought the war of
liberation are
scattered all over the state, government and ZANU PF
institutions. That is to
say, the police, the army and the public service
and parastatals are
naturally headed by ZANU PF activists.
This explains the partisan
complexion of the would be politically
neutral institutions such as the
police and the army. This explains as why
the Zimbabwe Republic Police have
failed to protect law abiding tax paying
citizens with divergent
views.
This further explains why the police and the army are easily
assigned
on partisan errands such the victimisation and battering of the
opposition
and human rights activists with impunity. This explains as why
the
commissioner of police safely declares his partisan position publicly
and
why the army commander would be publicly seen shuttling between Harare
and
Masvingo as a ZANU PF peace brooker to the party's wearing factions
in
Masvingo.
This is nothing but just clear confirmation that
Mugabe's Zimbabwe is
not yet at all, ready for good governance or change.
This should be viewed
as a direct challenge to the opposition and human
rights organisations to
either re-strategise or disappear into
oblivion.
Good governance faces a siege in Mugabe's Zimbabwe. The
arrangements
are very delicate. So delicate that the country would be
ungovernable in the
event of the advent of democracy.
The new
government faces the challenges of purging all key
institutions such as
parastatals, the public service, the army, the police,
the CIO, the state
media and every other Zanunised institution to build
politically neutral
organisations alongside an equivalent of South Africa's
Truth and
Reconcilliation Commission which would see many big wigs
languishing in
prison.
This set up is, by and large, conducive to an instant coup
as various
interests would be at risk.
Mugabe's "Lord's
Resistance Movement" has disappointed Zimbabwean
politics.
The
nation had looked forward to a gradual scale-down of thuggery,
terror and
lawless society as the abused war veterans aged, pensioned and a
new crop of
leadership cropping up and the ruling illegitimate "Lord's
Resistance
Movement" inevitably assuming a civilian complexion.
But now the
tyrant has decided to re-militarise, to ensure that there
exists a permanent
rigging machinery in the country.
This has been done through the
resuscitation of the partisan youth
national service whose sole purpose is to
physically bash human rights and
opposition activists backed by the war
veterans, ZANU PF militia, the CIO,
the army and the police.
This is Bandaism.
Kamuzu Banda of Malawi is a great inspiration to
Mugabe. This is how
Banda militarised his civilian Malawi Congress Party to
ensure maximum and
permanent citizenry, oppression and suppression of human
rights and
opposition activities through the notorious Young
Pioneers.
The "Green Bombers" had been introduced to work on
Nkomo's PF ZAPU in
the 1980's and they really did a good job by their
master's standards. With
the merger of PF ZAPU and Mugabe's "Lord's
Resistance Movement", ZANU PF,
the "Green Bombers"were found to be no longer
of relevance. Accordingly,
they were urgently demobilised as a reconciliatory
measure.
The Zimbabwean army, the CIO, the public service and the
police now
have the Border Gezi and Guyu "Green Bomber" Training Centres,
among others,
as strategic labour reservoirs.
These fully
partisan youths would fully politicise the entire public
service and the
various state institutions within a short space of time.
In this
way the "Lord's Resistance Movement" would have successfully
entrenched
itself for a few more years. It would have bought more time, but
history has
it that a revolution can only be delayed as against suppression.
The politics of corruption and bribery works but temporarily. It
always gets
to a point when rewards turn into sour grapes. When the power of
money
collapses. When money stops buying. Our dear brother Mengistu Haile
Marriam
would confirm this.
So would our dear diamond loaded Comrade, the
late Laurent Desire
Kabila, whose diamond mines got him ready mercy from the
Zimbabwean "Lord's
Resistance Movement" and the SADC despite the fact that he
was, himself, an
illegitimately ruling rebel in the Congo.
Reginald T. Gola is an organisation development Consultant, a
legislative
consultant and a political commentator. E-mail:
reggola@ananzi.co.za
FinGaz
Zim adopts dual interest rate policy
By Stella
Mapenzauswa
11/20/02 8:49:51 PM (GMT +2)
ZIMBABWE'S
central bank said yesterday it was suspending its key
banking rate with
immediate effect and adopting a dual interest rate system
in a bid to help
shore up the country's struggling economy.
Reserve Bank governor
Leonard Tsumba unveiled the new monetary policy
framework against the
backdrop of an acute economic crisis widely blamed on
mismanagement by
President Robert Mugabe's government.
A chronic shortage of foreign
currency has hampered crucial fuel and
food imports, crippling what was once
one of Africa's most vibrant economies
and raising the spectre of starvation
for half of Zimbabwe's population of
14 million.
Tsumba said in
a statement that exporters and companies in the
"productive" sector would be
able to borrow money at low interest rates,
while importers and local
consumers paid market-determined interest rates.
The previous bank
rate was 57.2 percent in the past year.
"This measure has become
necessary so as to achieve the twin
objectives of stimulating economic growth
while at the same time bringing
inflation under control," Tsumba
said.
Inflation has soared by more than 100 percent since last
November,
climbing by a record annual rate of 140 percent in September.
Unemployment
is hovering at close to 70 percent and the government has
predicted the
economy will contract by nearly 12 percent in
2002.
Analysts said the new measures would probably have limited
impact as
they would not address the foreign exchange shortage.
"The monetary policy statement is positive . . . under the
difficult
circumstances that we are in as a country," said Munyaradzi Kereke,
an
economist with a leading commercial bank.
"But for as long as
there is no sufficient foreign exchange, it will
take a bit of time before
producers can respond positively to the monetary
incentives."
Mugabe, in power since independence from Britain in 1980, denies
that
government policies - including the seizure of white-owned farms
for
redistribution to landless blacks - are responsible for the
country's
political and economic crisis.
Tsumba yesterday told
reporters, economists and industry executives
that a revolving fund would be
set up which would allow exporters to borrow
money at an interest rate of
five percent, and "productive" companies at 15
percent.
The
foreign currency shortage has forced the Zimbabwe dollar to
depreciate
dramatically to about 1 500 to the greenback on the unofficial
parallel
market in the past two years - just a fraction of its official rate
of 55 to
the dollar.
Tsumba yesterday declined to discuss the exchange
rate.
In his 2003 budget speech last week, Finance Minister Herbert
Murerwa
said the government was tightening exchange controls further in a bid
to
halt "rampant abuse of the country's scarce foreign exchange
export
earnings".
Murerwa said exporters would have to remit 50
percent of all their
foreign exchange earnings to the central bank while the
remaining half would
be deposited with the central bank and made available to
them on the basis
of a priority import list. - Reuter
Sent: Thursday, November 21, 2002 6:38 PM
Subject: Binga
Dear V
I spent two days in Binga - no sign of any food distribution
from Save the Children Fund (UK) although Joel Gabbuza tells me that it was due
to get underway today (21st November). I saw about 20 villages - all adults
severely stressed, nearly all children suffering to some extent from
malnutrition, some quite severe. All villages reported deaths - most not
directly linked to food, but related. I witnessed people eating leaves from
trees as well as roots and tubers from the bush and seeds off local trees.
I
only saw maize meal prepared in one village. We saw one adult man - about
45 years old, retrenched from his job in 1999 and now dying of HIV/Aids. He
was a skeleton and I do not think he will live more than another few
days.
There were no protein foods at all in his village.
The GMB Manager confirmed the political distribution of food - in fact he
said "we only sell food to Shona speakers". There were CIO and Presidents
Office staff at the depot with what the Manager called "political
elements".
I was told of petty corruption in the distribution of food from the
Catholics - local feeding centers said they were not getting what they should be
and there was talk of the staff selling some of the material (soap was
mentioned). I also saw they were using dirty water for the preparation of the
food for the children in many centers, although what you do about that I do not
know.
I saw CIO/War Veteran/Militia activity in Binga and at Kamativi - the
latter seems to be used as a major training and activity center. They were
militant and threatening - when I spoke Ndebele they replied in Shona.
180 tonnes of maize at the GMB depot was damaged by rain three weeks ago
and sold to locals without restriction. There was no food at all in the depot
when I was there although the Manager said he should be getting 30 tonnes a week
from Bulawayo.
All villages said they had no seed - no sorghum, no millet - this is very
serious. Today I tried without success to buy seed in Bulawayo - seed of any
kind and was told that there was none available.
Regards
Eddie Cross
21st November 2002.
Do I care a Damn?
Back in the 50’s the then political leadership of Northern and Southern
Rhodesia conceived the idea of an audacious project – they would build a dam on
one of the worlds greatest rivers, the Zambezi. The financing came from the
World Bank, at the time it was the largest single project ever funded by the
Bank in the world and was built by an Italian contractor. Two new cement
factories were established for the project and millions of tonnes of concrete
were poured into shuttering to close the gap between the walls of the Kariba
gorge. It remains today, one of the largest concrete structures in the
world.
The river raged; huge floods smashed the cofferdams and swept away the
temporary bridges. Hundreds lost their lives, both on the construction of the
dam and in the subsequent rage of the river. The river rose to a 1 000 year
record level – but to no avail, the concrete walls slowly strangled the river
where it was most vulnerable.
Once closed, the river behind the hills spilt over its banks and began to
engulf the surrounding land. The wildlife was mystified – how could the river
flood like this in the dry season? Many were caught on high ground and too late
found that they could not cross to safety. A rescue effort run by Rupert
Fothergill was launched and a fleet of small boats and National Parks personnel
with volunteers spread out over the thousands of square kilometers of country
affected by the rising waters. Dangerous large mammals like buffalo were shot;
everything else from snakes to antelope and lion, were sedated and moved to
safety. The effort received worldwide attention at the time, films were made of
the hero’s of the effort. It was great TV.
But another drama was being played out in the Zambezi valley, a human saga,
no less dramatic but far less newsworthy. A quarter of a million people lived
along the banks of that magnificent river. They were shielded from the influence
of the white man and the missionary by wide swathes of inhospitable bush,
teeming with wild life and other perils – malaria, black water fever, cholera,
sleeping sickness. Few ventured beyond the wide escarpments that marked the
boundaries of their domain. The odd hunter, the occasional prospector, a once a
year foot patrol from the BSAP. Contact was minimal.
They were relics from our ancient past, a simple people who had learned how
to live in the confines of their magnificent valley. Their way of life had not
changed for centuries, why change when everything worked so well for them? They
had everything they needed and more. Then the river began to rise – not as
normal when the floods from the Congo came down from the north, but slowly and
with no retreat. White men came on the river and through the bush to say that
the river was blocked and that they must move to higher ground. Impossible they
replied, who could stop the spirit of the river? When they walked the 300
kilometers to the nearest traders post or town, they heard talk of a dam, they
traded their skins and tobacco for what they wanted and then walked home,
anxious but not perturbed – how could puny man change something so great as the
river Zambesi?
I left college in 1962 and joined the Ministry of Internal Affairs as a "Land
Development Officer". I had three years of farm experience, a diploma in
Agriculture and a dog and I found myself in the Gokwe district in charge of 8
million acres of virgin land where there were more elephants than people. My
immediate boss was the District Commissioner – known locally by the disparaging
name of Kamunu. He spoke fluent, even classical Shona but had little regard for
the people for which he was the "Gurumende" or Government. He loved the bush and
spent a lot of his time hunting, I can still recall my horror when I walked into
his office and found the floor covered with ivory tusks.
My task was to move 30 000 people from the basin of the Kariba Dam to higher
ground – some of it 150 kilometers from their beloved river. The same thing was
happening in Zambia and in the next door district of Binga. I had a small fleet
of trucks, bulldozers and graders and 5 borehole drilling units. We had a small
staff compliment including Andrew – my personal attendant, a wonderful Afrikaner
mechanic know locally as Blossom and some real characters who had chosen to move
to the end of the earth to work in lonely places. One of the borehole operators
had a classical education from one of the best Universities in England and
played a guitar with his caravan packed with books. Others were less savory –
they came for the chance to hunt and fish.
In the sky above us the first satellite was spinning its way across the
blackness of outer space and Kennedy was facing an assassins bullet. On the
ground I was building roads into the valley, drilling boreholes on the high
ground for the people being displaced. When ready I took down empty trucks and
forced the quiet river people onto them with their few possessions.
Communication was difficult – they spoke little else but their native Tonga and
many had had never seen a white man let alone a heavy duty truck backed up by
bulldozers. By now they knew the truth, the rising waters were flooding their
valley and they were resigned to the fate of their traditional homes. Even so,
the first people we moved simply picked up their few belongings and walked back
to their abandoned homes. We had to load them onto trucks and then bulldoze
their homes while they watched to ensure they did not return.
We then fed the people we moved each month for two years while they settled
down. Rations were made up according to lists of people made from records of
those moved. The fact was that they had never eaten refined maze meal, did not
know what to do with dried milk. Their children died like flies from new
diseases and malnutrition. They did not know their neighbors who came from other
parts of the country to be resettled – Chirumanzi, Bikita, Gutu, they spoke
dialects of Shona, other people the Ndebele of the south. They were given the
crude tools with which to farm, but had never owned or used oxen and donkeys.
The land was hot and dry and the boreholes from which they obtained their water,
deep and difficult to pump by hand, Often the water was salty or highly
mineralized.
They were "resettled" at a time when the missionaries were retreating
everywhere so schools and clinics were slow in coming. When they did come, the
standards were low and service poor. Despite every effort they remained a
shattered, dislocated people, less educated, less able to cope than the
strangers they forced to live amongst. Some found their way back to the
lakeshore where they started to resume life as fishermen but it was not as it
used to be.
When the war started the Tonga supported Zapu and Zipra soldiers found a home
in their villages. At independence they thought life would get better – it did
not. Initially marginalised because they were a Zapu area, they were then
marginalised because they were not Shona speakers. During the period when
schooling and health services were expanded rapidly following the political
changes in 1980, they were left behind. Still they kept their language and their
culture. They remained distinct, that was their problem.
When the MDC was formed in 1999, they sent representatives to hear what the
new party offered. They heard that these new people were not racists, they
promised a better way of life, they offered change – not just in politics but in
the way things were being done. Perhaps they thought, we might get a better deal
from these people. They joined the MDC and in 2 000 they voted solidly for the
"new people". In March 2 002 they repeated this giving Tsvangirai a huge
majority in their areas, then in September 2 002 they voted to return a majority
of rural district counselors, completing the change in local leadership.
It was too much for Mugabe – they would be punished for their political
allegiance. A drought in the summer of 2001/02 created the opportunity as their
crops failed totally and they were left to rely on food imported to the area by
commerce or the state. When they refused to bow to political pressure in the
September elections the orders went out – food from the Grain Marketing Board
depot was for "Shona speakers only". NGO operations were shut down and the
Catholic missions refused permission to feed 58 000 children under 5. When
protests were made they grudgingly allowed the child feeding to resume – but
nothing for the people who voted MDC. All commercial food supplies were halted,
roadblocks went up on the main roads into the district and any significant food
supplies confiscated. The NGO operations were shut down and their stocks of food
locked behind closed gates.
The Tonga, those wonderful, quiet, cheerful people – displaced from their
beloved river by "progress" and then shattered by neglect and racist
discrimination from both black and white government. Turned again to the
wilderness to survive. For three months they have lived on seeds and tubers from
the wild on which their forefathers depended for centuries. Their children under
5 got one meal a day from the Catholics – "permitted" by the Zanu PF governor,
but nothing for the others. The message is quite simple "vote Zanu PF or
starve". They choose to starve. Once we gave them a dam on a river – do we give
a damn today? I do.
I was in Binga this week, we visited about 20 villages, and deaths were
reported in all of them. In one we saw a man in his late 40’s, a living
skeleton, in others whole families led by brave women who were doing their best
to keep them going. What is their future? Do you give a damn? How much longer
are we going to tolerate the actions of Mugabe as he tries to subjugate his own
people in the pursuit of power and privilege?
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, November 21st 2002.
Daily News
Euro-MPs attack Belgium over Zimbabwean
ministers
11/21/02 8:24:57 AM (GMT +2)
BRUSSELS - Members of the European Parliament attacked Belgium
yesterday for
allowing two Zimbabwean ministers to attend a conference in
Brussels next
week and threatened to keep them out of the conference venue.
"The
decision violates an EU-wide travel ban on important Zimbabwean
government
members agreed by the EU . . . in response to the appalling human
rights
situation in Zimbabwe," the head of the parliament's biggest grouping
said in
a statement.
Hans-Gert Poettering, chairman of the centre-right
European People's
Party (EPP), criticised the granting of entry visas to
Chris Kuruneri, the
Deputy Minister of Finance and Economic Development, and
Paul Mangwana, the
Minister of State Enterprises and
Parastatals.
Poettering said the EPP would ensure they "are denied
access to the
European Parliament premises". EU Parliament president Pat Cox
has said the
two ministers may be barred from the legislature's building,
where lawmakers
from the EU and the African, Pacific and Caribbean (ACP)
group are due to
meet from 25 to 28 November. Belgium defended its decision
to allow the
ministers to attend the conference despite an EU-wide ban on
visits by
senior government officials from Zimbabwe.
The EU
slapped the travel ban on President Mugabe and many of his top
officials
earlier this year over allegations of human rights violations and
election
rigging.
The Belgian Foreign Ministry said the Zimbabweans had
immunity from
the ban under a so-called "seat agreement" with the ACP states,
mainly
former colonies of EU members. This allows blacklisted officials to
attend
certain international gatherings. For example, the United States
allows
politicians normally forbidden to visit the country to attend sessions
of
the United Nations in New York.
"There are exceptions to the
EU common position on visas for ministers
attending international meetings of
international institutions or
organisations," Belgian Foreign Ministry
spokesman Patrick Herman said.
He said that other EU countries had
no qualms about the visit and that
the Zimbabwean ministers would be allowed
to enter only Belgium.
The dispute follows a decision by the EU to bar
Belarus's President
Alexander Lukashenko and seven of his ministers from EU
territory because of
Minsk's human rights record.
Portugal opted
out of that ban because of the EU's recent decision,
under British pressure,
to prevent Zimbabwe taking part in a planned meeting
of EU and southern
African ministers in Copenhagen.
As a result, the meeting was
switched to Maputo, Mozambique. - Reuter
Daily News
Bullet still lodged in MDC activist's body
11/21/02 8:48:44 AM (GMT +2)
From Chris Gande in
Bulawayo
DARLINGTON Kadengu, an MDC activist allegedly shot by the
new Member
of Parliament for Insiza, Andrew Langa, still has the bullet
lodged in his
body.
Kadengu was shot in the back allegedly by
Langa, a Zanu PF candidate,
during campaigning for the Insiza constituency
last month.
Langa, who went on to beat Siyabonga Ncube, the MDC
candidate, by 6
000 votes, has not been arrested for the
shooting.
Police are understood not to have even interrogated Langa
over the
incident.
The MDC said it wants to sue the police, Zanu
PF and Langa in his
personal capacity, for the shooting.
The
by-election was held to fill the seat left vacant by the death of
George Joe
Ndlovu, who died under mysterious circumstances. Kadengu
yesterday said he
was positive that the person who shot him was Langa
because he allegedly
further threatened to "finish" him off as he writhed in
agony in the charge
office.
Instead, the police detained the injured Kadengu and six
other MDC
supporters who had gone to Filabusi Police Station to report an
alleged
ambush by suspected Zanu PF supporters who made off with campaign
material
and $5 million in cash.
Kadengu and the other MDC
supporters later appeared before a Gwanda
magistrate charged with public
violence under the draconian Public Order and
Security Act.
Kadengu said after he was shot, Langa wanted to shoot him again but
was
restrained by the officer-in-charge of Filabusi Police Station, an
Inspector
Shoko.
Kadengu said initially the police said they would hold them
in custody
overnight for their own safety. In the morning, police are said to
have
received instructions from "above" to inform the group that they were
under
arrest.
A doctor who treated Kadengu said the bullet was
lodged in a
precarious position near the heart. This needed specialised
surgery which
could cost him his life if not properly done, the doctor
said.
Kadengu, 23, yesterday said although the bullet wound
appeared to have
healed he still felt pain, particularly in the
morning.
"Whenever it gets cold I feel pain. I think I can no
longer lift heavy
weights because of the wound," he said.
FinGaz
Zim's external debt to grow by US$1.1m a day
By
MacDonald Dzirutwe Business News Editor
11/20/02 9:00:52 PM (GMT
+2)
ZIMBABWE'S foreign debt will grow by more than US$400 million a
year
or US$1.1 million a day for the next five years to a whopping
US$6.22
billion at a time the country is unable to meet its foreign
obligations
because of severe hard currency shortages.
Zimbabwe,
which has been unable to service its external debt for the
past two years
because of a three-year foreign currency crisis, is estimated
to have an
external debt of around US$4 billion, with arrears of up to
US$1.3
billion.
The money is owed to several international financial
institutions and
governments, including the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), the World
Bank, the African Development Bank, the European Investment
Bank, the United
States of America, Britain, France and Germany.
Using statistics provided by the Zimbabwean government, the IMF
projected in
its October update of Zimbabwe's economic indicators that the
country will
have cleared arrears on its external debt by 2007.
Foreign debt
will however rise at a rate of US$400 million to US$6.22
billion in the next
five years, according to the IMF's statistics.
The Bretton Woods
institution's figures show that the US$6.22 billion
will represent 63.5
percent of the country's gross domestic product, which
is projected to rise
from the present US$8 billion to US$9.8 billion in the
next five
years.
Zimbabwe's Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa has committed
himself to
clearing the country's foreign debt arrears, but analysts this
week said
worsening foreign currency shortages would make this almost
impossible.
In his presentation of the 2003 national budget last
Thursday, Murerwa
said Zimbabwe could not afford to continue defaulting on
its external debt
obligations because this hindered the country's chances of
encouraging the
resumption of balance of payments support from international
financial
institutions.
Zimbabwe has received no balance of
payments support from the
international community for the past two years
partly because of the erosion
of the rule of law and property rights in the
country as well as political
violence and human rights abuses.
"The accumulation of arrears hinders our ability to fully participate
in the
international financial system," Murerwa told parliamentarians. "I
therefore
remain determined to initiate a credible programme to reduce
these
arrears."
He said increased output in the agriculture
sector, the backbone of
Zimbabwe's economy, would improve export earnings and
enable the country to
clear its external arrears.
However
agriculture, which declined 21 percent this year, has been
hard hit by the
government's seizure of commercial farmland and is expected
to remain
unstable for the next two years at least.
Export earnings are
forecast to fall to US$1.4 billion this year from
US$1.7 billion in 2001 and
to tumble further in 2003 because of instability
in agriculture and tourism
and declining output in the mining sector.
This resulted in
worsening hard cash shortages this year, making it
impossible for the
government to pay more than US$800 million it had
budgeted for its external
arrears.
Analysts said it was unlikely the government would
immediately come up
with a credible programme to reduce mounting arrears
because Zimbabwe's
capacity to generate foreign currency had been heavily
eroded.
They pointed out that the foreign currency trickling into
the country
was being used for critical imports like electricity, food, which
gobbled up
US$300 million this year, and fuel, which alone needs up to US$450
million
annually.
The analysts said Murerwa could only clear
Zimbabwe's external arrears
if he halted food imports, but this was possible
only if the country
achieved above-normal agriculture output.
"The assumption of a credible programme to reduce arrears can only
work if we
stop importing food and reduce our fuel and electricity bills,
which is
almost impossible," an economist with a Harare financial
institution
said.
"The minister should explain where he would get the foreign
currency
to pay the arrears because we are not generating enough. Maybe he is
basing
his assumptions on something we don't know."
Consultant
economist John Robertson added: "The government has failed
in the last two
years to clear its arrears and I wonder what sort of
juggling act he
(Murerwa) has planned to clear the arrears now."
FinGaz
ZANU PF's final blow on judiciary?
Staff
Reporter
11/20/02 8:59:33 PM (GMT +2)
THE office of the
attorney general (AG) and the magistrates' courts
came under fierce attack
from the government this week in what analysts said
could be the ruling ZANU
PF's final assault on the independence of Zimbabwe'
s already emasculated
judiciary.
The AG's office drew fire from ZANU PF officials,
principally
Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, who accused it of failing to
competently
represent the state in several legal cases.
Criticism escalated this week after the Harare magistrates' courts
ruled in
favour of opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
parliamentarians
Job Sikhala and Tafadzwa Musekiwa as well as former High
Court Judge Fergus
Blackie.
Magistrate Caroline Ann Chigumira at the weekend refused
to place
Sikhala and Musekiwa on remand, saying the state had failed to
demonstrate
why she should do so.
The legislators were arrested
two weeks ago for allegedly abusing a
parliamentary scheme that allows MPs to
import vehicles without paying duty.
Another magistrate this week
relaxed bail conditions for Blackie,
charged with illegally freeing a woman
jailed for stealing from her
employer.
Moyo, the deputy ZANU PF
spokesman, castigated the ruling on Sikhala
and Musekiwa, saying Zimbabwe's
criminal justice system needed to be
overhauled urgently because of continued
bungling by the AG's office.
"There is something profoundly wrong
and rotten between the AG's
Office and the magistrates court because the
wheels of justice have fallen
off to a point where the police will be
demoralised into inaction and where
reasonable members of the public are
concluding that MDC individuals have a
licence to commit all manner of crime
with impunity," he charged.
But AG Andrew Chigovera quickly denied
the charges of incompetence,
telling the Daily Mirror: "It's not fair to me
and to the committed officers
who have stuck to their jobs under very
difficult conditions."
Political commentators and legal experts
this week said it was
noteworthy that the government was only complaining
about cases involving
MDC officials or supporters, as well as individuals and
organisations deemed
to be sympathetic to the opposition.
"There
is a pattern that is there for all to see," constitutional
lawyer and
University of Zimbabwe (UZ) lecturer Lovemore Madhuku told the
Financial
Gazette.
"ZANU PF complains and castigates the AG in cases in which
political
players from the opposition MDC are involved as well as
individuals
perceived to be enemies of the status quo."
Other
MDC-related cases that have triggered criticism of the AG's
office include
the department's consent to the postponement of the treason
trial of MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai and senior officials Welshman Ncube
and Renson
Gasela.
The AG's office is accused of not having thoroughly
prepared for the
trial and has also been criticised of dragging its feet in
the prosecution
of MDC members accused of killing Bulawayo war veterans'
leader Cain Nkala
last year.
"The agenda is political," Madhuku
noted.
"The AG's office is being viewed as politically ineffective,
hence
efforts are being made to politicise the office and force it to
make
political decisions that will lead to political prosecution, no matter
how
impossible."
UZ political analyst Elphas Mukonoweshuro said
the attacks on the AG's
office indicated that ZANU PF no longer had an
interest in the due process
of the law.
He said the government
was literally telling Chigovera that his office
should forge ahead with
prosecution of political opponents, even if the
cases have no legal
merit.
"The message which is simply being conveyed to the AG by
ZANU PF is
that the script on any political matter must be written and
achieve the
wishes of ZANU PF. That is the bottom line," Mukonoweshuro
said.
Other analysts said after successfully politicising the High
Court and
the Supreme Court, the ruling party was now moving to influence
the
operations of the AG's office and the magistrates' courts, where some
degree
of independence still existed.
The government has purged
the bench of judges deemed to be sympathetic
to the MDC and elements seen as
supporting white farmers, whose properties
the government is seizing to
resettle blacks.
Judges who have left office have been replaced
with ZANU PF
sympathisers.
In what international organisations
have also criticised as part of
efforts to rein in the judiciary, some
magistrates were earlier this year
physically attacked by suspected ZANU PF
supporters.
The attacks were believed to have been connected to
rulings favouring
MDC supporters.
"The attacks on the
magistrates reflect ongoing attempts on the part
of government authorities
and state-sponsored militia to undermine the
judicial system and prevent
court officials from executing their duties
impartially and professionally,"
Amnesty International said of the attacks,
also condemned by the United
Nations.
The analysts said further attacks on Zimbabwe's judiciary
would worsen
the country's already damaged image, further discouraging
foreign investment
and worsening relations with the international
community.
Zimbabwe, facing its worst economic crisis in 22 years,
has already
lost billions of dollars worth of foreign direct investment while
balance of
payments support by multilateral organisations has been
suspended.
The international community has cited increased state
repression,
political violence, human rights abuses, as well as the erosion
of the rule
of law and property rights, as some of the reasons for
withdrawing financial
support to prop up Zimbabwe's ailing economy, which is
in its fourth year of
a biting recession.
Washington File
20 November 2002
Conflict Resolution in
Africa is a Bush Administration Top Priority
(Asst. Sec. Kansteiner briefs
reporters at Foreign Press Center)
(1200)
By Charles W.
Corey
Washington File Staff Writer
Washington -- The overarching
importance of conflict resolution is a
Bush Administration top policy
priority for Africa, says Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs
Walter H. Kansteiner III.
Speaking to reporters at a November 18 Foreign
Press Center briefing
in Washington, Kansteiner said, "We've got to stop the
wars. Africa
will not develop if you have wars going, and we have got to
assist in
bringing some of those wars to closure."
A key part of that
process, he said, is private sector development all
across
Africa.
"Africa is not going to make it economically without
international
private sector involvement," he warned, "and that comes in
trade,
which is why we are pushing the African Growth and Opportunity
Act
(AGOA) as hard as we are; and it comes in foreign direct
investment,
getting U.S. capital to look at Africa in a serious way; and it
comes
in portfolio investment."
Kansteiner said he is most proud of
the Bush Administration's efforts
to help interested African governments gain
sovereign credit ratings.
"We now have 15 African countries signed up to
get their credit
rating," what he called "the first basic ticket that you
have to have
to play in the capital markets world game.
"You can't
show up on Wall Street (America's prime financial center in
New York) without
a sovereign credit rating, and only four African
countries had it until we
started our program. We're very excited
about that."
Besides economic
development, he said, the fostering of democracy
development is also a top
priority. "An independent judicial system
that actually upholds contracts and
abides by rule of law and
recognizes private property rights" is of key
importance. "You've got
to build that kind of judiciary in order to attract
the foreign
capital that is needed."
He went on to identify two
additional administration policy
priorities: the fight against HIV/AIDS,
which he termed a pandemic
that must be dealt with aggressively, and
protection of the
environment.
On the environment, Kansteiner said the
African continent is blessed
with unique ecosystems. "Conservation is the
right thing to do in and
of itself. But it's also the right thing to do
because tourism is
Africa's second largest hard currency earner -- after oil
and gas.
Tourism is the big ticket, and the only reason you have tourism
is
because there are unique environmental systems that people want to
come
see, and so you've got to protect them."
Kansteiner then responded to
questions from reporters about various
conflicts across the
continent.
On the situation in Cote d'Ivoire, Kansteiner said the United
States
has been "very much in touch" with the Economic Community of
West
African States (ECOWAS), the Council of Ministers and heads of
state
as the Lome Peace Process goes forward.
"We are now working with
ECOWAS to see how the ECOWAS buffer force can
be put into Cote D'Ivoire and
we are working with them on exactly what
some of the logistical details might
be and how the U.S. and others in
the international community can help to get
the ECOWAS force there as
quickly and as efficiently as
possible."
With regard to the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kansteiner
said,
"we've had numerous conversations" within the MONUC (Mission
de
l'organisation des Nations Unies au Congo) context and are working
with
what the South Africans are trying to do in their verification
schemes. "So
we're working with all parties on how we can bring
increased stability to the
Eastern Congo," he said.
Kansteiner said there has been some "good
progress" under way. "There
is change going on right now in Eastern Congo and
we need to all
participate and help manage that change
effectively."
On Sierra Leone, Kansteiner said, "the neighborhood suffers
because of
the instability that Liberia poses. There's no doubt that if it
is
suffering today, it will suffer tomorrow, as long as that
instability
remains."
The internal dynamic of what's happening on the
ground in Liberia, he
told reporters, is of "great concern" to the United
States.
"The way forward for Liberia is to not only have an
internal
reconciliation, but also to become a constructive player within
the
region." Liberia, he said, needs to "open up and allow civil
society
to live and abide by the human rights norms that we all agree
to."
When asked why the United States is not doing more to
pressure
Liberian President Charles Taylor, particularly with regard to
Sierra
Leone, Kansteiner took issue with the reporter, saying, "I think
there
is pressure. In fact," he said, "it was interesting that they felt
the
pressure so much that they bought a six-page spread in The
Washington
Post (that highlighted Liberia in full page
advertisements).
Diamond sanctions now in place, he said, have "clearly
produced some
results" because they have cut off some revenue streams. The
United
States, he added, continues to press for increased timber
sanctions
against Liberia at the United Nations.
"You know, we're
putting together this series of mechanisms where you
ring-fence the revenues
of the ship registry or of the timber, in
particular." Ring-fencing, he
explained, enables an objective third
party to come in and conduct a thorough
audit.
"What does Liberia do with these timber proceeds? Where are
these
timber proceeds going? And, in fact, it audits in an effort to
make
sure that those finances and the cash flow does not go to
disrupting
the neighbors, but goes to what it should go to: education,
health,
and all of the many needs that the people of Liberia
have."
Asked about Zimbabwe, Kansteiner called U.S.-Zimbabwe
relations
"correct. We still have full diplomatic relations. They maintain
an
embassy in Washington and we maintain an embassy in Harare."
He
acknowledged, however, that "we have problems in the
relationship.
"Just last week, a member of our embassy was detained,
questioned, and
his foreign service national driver was, in fact, injured,
roughed up,
beaten up. This is something that we cannot tolerate in the sense
of
diplomats being harassed. Property was taken from him. And we
are
demanding a full and complete explanation. So it is not a
particularly
healthy relationship."
Asked to comment on Kenya's
upcoming December 27 presidential
election, Kansteiner called it "a very big,
very important" event.
"I think anyone that studies Africa and knows
Africa realizes how
significant it is. I think the Kenyan people know that,
too -- at
least that's the sense I get -- and I think they want it to go
right.
As do we."
Kansteiner said the United States is assisting
Kenya's independent
electoral commission to help out on everything from voter
registration
to voter education.
"We want to see the process be a
smooth one, not only on election day,
which is very important, but also in
these weeks leading up to
election day."
Kansteiner said he was "very,
very pleased to see, over the weekend
there were two almost competing
rallies, both (held) in Nairobi, both
peaceful...."
The two primary
parties, the Rainbow Coalition and Kenya African
National Union (KANU) Party,
held rallies that were in relative
proximity to one another, he said, and yet
it all remained very civil
and peaceful. That is an extremely good sign and
we applaud the
Kenyans for beginning their very important election in such a
proper
manner.
(The Washington File is a product of the Office of
International
Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site:
http://usinfo.state.gov)
FinGaz
Tsvangirai's SA lawyer registered
11/20/02
8:51:51 PM (GMT +2)
ZIMBABWE'S High Court has registered George
Bizos, the distinguished
South African lawyer who will defend opposition MDC
president Morgan
Tsvangirai and two senior party officials in their February
2003 treason
trial.
Justice Rita Makarau yesterday granted an
application by Bizos for
temporary registration to practice law in Zimbabwe,
which allows him to
defend Tsvangirai, MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube
and shadow
agriculture minister Renson Gasela.
The three are
charged with plotting to assassinate President Robert
Mugabe ahead of the
presidential election held in March this year, a charge
which all three
deny.
The alleged plot is said to have been captured on video by
Canadian
political consultancy firm Dickens and Madson, whose boss Ari
Ben-Menashe
claims he was approached by the MDC officials to assassinate
Mugabe.
Advocate Chris Andersen and Advocate Eric Matinenga will
assist Bizos
and Innocent Chagonda of Harare law firm Atherstone & Cook
will instruct
them.
Bizos has handled several high-profile
cases, including the 1963-64
Rivonia trial in South Africa which ended with
the imprisonment for nearly
30 years of black nationalist Nelson Mandela, who
became the country's first
non-racial head of state in 1994.
The
High Court in Harare last month registered Jeremy John Gauntlett,
another top
South African lawyer who will represent Tsvangirai in his
petition to
challenge Mugabe's disputed re-election in March this year. -
Staff
Reporter
FinGaz
CFU sets up body to seek compensation
Staff
Reporter
11/20/02 8:50:59 PM (GMT +2)
BULAWAYO - The
troubled Commercial Farmers' Union (CFU) said yesterday
it had set up a
committee to explore ways of seeking compensation for land
and assets seized
by President Robert Mugabe's government.
The CFU said the
compensation committee, chaired by Alan Stockil,
himself a dispossessed
farmer from Masvingo, would also examine farming
options in southern Africa
by officially contacting governments of the
neighbouring states.
"The committee has established communication with some of the
important
potential partners and established their attitudes towards payment
of
compensation to farmers and the conditions under which they may do so,"
the
CFU said in a statement.
"These conditions require the government
to make fundamental changes
in the implementation of the resettlement
programme and the restoration of
constitutional governance.
"These changes will have to be made before any meaningful economic
recovery
programme can begin. That process, brought about by further
economic decay,
will create an opportunity for negotiations to begin about
establishing a
multilateral scheme."
It said all the CFU's 4 500 member farmers
should have their
properties valued, irrespective of the farm's legal
status.
The government has evicted nearly 3 000 white farmers whose
land it
says it needs to resettle landless blacks.
It is paying
partial compensation for improvements made on farms and
not for the land
itself, which it says must be paid for by Britain, Zimbabwe
's former
colonial ruler.
The CFU said: "Those who were evicted before a
private sector
valuation could be done should submit an inventory of what was
on the farm
at the time of evacuation and this can be processed to form the
basis of a
compensation claim in due course."
On farmers'
relocation to other countries, the farmers' pressure group
said options were
being examined.
"When a range of options are known and fully
documented, proposals
will be made to likely development agencies for fully
funded settlement
schemes to be established in the context of each country's
national
development plans," it said.
"Such schemes, we believe,
will give the relocated farmers security of
investment and tenure derived
from government and donor recognition and
support."
In last
week's national budget, the government allocated $4.5 billion
towards the
compensation of farms against $10 billion sought by the Ministry
of
Lands.
Business Day
Outlook for Zimbabwe grim
bank
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE
governor of Zimbabwe's Reserve Bank painted a bleak picture of the
country's
economy yesterday, warning of a continuing decline in gross
domestic product
(GDP) and a worsening foreign currency shortage.
Bank governor Leonard Tsimba
said in a monetary policy statement that real
GDP would fall up to 12% this
year and 7% next year.
He also warned that a foreign currency shortage
that had drastically reduced
the production of goods and services for local
consumption and export had
"made it difficult to meet external
obligations".
Current food shortages would necessitate the diversion of
scarce foreign
exchange to import food, Tsimba said. Sapa-AFP
Nov
21 2002 12:00:00:000AM Business Day 1st Edition
FinGaz
Catholic hierarchy bowing to status quo?
Marko
Phiri
11/20/02 7:06:13 PM (GMT +2)
ONE of the worst
tragedies that can occur in a country where the
regime has no respect for
human life is to find folks who are traditionally
looked upon for moral and
spiritual guidance acquiescing to the status quo.
And this because
ordinary men and women have too often been dealt with
through punches aimed
at their heads for raising legitimate complaints about
the lack of respect of
their rights and civil liberties.
So the people who become their
voice are those within religion be it
in Islam as mullahs, in Christianity as
pastors or bishops who the governing
parties would think twice before they do
them any physical harm.
Yet as Zimbabwe trudges on with the
political crisis like an
indefatigable ancient Rome gladiator, it has to
point to one big human
catastrophe that within the local Christian Church has
been found men of the
cloth who have poorly disguised their political
preferences.
And here the unfortunate part is that this kind of
behaviour has also
been found in a Church that has been known for ages to
champion the cause of
the oppressed, yet today those ideals seem to have been
found inimical to
the sentiments of the leaders of the Church.
The Catholic Church has been celebrated ever since it was standing up
to
despotism, despite accusations through the ages that it aided and
abetted
some of the worst atrocities ever committed against human
kind.
Could it be true that the same accusations will be heard
about the
local episcopal hierarchy if developments here are to be used as a
pointer
toward the lethargy with which the Church has dealt with some issues
brought
to its attention by aggrieved citizens. And not necessarily brought
to its
attention, but what it is seeing with its own eyes.
While
the Catholic Church has vindicated itself from some of the
charges laid
against it about how some bishops for example acquiesced to
Adolf Hitler, or
the atrocities the Church itself committed during the
Spanish Inquisition,
the local Church will be hard pressed to prove it did
something to stop
Zimbabwe going the way of Mobutuism - that is if we are
not there
already.
Of particular concern is that the local Church as we know
it today is
not the same as it was when the fight for majority black rule
reached its
zenith back in the 1970s. The freedom fighters (alongside the
ordinary
citizens), it is safe to say, could have taken much longer to
realise their
dream of making extinct the rule of Ian Smith were it not also
for the
efforts of the Catholic bishops back then.
The Catholic
Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) itself had a huge
and indispensable
role in the push for black rule which perhaps could
explain why the
post-independence CCJP has not been one of the present
government's favourite
non-governmental organisations with allegations it is
an extra arm of the
opposition.
The government imagines the CCJP is using that same
clout it wielded
to aid the Robert Mugabes back then to oust Smith and
therefore is turning
the heat on this regime to push for its exit in cahoots
with the Movement
for Democratic Change.
And still with that in
mind is the very fact that it was the Catholic
bishops who included Lamont
and Karlen who were in the forefront for the
push for democratic change, it
could also explain the militancy against the
present Bulawayo
archbishop.
But what has happened and which many people would not
be ready to
forgive is that this push for democratic rule, respect for human
rights,
depoliticisation of food aid has been reduced into the sole crusade
of
Archbishop Pius Ncube with some of the episkopoi seemingly being of the
firm
belief that all is well in the country.
It will be recalled
it was a Pastoral Letter by bishops in Malawi back
in 1994 that forced Kamuzu
Banda into bringing democratic reform and
subsequently the election that saw
his exit after many brutal years in
power.
In the Philippines,
it is the Catholic bishops who have always pushed
for repsonsible governance,
and their efforts saw the end of the Ferdinand
Marcos era and also brought to
a miserable close the dream presidency of
former screen idol Joseph
Estrada.
But the silence we have seen here could well relay a
message about
shepherds who failed their flock.
It is no secret
that there are avowed Mugabeists on the episcopalian
rungs, and it is a farce
in light of the Church's social teaching and other
concerns for the faithful
that there have been no critical voices in the
form of pastoral letters aimed
at the ruling party.
Outside censures by the local Catholic
leadership, the people surely
have no way they can speak out seeing many have
died in the process. Could
be no bishop is ready yet to be some latter-day
Oscar Romero, a staunch
government critic gunned down in El Salvador in 1980
while he was
celebrating Mass.
That country itself offers
invaluable lessons for the local Church,
both the lay people and the clergy.
A small oligarchy in El Salvador in the
1970s ruled with an iron fist and
protesting citizens were routinely dealt
with through a hail of machine gun
fire.
In 1974, Oscar Romero was made bishop of a rural diocese
where he came
face to face with the reality of the life of
peasants.
If hardship and suffering were sure earthly experiences
that
guaranteed one admission into Pearly Gates, then what the peasants
Romero
found himself among were set for was a blissful
afterlife.
On June 21 1975, police gunned down five peasants in
Romero's see,
Santiago de María. The bishop protested to the president of El
Salvador, but
because human rights abuses continued, it therefore means his
complaints
were ignored.
In February 1977, he was made
archbishop of San Salvador and came
blazing on a vigorous pro-human rights
trail instantly becoming the
government's gadfly.
During his
term, priests were killed by government forces and many
more deported as they
called for the respect for human rights and democratic
reform.
Perhaps not surprisingly, four of the five country's episkopoi decided
there
was no sense taking sides with the masses and effectively aligned
themselves
with the government.
Romero found himself isolated and fighting a
somewhat lonely war. Even
the papal nuncio took sides against
him.
But his sole source of conflict with the authorities was his
homilies
where he highlighted the people's suffering while the leaders
enjoyed the
best of everything.
Perhaps to explain why the
information ministry here has put its foot
down and has not been too eager to
let other broadcasters in on the
airwaves, Romero's homilies were broadcast
through the archdiocesan radio
station to the whole country.
In
the process, he became a popular national figure because he spoke
the
language of the downtrodden. It was during his tenure as San
Salvador
archbishop that he was even nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize.
Food for
thought for the local episcopal hierarchy.
It is
perhaps not too surprising that Romero's funeral on March 30
turned violent
as demonstrators and the police clashed. The resultant news
footage of
unarmed demonstrators being gunned down on the steps of the
National
Cathedral sent shockwaves around the world, but because Zimbabwe
has little
of Romero clones, it could be said we are still far from
that
bloodbath.
Yet what was saw with the funeral of the late
Kuwadzana legislator
could have easily turned exactly into that.
At least the evangelicals and others have made known their stance that
they
support the present dispensation, that the Catholic leadership has
been
silent on a number of pertinent issues itself could be taken by some as
a
telling verdict of where their loyalties lie.
However, it may
also be possible that the message relayed by the war
veterans back in May
2001, as reported by the Zimbabwe Mirror headlined Mind
your own business or
else ... war vets warn Catholics (May 2001 11 ) got the
bishops
unsettled.
Could it be that message that has stopped the prelates
from speaking
on the totalitarian state that Zimbabwe has turned into
today?
Marko Phiri is a Zimbabwean-based freelance writer
ABC Australia
Thursday, November 21, 2002. Posted: 09:35:04 (AEDT)
Doctors claim Zimbabwe authorities torture opponents
A group of Danish
doctors have accused government authorities in Zimbabwe of torturing political
opponents with impunity and withholding food aid from them.
In a lengthy report, Denmark's Physicians for Human Rights say there is no
doubt torture and ill treatment are still being practised by Government
supporters.
The report says the fact the perpetrators continue not to care whether they
torture people who can identify them, or whether their acts leave marks that can
easily be recognised, underlines a clear assumption on their part of
impunity.
The Danish doctors say in the last four months, manipulation of food
supplies was directly related to elections.
The Government influenced vulnerable rural voters by threatening to starve
them if the opposition won votes.
From IOL (SA), 20
November
Mugabe is 'starving his opponents to
death'
By Andrew Quinn
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has tightened control over
food supplies in his beleaguered country, starving opponents and manipulating
relief aid to enforce his hold on power, a Danish human rights group said on
Wednesday. "If it is not possible to increase non-partisan food supplies into
the country, it is our opinion that starvation and eventually death will occur
along party political lines in Zimbabwe," Christian Tramsen of Physicians for
Human Rights-Denmark said at a news conference in Johannesburg. The Danish
report, based on extensive interviews within Zimbabwe over the last three
months, is the latest to allege that Mugabe has cut off food to opponents who
have challenged the power of his ruling Zanu PF party. Earlier in November the
European Union accused Mugabe of using foreign food aid as a political weapon,
while the United States has said it might consider measures to guarantee that
food aid deliveries are free from political interference. Half of Zimbabwe's 14
million people are at risk of starvation, according to the United Nations' World
Food Programme (WFP). Zanu-PF, which blames the country's food crisis on
drought, denies it has politicised food distribution and has accused some aid
agencies of sending more relief to opposition strongholds. The Danish report
alleged that the government began tightening control over food supplies ahead of
the March 2002 election which saw Mugabe elected to his fifth term in office.
With the country facing its worst economic crisis in 22 years of independence,
the state Grain Marketing Board has used its power to permit sales to supporters
of Zanu PF while turning away members of the opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), the report said.