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Zimbabwe’s diaspora: reasons and lessons
A SPEECH BY ROY
BENNETT,
TREASURER GENERAL OF THE MOVEMENT FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE,
TO THE
LONDON INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS CONGRESS,
23 NOVEMBER
2011
Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen
At first glance,
the decision to invite me to speak at this conference
might seem somewhat
unusual. The theme of the conference—
immigration and integration in an age
of austerity—is a theme that
ostensibly focuses on the impact of migration in
the West in this
time of global economic stress. But on closer examination,
my
participation is not so strange. I come from Zimbabwe; indeed,
like
many of my countrymen, I am a political exile living in the West—
and
so I can speak with some authority about the other side of the
equation. I
can provide some insight into push factors, some
insight into the reasons why
people leave places like Zimbabwe
and come in numbers, both legally and
illegally, to countries like
Britain.
In other words, it is not my
objective to engage substantially in the
debate over multiculturalism—what it
means and how to manage
it. That is to talk about the end product or the last
link in a chain of
events and processes. Rather, I want to take a step
backward and
look at some of the origins. I do not pretend to reduce all
migration
issues to the type of experience that Zimbabweans have
faced.
International migration is, of course, a complex phenomenon.
But
the Zimbabwean experience is the one I know and—apart from its
own
importance in terms of scale—I believe there are a series of
lessons to be
learned from Zimbabwe that apply to many countries
and situations around the
world.
So, to Zimbabwe. Zimbabweans are, by and large,
reluctant
migrants. It is critical to grasp this point. Of the millions
of
Zimbabweans who have left the country over the last 10 years,
the
majority have done so because they felt they had to, not because
they
wanted to. Most Zimbabwean migrants live in South Africa.
There are an
estimated 3–5 million Zimbabweans who have set up
camp within the borders of
our southern neighbour. That figure
represents somewhere between 20 and 30
percent of Zimbabwe’s
total population, including the diaspora. During my own
time as a
refugee in South Africa, I have spoken to hundreds
of
Zimbabweans and nearly all of them want to go home. South
Africa is not
their place; they feel like strangers and are treated as
such. Often they
meet with open hostility and sometimes with
violence. Further abroad and in
more comfortable settings,
Zimbabweans have perhaps become more ambivalent.
Some want
to return, others don’t. Some have created new lives and
new
opportunities and have lost the hunger to go home. Yet even those
in
the West—and these are the minority—initially left
under
compulsion.
What are these powerful push factors? What caused
Zimbabweans
with homes and families to leave these things behind and cast
out
into unchartered waters? Demographers typically like to make
a
distinction between economic and political migrants, but the
distinction
is somewhat artificial in the case of Zimbabwe and
Zimbabweans. The root
cause of Zimbabwean migration, even
where it seems to be economic, is
political. The great Zimbabwean
migration of the 21st century is directly and
indirectly political.
Many Zimbabweans have fled under direct threat to life
and limb;
others have been forced to leave as a consequence of
systemic
collapse, but it is a collapse that has occurred for political
reasons.
Allow me to provide some background. The Zimbabwean state is
the
result of a long history of inequality, racism and exploitation.
The
authoritarian, repressive and violent structures and groups that
we now have
are the logical outcome of such a history. If you plant
the seedling you will
grow the thorn tree. Zimbabwe is now ruled
by a mafia—a criminal syndicate
that dresses itself in elaborate
forms of propaganda, but make no mistake, it
is a criminal
syndicate. This lot, Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party, strut
around
in the vestments of anti-colonial liberation, but they are a bunch
of
felons, pure and simple. Zanu-PF is the operatic performer
among
Africa’s Cosa Nostra. All frills and shrills but at heart a
common
crook and criminal, no less. She must be dragged kicking
and
screaming to the penitentiary.
But I digress. Zimbabwe became
independent in 1980. The
authoritarian strands of black nationalism and white
supremacy
were interwoven beneath a Zanu-PF government led by Mugabe.
The
most obscene kinds of violence and brutality soon surfaced
during the drive
for a one party state, culminating in a massacre of
the Ndebele people in
1983 and 1984. The first major postindependence
dispersion of Zimbabweans
occurred in this period.
Tens of thousands were internally displaced,
fleeing to the second
city of Bulawayo, while others left for Botswana and
South Africa.
Yet this crime against humanity was forgotten by the world
as
quickly as it had arisen. Riding on the coat-tails of the
international
anti-apartheid movement, Mugabe was viewed by many as
the
poster-boy of the so-called Frontline States and it was years
before
reality set in. Sadly, it took the brutalisation of the
white
community in Zimbabwe to awaken the Western media to a
problem that
had begun in 1980. It is shameful that we should
remain unmoved by
black-on-black violence, beginning only to
make noise when whites are
involved, either as victims or
perpetrators. I will return to this point a
little later. For now it is
enough to note that Zanu-PF nailed its true
colours to the mast
decades before the globally-publicised land invasions of
2000.
Another element that allowed Mugabe to retain a sanitised
image
in the West was the strength of the economy he inherited. For
many
years, corruption and human rights abuses sat alongside
relative economic
prosperity. The white-dominated engine room of
the economy, principally built
around commercial agriculture and
agri-processing, was left intact—and
violence was also
geographically confined to the Matabeleland provinces of
the
southwest. The beast in the basement, though busy, was out of
sight
and out of mind. Internationally, the racial element also came
into play in
the economic sphere because most Western economic
interests were left intact.
Not only was the white community being
left alone, it was making money, as
were the subsidiaries of
Western companies. And it was not only whites abroad
who were
guilty of ignoring the screaming next door. These were the
years
when whites in the north referred to Mugabe as ‘good old Bob’,
the
Great Satan of the war years who had turned out to be their best
friend. Or
so they thought.
The catalyst for the second major Zimbabwean migration
occurred
in 1997 when the economy went into a rapid downward spiral. I
say
‘catalyst’ because it was not an isolated event; it had been a
long time
coming—and it also set off a domino effect that will take
a generation to
overcome, if we are lucky. First, the context. The
events of 1997 were all
the more devastating because they
occurred against a backdrop of grand
corruption and nepotism that
had sapped the nation’s economic strength. The
coup de grace was
both a decisive moment and a symptom of a bigger problem.
Black
veterans of Zimbabwe’s independence war, joined by a motley
crew of
opportunists, engaged in a series of aggressive
demonstrations against the
government, saying that they had been
living in poverty since independence
while the top dogs had
become rich. When Mugabe capitulated to their demands
for
gratuities and pensions—payouts that the fiscus could not afford—
the
economy went into freefall. Ironically, the chairman of the war
veterans
association, Chenjerai ‘Hitler’ Hunzvi, was later
prosecuted for embezzling
from a war victims compensation fund
that allowed veterans to claim for
disabilities suffered during the
war. Hunzvi had been paid out $43,000 (US)
for a rating that put
him as 117 percent disabled. Brain dead would be more
accurate.
Under this scheme, Mugabe’s brother-in-law had been
awarded
$70,000 for a 95 percent disability that derived from a scar to
his
left knee and alleged ulcers. The current Commissioner of
Police,
Augustine Chihuri, was granted about $10,000 for ‘toe
dermatitis
of the right and left foot’, while current Vice President
Joice
Mujuru took around $35,000 for ‘mental stress disorder’ and
‘poor
vision’.
Those Zimbabweans who had wanted to forget about the
country’s
politics after the war—and that was most of us—could literally
no
longer afford to ignore the problem. As inflation, taxation
and
unemployment began to rocket out of control, Zanu-PF had
become too
expensive for those in the formal sectors of the
economy. A political
opposition began to coalesce rapidly and
organically. But we were about to
re-learn the lessons that had
been learnt by some during the war—that
arbitrary and egregious
violence was the Zanu way—a lesson that the Ndebele
had had
banged into them after 1980 while the rest of us preferred not
to
know. This was to be no polite debate over the economy, followed
by a
democratic change of government. To threaten Zanu-PF’s grip
on power was to
threaten their raison d’etre—power and the things
that come with it are the
very essence of their existence. The
enormous scale of the second Zimbabwean
dispersion is a direct
function of the extremes to which Zanu-PF is prepared
to go to
retain power and to plunder the nation’s wealth. These
extremes
have been truly radical in nature. Many have few parallels
in
modern history. The land invasions that began in 2000—
effectively a
government-sanctioned looting spree—were a
desperate election ploy in
reaction to the rapid rise of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change,
or MDC. Zanu-PF
was prepared to annihilate the vital organs of the economy to
win
an election. Agricultural productivity declined by 80 percent
between
2002 and 2008. There were three years of national food
deficit in the 20
years from independence until the beginning of the
land invasions—and these
three years were years of severe
drought. In the other years, the country had
maintained an export
surplus. Since 2000, there have been 11 consecutive
years of food
deficit.
This pattern of megalomania and pathological
self-centredness was
repeated in almost every sphere of national life. Our
infamous
hyperinflation—which is thought to have reached 89.7
sextillion
percent—was not simply the result of a collapse in
productivity
and poor monetary policies. The regime actively used the
printing
press to generate enormous fortunes for a small elite in a way
that
they knew was destroying the remnant of economic life for
normal
Zimbabweans. Money was pushed on to the black market by the
Reserve
Bank and used to buy gold and foreign exchange for a
privileged few. This was
money for jam if ever there was. Paper
and ink was the only cost to those
with their hands on the levers
and they received vast quantities of gold and
real cash in return.
The cost was borne by others. For everyone else, the
value of life
savings and pensions was entirely wiped out and most of
the
businesses that had survived the knock-on effects of the
land
invasions went to the wall. Wage payments, banking and
other
transactions that are usually taken for granted became
completely
impossible. It is no exaggeration to say that many
Zimbabweans
were driven back to the stone age. Barter took over and 80
percent
of our people were out of a job and out on the streets.
Accountants
and school teachers traded cigarettes for tomatoes—and sweets
for
matches. Others dabbled in the black market, much of which
was
controlled and fed by those who had created the problem. Some
simply
starved and died quietly in huts and shacks. The budgets of
public
institutions were wiped out by hyperinflation within days of
their
announcement. Hospitals and schools shut down because
there was no money for
equipment and no money for wages. Most
of our public servants, those who
supposedly had jobs, did not go
to work because the cost of a trip to the
office was more than they
would make in a day or even a month. And Zanu-PF
watched on—
and continued to loot.
These people drove over the
ever-increasing potholes in their
Mercs and Hummers—and were unmoved by the
sight of the
country falling down around their ears. Patriotism and pride
meant
nothing to these people. But it was their hardness to human
misery
that was most telling and most disgusting. And what misery it
was.
Life expectancy plunged to the lowest in the world—37 years
for
men and 34 for women. An estimated 3,000 people were dying
weekly of
AIDS because they were not provided access to antiretroviral
drugs. There are
now one million AIDS orphans out of a
resident population of around 12
million. One child in four has lost
one or both parents to AIDS. Meanwhile,
up to 500,000 of the one
million farm workers booted off white farms died of
a combination
of malnutrition and inadequate health services. Water supply
and
sewage systems fell over and one of the largest outbreaks of
cholera
in world history occurred in late 2008, infecting 100,000
people and killing
over 4,000. Mugabe blamed the outbreak on the
British and airily advised the
populace to avoid shaking hands. The
country’s jails became concentration
camps. I know—I spent 8
months there in 2005 and an horrific 40 days in 2009.
For many, a
petty offence or a false conviction became a death sentence.
In
2009, six people starved to death in cells around me during my
stay as
a guest of government. When queried over the state of the
jails and the
prisoners dying like flies, Mugabe replied laughingly
that those who had been
sentenced were getting what they
deserved.
Is it any wonder that
Zimbabweans fled this tsunami? And I have
not yet described the violence
unleashed during every election
since 2000. Political violence in Zimbabwe
usually waxes and
wanes in relation to the electoral cycle. It accelerates
during
campaigning and reaches a crescendo before the vote. Then it
is
often reduced during voting days when observers and the media
are on
the ground. Afterward, it is brought to another peak as
revenge attacks are
made on those who have voted the ‘wrong’
way. The reason it follows such
clearly identifiable patterns is that
it is carefully orchestrated and
planned by the state. Mugabe’s war
veterans and plain-clothed state agents
coordinate militia groups
that consist mainly of unemployed youth and trained
thugs. In the
four elections since 2000, these groups—often numbering in
the
hundreds—have terrorised the rural population, setting up
torture
bases, raiding villages and attacking opposition rallies.
Candidates
and activists for the Movement for Democratic Change have
been
prime targets. Many have been savagely beaten and maimed; many
have
been killed. In April 2000, two MDC officials, Tichaona
Chiminya and Talent
Mabika, were stopped in their car and burnt
to death by state agents. These
were two of the early tragedies—
and there have been scores since. At least
35 people were
murdered during the 2000 parliamentary elections and 60
were
killed in 2002’s presidential election. Observers noted that the
2005
elections were less violent than their predecessors—but they
spoke too soon.
A few months later, 700,000 people had their
homes flattened or livelihoods
destroyed by government
bulldozers—that is a UN figure—as retribution for
urban support
for the MDC. This operation occurred in the middle of
winter—the
poorest of the poor, tens of thousands of men, women and
children
driven out into the elements. It is unknown how many died.
More
faceless victims of the Zanu-PF killing fields.
The most recent
elections—2008—were worse again. Zanu-PF had
written off the MDC, believing
that a series of internal ructions had
discredited and disordered the party.
So they toned down their
militia in the lead up to parliamentary elections
which were timed
to coincide, for the first time, with a first round of the
presidential
election. They received a rude shock. MDC defeated Zanu in
the
parliamentary vote—the first time the ruling party had officially
been
beaten since independence—and Morgan Tsvangirai gained
more votes than Mugabe
in the presidential race, though he did not
receive more than 50 percent (at
least according to the electoral
commission) so a second round of
presidential voting was called.
This is when the dogs were let loose.
Using polling station results
to target areas of opposition sympathy, huge
groups of militia
roamed the countryside, beating, burning and killing people
at
random. Torture bases were established, nightmarish holes where
the
innocent were afflicted for days at a time. In this period, more
than 200
were killed, thousands beaten—hundreds of whom now
have lifelong
disabilities—and tens of thousands were displaced.
This was revenge and
pre-emptive action rolled into one. The
message was literally driven home
that people had a choice
between Mugabe or death in the second round of the
vote. Rightly
or wrongly, the MDC decided to pull out of the election with
a
week to go, hoping to spare the people further suffering.
Since
then, the MDC has entered a temporary shotgun marriage
with these serial
abusers—and, of course, the abuse continues.
Mugabe’s security apparatus
retains full control. MDC leaders and
activists continue to be arrested on
trumped-up charges. As we
speak, the party’s Youth Assembly Chairperson,
Solomon
Madzore, is being denied bail after he and 28 other MDC
activists
were charged with the murder of a police officer. And in
the
streets, the people are being harassed and beaten by Zanu-PF
militias
that masquerade as common criminal gangs. These groups
are financed and
coordinated by Zanu-PF—and they are becoming
increasingly active ahead of
elections that may occur in 2012. We
are still some way from achieving peace
and democracy.
To recap—these, then, are the primary causes of the
Zimbabwean
dispersion. They are internal and political and are wholly
manmade.
I have sketched them in some detail to highlight
their
fundamentally domestic and political character—and to show how
deep
and how powerful they have been. These home-grown causes
must remain at the
front and centre of any analysis of Zimbabwean
migration over the past 10
years. Yet there are external factors that
have exacerbated the crisis. Some
of these have been acutely
damaging because they have reinforced the core
elements of the
problem. It is these reinforcing factors that I will focus on
now. In
doing so, I do not excuse or minimise the fact that the abuse
of
Zimbabweans by other Zimbabweans is the principal cause. But
outsiders
have, in a variety of ways, played a particularly negative
role by giving
succour (both intentionally and unintentionally) to
those maltreating their
own people. Thus, to some extent, the size
and time-scale of the diaspora has
been expanded by the actions of
outsiders.
The worst example of these
destructive outside influences was the
administration of former South African
president Thabo Mbeki. A
supposedly neutral arbiter, he sided with Robert
Mugabe time and
again—and then he put massive pressure on the MDC
to
consummate a unity government in 2008 after Zanu-PF and
Mugabe were
shown the exit by the electorate. Mbeki was
supported by his kleptocratic and
autocratic allies in the region.
How dare he second guess the people of
Zimbabwe? How dare he
put personal loyalties and prejudices before democracy?
Always
first to shout about outside interference when the West
expresses
an opinion, Mbeki and his ilk have been the
quintessential
imperialists when it comes to Zimbabwe. It is now for
President
Jacob Zuma to deliver on his promises to create the conditions
that
will allow Zimbabweans to finally choose their own leaders and
get on
with rebuilding the nation. The Mbeki legacy means that
millions of
Zimbabweans remain in South Africa and they are
placing severe strain on
infrastructure, services and an already
tenuous social fabric. Zuma must now
help South Africa by
helping Zimbabwe.
A second negative outside
influence has been a group that should
have been the first to help. This
group have been a negative
influence by their absence. Those who formed the
backbone of the
international anti-Apartheid movement in the 1980s and 90s
have
gone missing in action during the Zimbabwean crisis. Full of
moral
outrage back then, they have done little or nothing in the face
of
equally unspeakable black-on-black violence and oppression in
Zimbabwe.
It is very difficult to avoid the conclusion that for many
of these people
the struggle in South Africa was a fashionable
moral appendage rather than an
enduring set of principles. Time
has shown them false. Many times I have
spoken to the doyens of
this movement and received, frankly, little more than
calloused
disinterest. They trade on an outdated reputation and do
nothing.
Today, I want to challenge those who made much of Apartheid
to
examine their consciences—and to prove to themselves and to us
that it
was more than an exercise in self-righteousness. There is a
ready-made
opportunity for them to get involved through the
newly-formed Global Alliance
for Zimbabwe, or GAZ, of which I
am the chairman. GAZ has been modelled on
the international
anti-Apartheid front and looks to mobilise funds and
political
pressure for a democratic transition in Zimbabwe.
More
information can be found online at
globalallianceforzimbabwe.com
I move on now to Western governments. In
some ways I am
hesitant to do so when many of these governments
have
consistently supported the democratic cause for over a decade. It
is
also true that democratic forces in Zimbabwe have often been
a
disappointment in their disorganisation, their contradictions and
their
failure to deliver. As such, I will try to speak with some
humility and as a
friend. But I will be candid nonetheless. In my
view, the greatest weakness
in Western policy toward Zimbabwe is
that assistance is often ill-targeted
and it is too often symbolic
rather than substantial.
Western
countries have given hundreds of millions in humanitarian
aid to Zimbabwe. We
are grateful for this. Thousands owe their
lives to this generosity. But a
sizeable portion of this aid should
have been directly targeted at political
change. It is a false
economy to pour billions into aid over an extended
period when a
fraction of those resources could be used to deliver change in
a
fraction of the time.
The rub, of course, is that many Western
governments are petrified
of the neo-colonialist tag. Yet I make no apologies
for the call to
directly empower opposition groups. Zanu-PF and its
supporters
will shriek and wail about imperialism and regime change, but
this
is about empowering normal Zimbabweans to make or break
governments
when they want. We must never be ashamed of
democracy or principle. Neither
will we roll back the frontiers of
autocracy on an lasting basis by
pussy-footing around and
tinkering at the edges. The groups capable of
confronting
authoritarian regimes must be directly funded and resourced.
Many
countries have a tradition of not funding political parties—but
times
and needs change. No tradition is sacrosanct. Whether the
democratic change
agent is a civil society movement or a political
party is
immaterial—resources must go to the most effective
quarter. It should have
been bleedingly obvious to any observer
that the MDC has enjoyed majority
support in Zimbabwe and has,
till now, been the group most capable of
overthrowing the regime.
And yet the MDC has been starved of resources while
millions
have gone toward band-aid solutions. If a judgement is made
that
the MDC is no longer capable of delivering democracy,
then
fine—resources should go elsewhere. But all-too-often the
criteria
for directing aid is not broad-based effectiveness, long-term
valuefor-
money and long-term self-interest but the dictates of
outmoded
traditions and the fear of short-term diplomatic fallout.
To
put it differently, a by-product of these weaknesses is that we
end up with
the politics of symbolism as opposed to the policies of
positive change.
These symbolic interventions go beyond
overblown humanitarian aid budgets.
The deficiencies of sanctions
on Zimbabwe are a case in point. I am all for
sanctions that avoid
punishing normal people for the sins of those standing
on their
backs. But smart and targeted sanctions can be much smarter
and
better-directed. Prominent figures in the regime have been hit
with
asset freezes and travel bans since the early 2000s, but
this
intervention has remained frozen in time. Adaptation has
been
needed—and it hasn’t really happened. Here, one of the glaring
issues
is that nationals of countries that have applied the
sanctions—both
individuals and companies—have continued
merrily supporting the regime and
nothing has been done about
them. Therefore, you have the British and others
punishing Zanu-
PF while failing to police their own citizens and—more often
than
you would care to imagine—neglecting activities that are going on
in
their own countries. Companies like Old Mutual were allowing
Zanu-PF
functionaries to externalise huge quantities of funds
through share swaps
between the Zimbabwe and London Stock
Exchanges. Always keen to make their
filthy little fingers dirtier
again, Old Mutual also have joint ventures with
the Government of
Zimbabwe—and this occurred before the formation of our
pathetic
unity government—and yet nothing is done. What is more, these
are
investments that are directly connected to gross human rights
abuses. Old
Mutual has shares in a joint venture on the diamond
fields where over 200
panners in rags were gunned down from
helicopters in order to clear the decks
for investors. There are also
numerous reports of ongoing abuses. And Old
Mutual have the gall
to claim that any regrettable events pre-date their
involvement!
Shame on them. Their corporate responsibility claims are
a
catalogue of lies. And spitting in the other eye, they remain
invested
in a number of Zanu-PF-controlled newspapers, filthy
little propaganda tools
that spew out hate speech day-after-day. I
wonder that they didn’t invest in
Adolf Hitler’s ‘Der Sturmer’. Old
Mutual has raised the skull and crossbones
and kept them there in
spite of repeated warnings. Pirates in suits, we will
not forget or
forgive them.
These corporate hypocrites are far from
being alone. We had
CAMEC, a mining company led by former English cricketer
Phil
Edmonds (what a fine ambassador he is)—in 2008, this mob
purchased
from government a chunk of land extorted from another
mining company and in
doing so poured tens of millions into the
pockets of the regime at a time
when it needed election resources.
Like many other foreigners, they also
cooperated with Zimbabwe’s
white trash—in this case a long-time supporter of
the regime, Billy
Rautenbach. This scoundrel and their ilk continue their
dirty work,
dining out on corrupt relationships with Zanu-PF identities,
while
riding roughshod over anyone unfortunate enough to be in the
way.
Then we have foreigners resident in Zimbabwe who are involved
in
all sorts of vice and crime, but who remain under the radar. For
example, we
have an Australian citizen who has been deeply
involved with Zanu-PF groups
that were plundering the treasury
and assisting the militia to inflict
massive violence during the 2008
elections.
Part of the problem here
is that foreign ministries, treasuries and
other organs of state in the West
do not have the resources to
police all these reprobates. The answer is to
give them those
resources. A small investigative team on Zimbabwe could, in
many
cases, be paid for by cutting or re-directing a fraction
of
humanitarian aid. It is, again, a question of efficiency
and
prioritisation. Given that many of these companies and
individuals
have played a crucial and very practical role in keeping the
regime
afloat, measures against them would be a genuinely effective way
of
assisting the democratic process.
Drawing all this together, what are the
basic reasons and lessons
that can be gleaned from a study of Zimbabwe’s
diaspora? We
have seen that the overwhelming cause of this migration has
been
internal and political. Zimbabweans have reluctantly left
Zimbabwe
because of a regime that has raped, beaten and killed a
people and an economy
in the pursuit of power and money. This
situation has been further
exacerbated or elongated by outsiders
who have either failed to engage
effectively or who have
deliberately supported the regime.
There seem
to me to be a number of lessons that can be drawn
from the Zimbabwean problem
and applied more generally—
including by policy-makers and thinkers in the
West:
(1) Much international migration continues to have its roots
in
misgovernance and oppression. Even so-called economic migrants
are, in
effect, often political refugees given that they are commonly
running from
the devastating impact of systemic collapse caused
by abusive regimes.
Combining governance violations with
political violence, these regimes are a
major driver of migration
flows and associated problems.
(2) In this
day and age of globalisation, most people still want to
live and prosper in
the land of their birth. Dealing with migration is
not simply a question of
keeping undesirables at bay. Undoubtedly,
there will always be people who are
temperamentally mobile, but
most people in most places want to stay at home.
The best way of
giving them what they want—and of easing the burden
of
migration on Western economies and societies—is to help them to
choose
and change governments whenever they want to.
(3) It is incumbent on
neighbouring nations to recognise that their
own self-interest lies in
providing such help. Sacrificing such
common sense on the alter of personal
loyalty, ideology or partisan
political gain will only serve to exacerbate
core problems and
increase migration flows and the serious difficulties these
cause in
their own countries. In Africa, solidarity among autocratic elites
is
still a key reason why vicious regimes survive and export human
misery
to the rest of the world.
(4) The West requires moral consistency and a
clear-eyed longterm
vision of self-interest. Here, the choices are not
simply
between soft and hard power. We often hear of the use of
force
versus the provision of aid, as if these are the only
alternatives.
More needs to be done to explore the use of what might be
termed
‘the hard edge of soft power’. Indigenous and effective
democratic
change agents must be given resources to remove
authoritarian
governments. Cancer is not removed by massage, nor are
brutal
elites pushed out by drilling boreholes or conducting
seminars.
Committed people on the ground who are prepared to bleed
for
freedom are the only ones capable of doing that job. Far too
often,
they are neglected and sidelined in favour of compatriots
whose
roles are palliative or completely useless. For as long as
this
neglect continues, the West must continue to expect a poor return
on
their investment across the developing world and increased
migration
pressures at home. Put differently, the West must
jettison traditions and
practices that are symbolic but insubstantial
and inefficient. To the extent
that wisdom is about long-term self
interest, I question the wisdom of
assistance that is geared to
showing that ‘we are doing something’, or the
wisdom of gearing
99 percent of aid to development and humanitarian issues,
or the
wisdom of placing short-term diplomatic relations before
democracy,
or the wisdom of adhering rigidly to age-old
conventions such as a
prohibition on political funding. Western
foreign policy is too often
incapable of adaptation and innovation
in a world that is changing rapidly.
It is good and right—and, over
the long haul, expedient—to stand for what is
right, but it is foolish
to become methodologically inflexible.
Ladies
and gentlemen, I thank you for taking the time to listen and
hope that some
of it has been useful
Biti
banks on diamond revenue for 2012 budget
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
24 November
2011
Finance Minister Tendai Biti has banked almost 20% of next year’s
Budget on
profits from diamond sales, which observers have already
criticised as
‘optimistic’.
The 2012 Budget was presented in
Parliament on Thursday, with Biti rounding
off the annual allowance from
US$3.4 billion to US$4 billion. Biti said this
extra US$600 million windfall
will be as a result of diamond sales. He said
that this 17% boost to the
national Budget will help the government channel
money into critical
services, like health and education.
Biti’s revisal of the national
spending allowance came shortly after his
admittance that only US$80 million
worth of diamond profits had reached the
Treasury this year. He also made no
mention of his previous calls for a
probe into the whereabouts of at least
US$100 million in profits that had
not reached the
Treasury.
Observers who used social networking websites like Twitter and
Facebook to
air their views on the Budget said Biti is being “too
optimistic.” Some
comments pointed to the lack of transparency clouding the
diamond trade,
which has seen hundreds of millions of dollars in profits go
‘missing’.
Political analyst Clifford Mashiri on Thursday agreed that
Biti is being
“very ambitious and brave,” regarding the projected diamond
profits.” He
told SW Radio Africa that Biti’s optimism is “questionable,” as
there were
no conditions in place to ensure the Treasury gets its share of
the diamond
sales.
“In the absence of a Diamond Act to ensure
accountability and transparency,
there is no reason to be optimistic,”
Mashiri said.
Biti has previously voiced the need for such legislation to
be in place, but
to date there has been no movement on this issue. Mines
Minister Obert Mpofu
has also raised concerns about diamond smuggling, said
to be rife at the
controversial Chiadzwa alluvial fields.
Despite
these concerns and ongoing reports of human rights abuses, Zimbabwe
has been
cleared to resume exporting to the international diamond trade
market. The
trade watchdog, the Kimberley Process, this month ended its two
year long
deadlock on Zimbabwe’s trade future, announcing that Chiadzwa
diamonds could
be sold. The KP membership has until recently been unable to
reach agreement
on whether to allow Zim back into trade circles, with mainly
Western KP
members raising concerns about human rights violations and
smuggling.
These were issues that the KP itself had ordered Zimbabwe
to sort out back
in 2009, when it was faced with either banning the country
completely or
giving it a deadline to reform. The KP chose to avoid an
official ban and
instead suspended Zim from trade until it fell in line with
international
trade standards.
Two years later there are still
reports of human rights abuses, smuggling
and a lack of accountability, and
the KP is now being criticised for
appearing to bow to pressure to allow
Zimbabwe to resume exporting.
An international diamond trading network
has since issued a public warning
against buying or trading in Zimbabwe’s
diamonds, which the group says
threaten the integrity and reputation of the
entire trade.
The US based Rapaport group this week said in a statement
that it “strongly
opposes” the recent decision of the KP, warning that “the
KP does not
certify against human rights abuses and KP certification does
not ensure
that diamonds are not involved in human rights
abuses.”
“The Rapaport Group calls on all ethical members of the diamond
trade to
cease and desist from the trading of (Chiadzwa) diamonds. We demand
that
firms selling (Chiadzwa) diamonds do so with full disclosure,” the
group
said in a statement.
The group also warned that any of its
members who are found to have
knowingly traded in Zim diamonds “will be
expelled and their names will be
publicly communicated.” It added: “The
continued sourcing and legitimisation
of diamonds involved in human rights
abuses threatens the integrity and
reputation of all diamonds.”
Zim
economy expected to grow
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
24 November
2011
Zimbabwe’s economy is expected to grow more than nine percent in the
coming
year, after more than a decade of mismanagement by the previous ZANU
PF
government.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti presented the 2012 Budget
on Thursday, setting
next year’s spending allowance at US$4 billion. The
Finance minister said
the 2012 budget was “pro-poor” and focused on
empowering youths and women.
Biti increased the income tax threshold to
US$250 with effect from January
1, while the tax-free bonus threshold was
moved to US$700, in an effort to
cushion workers in a still volatile
economic situation. He also explained
that State employment costs stand at
63% which goes towards civil servants
salaries.
The big winners in
the budget are the Education and Health departments each
getting more than
10% of the total Budget. Education has been allocated more
than US$700
million, with US$27 million for education infrastructure. Health
meanwhile
has been allocated US$63 million for infrastructure and maternal
health care
has been given a US$445 million boost.
Biti also said that US$800 million
has been set aside for Capital
Development Projects, while only US$39
million will be allocated to water
and sanitation. He has also set aside
US$220 million for agriculture, but
admitted about US$2 billion is needed
for the sector.
The Budget presentation meanwhile pointed to the fact
that Zimbabweans are
starting to embrace the social media culture, which all
but drove the people’s
revolutions in North Africa and the Middle East.
Details of the Budget were
‘tweeted’ live by different Zimbabweans, as it
was being presented. Other
Zimbabweans also took to Twitter and Facebook to
express their thoughts on
the Budget, as it was happening.
PM
to issue statement on ‘marriage’ rumours
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Lance Guma
24 November
2011
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s spokesman has confirmed to SW
Radio
Africa that the PM will be issuing a statement ‘in due course’
clarifying
the confusion over whether he had married or not.
On
Tuesday it was reported that Tsvangirai had paid US$36,000 lobola to
marry
his long term girlfriend, Harare businesswoman Locadia Karimatsenga
Tembo.
When the story broke Tamborinyoka maintained that no such ‘marriage’
had
taken place and that the PM had spent the whole day at his Charter House
office.
We interviewed several senior MDC-T officials on Wednesday
and were told
that Tsvangirai had paid US$10,000 ‘damages’ for getting her
pregnant out of
wedlock. It was also alleged that the Tembo family were
trying to embarrass
Tsvangirai into marrying her, using intense pressure
from the media.
On Wednesday Tsvangirai reportedly did not attend Prime
Minister’s Question
Time in Parliament, perhaps to avoid the media frenzy
over his alleged
marriage. Instead Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
stood in for him.
But as we said on Wednesday, ZANU PF appeared to have a
vested interest in
the matter. ZANU PF National Chairman, Simon Khaya Moyo,
reportedly brought
up the issue in the Senate saying he wished to “take the
opportunity to
congratulate the Prime Minister on his
marriage”.
Immediately legislators from ZANU PF broke into laughter,
while those from
the MDC-T protested, demanding that Moyo withdraw his
statement. They argued
“you can’t rely on newspapers” and said no marriage
had been confirmed. The
President of the Senate then asked Moyo to withdraw
the congratulations.
As if to confirm suspicions in the MDC-T that
Tsvangirai was being tricked
into a marriage with a woman with ZANU PF
links, the MP’s from Mugabe’s
party sang “Tauya naye muroora (We have
brought the bride).” Tembo’s sister
is the ZANU PF MP for Goromonzi West,
Biata Beatrice Nyamupinga.
Many SW Radio Africa listeners who have
commented on the story have advised
the PM to urgently issue a statement and
put an end to the matter once and
for all. ‘As long as there is no statement
clarifying what actually
happened, people will continue speculating,” one
listener wrote in.
Makone denies meddling in
Tsvangirai’s private life
Posted by Lance Guma on Thursday, November 24, 2011 in
Theresa Makone denies meddling in the Prime Minister's
love life
By Lance
Guma
24 November 2011
Co-Home Affairs
Minister Theresa Makone has angrily denied accusations that she is meddling in
the private life of Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. This follows the confusion
surrounding news reports of whether Tsvangirai had married a Harare
businesswoman or paid ‘damages’ for getting her pregnant out of
wedlock.
On Wednesday
political analyst Pedzisai Ruhanya accused Makone of working behind the scenes
to influence Tsvangirai into marrying Locadia Karimatsenga Tembo, described as a
‘friend or relative’ of Makone. But in an exclusive interview with SW Radio
Africa, Makone said:
“I think it’s a
problem of proximity. There is no question I was Susan Tsvangirai’s best friend
and that I have paid for this with my political life. People have this natural
hatred or jealousy for anyone who happens to be close to a leader, any leader I
think, in the world.”
Explaining her
relationship with Tsvangirai, Makone said: “I have known the PM and his wife for
up to 10 years to the time of Mai Tsvangirai’s death and now almost 12 years
with the PM. We do not involve each other in our private lives. We involve each
other to the extent that we want, and there are boundaries in that relationship.
The PM has never allowed me to go into that area of his life.”
Pressed on
allegations that she was related to Tembo and that this had fuelled speculation
that she had a hand in introducing the woman to Tsvangirai, Makone said: “So
what, so what? Whether she is a friend, a relative, an acquaintance, so what?
What has that got to do with me if she is to have a relationship with the Prime
Minister? She (Tembo) is not a stranger to me.”
Makone said she
did not have to reveal to the world how the two met: “It’s really none of my
business and I refuse to be involved in the Prime Minister’s private life. When
he wants to involve me in this particular matter he shall approach me, when he
hasn’t approached me as he has done so far, then it means he does not want me to
get involved.”
In addition to the
allegations of meddling, it was also suggested to SW Radio Africa that Makone
had ambitions of one day becoming MDC-T president and had a so-called Project
2016 being implemented in the party structures. We asked her about this but she
laughed off the idea, saying it was ‘wonderful’ that people think, “I have the
potential to lead the largest party in the country.”
She went on to
say: “I honestly believe that if we went into elections right now Morgan
Tsvangirai would win the elections and more than that he will run this country
for the next ten years after elections. I have no ambitions to become even the
Secretary General or Organiser or anything in the Standing Committee.” She said
her position as Chair of the Women’s Assembly was the highest ‘privilege’ she
could attain in the party.
“I don’t know what
Pedzisai Ruhanya’s problem with me is? I don’t know him from a bar of cheese and
he seems to particularly enjoy taking a dig at me at every turn. I’m actually
going to sue him and I will sue him to the last cent because I think this man is
getting carried away because I have never responded to his accusations, now I am
getting sick and tired,” Makone added.
To listen
to the full interview with Theresa Makone you can listen to Crisis Analysis with
guest presenter Lance Guma. CLICK
HERE
MISA-Zimbabwe Communique: new radio licenses issued
MISA Zimbabwe
Communiqué
24 November 2011
BAZ issues new commercial radio
licenses
The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) on 24 November 2011
announced
the state-controlled Zimpapers Talk Radio and AB Communications as
Zimbabwe’s
first ever licensed free-to-air independent national commercial
radio
stations since independence in 1980.
This follows four public
hearings conducted by BAZ in terms of the
Commissions of Inquiry Act and
Section 10 (8) of the Broadcasting Services
Act.
The licensing of
Zimpapers Talk Radio is set to raise eyebrows on whether
the radio station
will truly be independent as stipulated under the African
Charter on
Broadcasting considering that the government has a controlling
stake in
Zimpapers.
Former broadcast journalist, Supa Mandiwanzira, who was taken
to task over
his alleged links with Zanu PF, is the majority shareholder and
CEO of Zi fm
sterio under the AB Communications stable.
The licensing
of the two applicants also brings into question the sincerity
of the
government’s calls for Zimbabwean journalists manning foreign-based
stations
to return home and legalise their operations. One of the
foreign-based
stations, Radio VOP (Communications), which was also among the
applicants,
was denied one of the two licenses that were on offer.
Kiss FM is the
other unsuccessful applicant out of the four that had been
shortlisted by
BAZ.
Also likely to be in contention will be the legality of the licenses
issued
given the outstanding issue of the legal status of the current BAZ
board
which remains unresolved since its illegal constitution by the
Ministry of
Information in 2009.
END
MISA-Zimbabwe
84
McChlery Drive
Eastlea
Harare
Mandiwanzira,
Zimpapers Granted Radio Licences
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare, November 24, 2011 -
Zimbabweans should brace themselves for more
propaganda following the
granting of controversial Zanu-PF loyalist a radio
licence and Zanu-PF
aligned Zimpapers.
The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) yesterday
gave the Super
Mandiwanzira owned AB Communications’ Zi Radio and Zimpapers’
Zimpapers Talk
Radio the country’s first two commercial private radio
licences.
The two radio stations are owned by companies with links to
Zanu-PF.
Zimpapers has for long been accused by some political players of
being
biased towards Zanu-PF and for promoting hate speech through its
various
newspaper titles. On the other hand AB Communications owner,
Mandiwanzira is
a known Zanu PF member. He was recently introduced at a
Zanu-PF rally in
Nyanga North as a potential parliamentary candidate for the
party.
BAZ claims that the two radio licences granted yesterday were the
remaining
on the Frequency Modulation (FM) broadcasting services band for
the
provision of commercial radio broadcasting services of national
coverage.
BAZ chairperson, Tafataona Mahoso, told the media yesterday
that the
adjudication procedure was split into a two-step process – the
Qualification
and the Selection Process.
“Subject to the number of
licences available, the applicants who scored the
highest number of points
were deemed to be the winners of the licences,”
said Mahoso while announcing
the winning two radio companies.
“The two short-listed applicants who
scored the highest number of points
were therefore deemed to be the
applicants to be issued with the two
licenses.
On the basis of the
total points scored by the applicants, AB Communications
and Zimpapers,
having complied with the Qualification Process as prescribed
by law and
having scored the highest number of points in terms of the
objectives of the
Act in the selection process are deemed to be the winners
of the two
licenses for the provision of free to air national commercial
radio
broadcasting services.”
Mahoso said BAZ will soon call for applications
for fourteen commercial
radio licenses for 14 urban areas.
Responding
to the announcement Njabulo Ncube, the Media Institute of
Southern Africa
(MISA) Chairman told Radio VOP that: “We are not surprised.
It’s a sham.
What is the difference between Zimpapers and AB Communications?
The
difference is the same. It doesn’t take media freedom anywhere. These
are
cosmetic reforms.”
“We knew that this was coming for as long as the BAZ
was not reconstituted
and the result was predictable.”
Four media
companies were vying for the radio licenses including Radio VOP.
Zimbabwe State Television to Broadcast Chinese News
Programming
http://www.voanews.com/
23 November
2011
Media studies lecturer Zenzele Ndebele of the National
University of Science
and Technology in Bulawayo said the Chinese programing
is only likely to
appeal to core supporters of President Robert
Mugabe
Ntungamili Nkomo | Washington
In a move that could
bolster the influence of the People’s Republic of China
in Zimbabwe, the
state-run Zimbabwe Broadcasting Cooperation will soon start
airing
programming from Chinese Central Television or CCTV, which will run
Zimbabwean programs.
A Chinese delegation visiting Harare sealed a
deal with the Ministry of
Information on Tuesday for ZBC and CCTV to share
news programming.
They will also share digital technology, the state-run
Herald newspaper
reported.
Information Minister Webster Shamu, a
member of the former ruling ZANU-PF
party of President Robert Mugabe, called
China a “genuine brother.” CCTV is
already available to many Zimbabweans who
have free-to-air satelite
receivers.
But Deputy Information Minister
Murisi Zvizvai of the Movement for
Democratic Change formation of Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai was not
enthusiastic. "Zimbabweans want balanced
reporting from ZBC, not Chinese
programs," Zvizvai said.
Media
studies lecturer Zenzele Ndebele of the National University of Science
and
Technology in Bulawayo said the Chinese programing is only likely to
appeal
to core supporters of President Mugabe, who has long pursued closer
ties
with Beijing.
Mugabe
calls Cameron 'satanic'
http://www.timeslive.co.za
Sapa-AFP | 24 November, 2011 10:53
Zim's
President Robert Mugabe has called British Prime Minister David
Cameron
"satanic" for considering withholding aid from countries that do not
respect
gay rights.
"It becomes worse and satanic when you get a prime minister
like Cameron
saying countries that want British aid should accept
homosexuality," Mugabe
said in a speech Wednesday in the mining town of
Shurugwi, 300 kilometres
(185 miles) south of Harare.
"To come with
that diabolic suggestion to our people is a stupid offer," he
said, according
to the state-run Herald newspaper.
At the end of the Commonwealth summit
in October, Cameron said that
countries receiving British aid should respect
human rights, including gay
rights.
The issue has re-emerged as
Zimbabwe drafts a new constitution, with debate
on whether to follow
neighbouring South Africa's model and include gay
rights in the
charter.
Mugabe has for decades ranted against homosexuality, and in his
latest
speech again threatened to punish gay Zimbabweans.
"Do not get
tempted into that (homosexuality). You are young people. If you
go that
direction, we will punish you severely," Mugabe said
"It is condemned by
nature. It is condemned by insects and that is why I
have said they are worse
than pigs and dogs," he said, according to The
Herald.
Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai, who formed a unity government with Mugabe
in 2009, has
said that he supports gay rights but that gays should "do their
things in
private".
More recently he said that the people of Zimbabwe will decide
what they want
in their constitution, which will clear the way for new
elections.
The constitution process is running more than a year behind
schedule, with a
referendum on the charter expected only next year.
Mugabe
Rules Out Uprising In Zimbabwe
http://www.radiovop.com
Shurugwi, November 24, 2011- President
Robert Mugabe has dismissed
possibilities of uprisings similar to the ones
witnessed in North Africa
saying the most likely possibility were coup
d’état.
Speaking during the launch of the Unki Tongogara Community share
trust
scheme here in Shurugwi at Unki Mine, President Robert Mugabe said he
was
certain that the uprising that happened in North Africa will not
replicate
in Southern Africa.
He said the most that Southern Africans
could do was coup d’etat as Southern
African people can never be influenced
to rise against their leaders.
This year witnessed a wave of uprisings in
North African countries that’s
saw some larger than life figures being
toppled in countries like Libya,
Tunisia, Ivory Coast and
Egypt.
Mugabe said that what was experienced in North Africa could only
happen in
an Arab state.
“What happened in North Africa is only
peculiar to Arabs and cannot occur in
Southern African countries. It can
only be the Arabs that are told to
violently remove their leaders and they
just follow without questioning”
added Mugabe.
Mugabe also blamed his
usual enemies for the Arab spring that saw his close
friend Muammar Gaddafi
being toppled and assassinated.
“You cannot listen to these Westerners who
come up with these stupid ideas
and say you rise up against your leaders and
you do it because your leaders
are part of you. You will have to think hard
about it and we should refuse
to be violators of that which binds us
together,” the president said
Political analyst Tawanda Manenji said
while it is true that the people in
Southern Africa and especially Zimbabwe
were peace loving people it could be
dangerous to rule out the possibility
of uprisings.
“ We realize that while Zimbabweans have so far remained
calm even at the
most difficult and trying times, the President should not
take Zimbabweans
for granted, especially now at a time political leaders are
calling for
peace in the country but you have heard victims of political
violence vowing
to fight back if ever they are attacked and shows that if
pressed to hard
against a wall the peace loving people may become
violent.”
Unki transferred 10% of its shares to the community in the
first step
towards complying with the Indiginisation and Empowerment Act
which states
that 51% of all foreign owned companies operating in Zimbabwe
should be in
the hands of the locals. Unki Mine is owned by Anglo
America
However speaking at the function, controversial Minister Saviour
Kasukuwere
warned Anglo-American Chairman July Ndlovu that the transfer of
the 10%
community ownership scheme was just the starting point as they would
again
force the company to give some of the shares to the
employees.
“Unki this is just the beginning. We will be back again to
discuss how much
you will give to the employees who toil so hard during
their working days
and languish in poverty after retirement. “
We’ll
punish gay people: Mugabe
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own Corespondent Thursday 24 November
2011
SHURUGWI – President Robert Mugabe has vowed to “punish
severely”
homosexuality that he said was un-Christian and
un-African.
Mugabe is known for his notoriously hostile stance against
gay and lesbian
people that he has described as worse than pigs and
dogs.
“Do not get tempted into that (homosexuality). If you do fall for
it we will
punish you severely," said Mugabe, warning Zimbabweans to stay
away from
same sex relationships.
The Zimbabwean leader -- who has
previously accused the West of wanting to
use economic might to impose their
liberal policies on homosexuality on
Africa -- described as “diabolic”
recent suggestions by Prime Minister David
Cameron to in future insist all
recipients of British aid to uphold human
rights including gay
rights.
“It becomes worse and Satanic when you get a Prime Minister like
Cameron
saying countries that want British aid should accept
homosexuality.
“To come with that diabolical suggestion to our people is
a stupid offer,"
said Mugabe, who was speaking in a mix of the vernacular
Shona and English
at the launch of a community trust by Anglo American
Platinum (Amplats) at
its Unki mine here.
Homosexual acts are
prohibited in Zimbabwe, as they are in most African
countries.
But
there is a small homosexual community in Zimbabwe that has however
largely
remained out of the limelight, largely because Mugabe and his law
enforcement agents have fought hard to keep the community away from the
public view.
And in the clearest sign that the anti-homosexual
tendency is common across
the nation, Zimbabweans told the country’s
constitutional committee that
they do not want gay rights enshrined in a
proposed new constitution.
While the Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe,
grouping leaders of various
church denominations, last week took Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to
task for suggesting that the new governance
charter should guarantee and
protect the rights of homosexual
people.
Tsvangirai, a social democrat, has struggled to strike a balance
between his
personal belief in the rights of all citizens regardless of
sexual
orientation and his desire to please his supporters who are largely
conservative and view homosexuality as an abomination.
His calls for
enshrinement of homosexual rights in the new constitution
threatens to turn
the matter into a major election issue as Zimbabwe
prepares to go to polls
next year. -- ZimOnline
One in two
Zimbabweans has bribed police: report
23/11/2011
00:00:00 |
|
by Staff
Reporter |
| |
|
|
|
Concern ... Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri
| |
|
|
| |
ONE in two
Zimbabweans has paid a bribe to a police officer in the last 12 months, a shock
new report claims.
A staggering 36
percent of people who have dealt with the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) say
they have also paid bribes, according to the survey of six Southern African
countries published by Transparency International this week.
On a perception
scale of one to five, where one means “not at all corrupt” and five means
“extremely corrupt”, Zimbabweans gave the police a four; politicians, civil
servants and the judiciary a three while journalists, NGOs and churches got a
two.
Of the 1,000
Zimbabweans surveyed, 42 percent said they paid bribes to “speed things up”, 30
percent to “avoid a problem with authorities” and 28 percent “to receive a
service they are entitled to”.
The survey of more
than 6,000 people in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Malawi, Mozambique,
South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe between 2010 and 2011 also found that across
the region, 62 percent of people believe corruption has become worse in the past
three years.
The survey shows
that the DRC is the most corrupt in the region, topping the bribery scale in all
but one of the nine key service providers analysed. The DRC (22 percent) only
comes second best to Mozambique (35 percent) in medical services
corruption.
Chantal Uwimana,
Transparency International’s Regional Director said: “Governments must wake up
to the fact that people will not tolerate corruption anymore and start reforming
weak institutions, particularly the police.
“People have a
right to feel that they are protected by the police and not
harassed.”
The
‘Daily Lives and Corruption, Public Opinion in Southern
Africa’ makes for grim reading, but there is also some good
news: 80 percent of those interviewed said they were prepared to get involved in
the fight against corruption and three-quarters said ordinary people can make a
difference in the fight against corruption.
The
Bribes Index By Service and Country
|
Typhoid
cases escalate
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Wonai Masvingise and Thelma Chikwanha
Thursday, 24
November 2011 15:14
HARARE - Cases of suspected typhoid have spiked
to more than 500, Harare
City Council public relations officer Leslie Gwindi
has said.
Speaking at a press conference at Town House yesterday, Gwindi
revealed that
council was now investigating more suspected cases of the
water borne
disease.
This comes as council disconnected water
supplies to Harare residents who
have not paid bills, a move residents said
could escalate the typhoid
situation.
Gwindi said: “There has been an
increase in patients carrying the bacteria.
We are talking of numbers in
excess of 500 right now.
“However, in a lot of these cases it might not
be typhoid exactly but it
comes out as watery diarrhoea and we are accepting
that this watery
diarrhoea carries typhoid in some cases. There is a
misconception that
typhoid is coming from council water, this is not true.
Dirty water as a
result of shallow wells, boreholes sunk in unsuitable
places and flies are
the main carriers of typhoid.”
Gwindi warned
that water shortages were likely to continue saying “demand is
greater than
supply.”
He defended water cuts in areas such as
Highfield.
“Cutting off of water supplies in Highfield has nothing to do
with the
typhoid issue. People should pay for water despite the typhoid
outbreak. We
asked for residents to come and submit their payment plans if
they are
having difficulties with paying their water bills so the typhoid
outbreak
does not mean that water cuts will stop,” said
Gwindi.
Typhoid broke out last week with the first cases being reported
in
Dzivaresekwa where tests that were carried out on shallow wells and open
water sources came out positive. A shortage of clean water and proper
sanitation has been attributed to the typhoid outbreak.
Amplats’
Zim empowerment deal
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own Corespondent Thursday 24 November
2011
HARARE – The world’s largest platinum producer, Anglo
American Platinum
(Amplats), on Wednesday said it will transfer 10 percent
shareholding in its
Unki mine in Zimbabwe to local blacks, in line with a
government economic
empowerment law.
Under the controversial law that
came into force last year, foreign-owned
firms must sell at least 51 percent
shares to indigenous Zimbabweans by 2015
or face a host of punitive
measures, including hefty fines or withdrawal of
operating
licences.
According to a report by the state-onwed Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation,
Amplats will also avail US$10 million in funding for a local
community share
ownership trust, in a deal almost identical to the one
struck by Zimplats,
the country’s largest platinum miner.
Zimplats,
which is majority owned by the world’s second largest platinum
producer,
Impala Platinum, agreed in October to provide US$10 million for a
community
trust, while also agreeing to hand over a 10 percent stake to
locals.
Unki, which only began operations at the beginning of this
year, producing
22,400 ounces of platinum in the first half and remains on
course to hit
60,000 ounces in the full year, is not a major contributor to
Amplats group
earnings.
Mugabe’s previous government used its
majority in Parliament in 2007 to ram
through the indigenisation law
requiring all foreign-owned companies to sell
controlling stake to local
blacks.
Apart from Unki and Zimplats, other prominent foreign-owned firms
ordered to
transfer shares to locals include insurance giant Old Mutual, Rio
Tinto’s
diamond mine Murowa, British American Tobacco and the local units of
British
banks Standard Chartered and Barclays.
Critics say the
empowerment campaign is a ploy by Mugabe to seize thriving
businesses and
hand them over to his allies as a reward for support in much
the same way
that the veteran leader’s land reforms were executed in the
name of the
people but benefited his top lieutenants the most.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai -- forced into a unity government with
Mugabe after violence
marred and inconclusive elections in 2008 -- says the
law has undermined
investor confidence and could plunge the economy back
into crisis after it
had started recovering from a decade of collapse. –
ZimOnline
MDC
activist bail hearing deferred for fifth time
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Editor
Thursday, 24
November 2011 14:56
HARARE - The High Court yesterday postponed for
the fifth time in a row the
bail hearing of MDC youth leader Solomon Madzore
who is accused of murdering
police officer Inspector Petros
Mutedza.
Justice Maria Zimba Dube said Madzore’s bail hearing will now
proceed on
November 30.
The hearing was postponed to allow state
prosecutor Edmore Nyazamba to
analyse the fresh submissions made by
Madzore’s lawyer, Gift Mtisi of
Musendekwa and Mtisi Legal
Practitioners.
Mtisi had presented an affidavit from the MDC spokesperson
Douglas Mwonzora
detailing the rallies that were attended and addressed by
Madzore in
September to convince the court that Madzore was not a flight
risk.
The presentations would also include a video of the rallies he
addressed in
September as proof to show that he was not on the
run.
Justice Dube pushed the date to November 30 to allow a thorough
assessment
and verification of the new submissions to verify the information
with the
police.
“You can also arrange for the court to have sight of
the video,” Justice
Dube said.
Mutedza was murdered in Harare’s Glen
View suburb in May this year.
Mtisi has also filed an affidavit deposed
to by a medical doctor confirming
that Madzore was nowhere near the incident
as he had accompanied his wife to
the doctor’s chambers.
MDC
Exonerates Madzore From Evading Police Arrest In Fresh Freedom
Bid
http://www.radiovop.com/
Harare, November 24, 2011-Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC-T) party has exonerated its youth leader
Solomon
Madzore, whom the State accuse of evading arrest by the police for
allegedly
murdering a police officer, Inspector Petros
Mutedza.
Douglas Mwonzora, the MDCT spokesperson on Wednesday took the
extraordinary
step of filing an affidavit in court seeking to prove that
Madzore did not
hide from the police since the alleged murder of
Mutedza.
In his response to Madzore’s fresh bail application, Edmore
Nyazamba of the
Attorney General’s Office had opposed the granting of bail
arguing that the
MDC youth leader had been on the run after the alleged
murder of Inspector
Mutedza and hence the police had failed to arrest
him.
But in his affidavit which forms part of Madzore’s new submissions,
Mwonzora
exonerated his party’s youth leader for skirting arrest stating
that after
the alleged commission of the offence, Madzore appeared with him
and other
party leaders in a number of public meetings where they interacted
with the
police such that if they wanted to arrest him they could have done
so with
ease.
The MDC-T spokesperson said Madzore, who was arrested
early last month
attended MDC rallies in July and September which were
sanctioned by the
police, who maintained a heavy presence and at which he
even addressed party
supporters.
Mwonzora said at all gatherings the
police, who now claim that Madzore was
on the run after the alleged murder
of Inspector Mutedza, did not take any
action to suggest that they were
hunting for the MDC-T youth chairperson in
connection with the murder of a
police officer.
Justice Maria Zimba Dube on Wednesday postponed the bail
hearing to next
Wednesday to allow Nyazamba to solicit responses from the
police to the new
affidavit and the recorded video footage and to allow
Mtisi to file a
supplementary affidavit.
The High Court is also
expected to watch a video footage recorded at the MDC
party’s 12th
anniversary celebrations held at Gwanzura Stadium last month,
where Madzore
addressed more than 20 000 party supporters as evidence to
prove that the
MDC youth leader was never on the run and on the police
wanted person
list.
Madzore’s lawyer Gift Mtisi of Musendekwa and Mtisi Legal
Practitioners
recently filed the fresh bail application citing changed
circumstances after
Justice Hlekani Mwayera dismissed Madzore’s first bail
application last
month. Justice Mwayera ruled that the MDC-T youth leader
was a flight risk.
Constitutional Draft on Table, But Unresolved Issues
Remain
http://www.voanews.com/
23 November
2011
Potentially contentious issues still to be resolved by the
governing parties
range from multiple ownership of farms following land
reform to electoral
system reform, human rights, the death penalty and gay
rights
Blessing Zulu | Washington
The Zimbabwean parliamentary
select committee in charge of revising the
constitution has a draft of the
new basic document from legal experts, but
committee sources say there are
many issues to be resolved which could
considerably delay the
process.
Potentially contentious issues range from multiple ownership of
farms
following land reform to electoral system reform, human rights, the
death
penalty and gay rights. In light of this, the committee now says it
could
take to next May to hold a national referendum.
Committee
sources noted as well that their panel will take a break soon to
accommodate
the annual conference of President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF
party.
Committee Co-Chairman Douglas Mwonzora of the Movement for
Democratic Change
formation led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai told VOA
reporter Blessing
Zulu that it should be possible to reach common ground on
the outstanding
issues.
Lawyer Jeremiah Bamu of the Zimbabwe Lawyers
for Human Rights said the
constitution is likely to be a compromise document
given wide differences
between the ruling parties in the national unity
government put in place in
February 2009.
Rewriting the constitution
was one of the unity government's key tasks but
doing so has been a long and
costly process. Staging a referendum could be
nearly as difficult given the
resurgence of political violence in the
country in recent months, and the
fact that the referendum will set the
stage for a new round of national
elections.
Elections in 2008 were marred by violence that claimed
hundreds of lives.
Hugh Grant warns Britain
of Zimbabwe
Celebrity Actor
Hugh Grant speaking at the Leveson inquiry on the culture, practices and ethics
of media in UK warns that attempts to regulate press will lead to
Zimbabwe.
The actor referred
to Zimbabwe in number 4 of his "10 Myths of the Popular
Press".
Myth 4:
Regulation of the Press will make Britain like
Zimbabwe
Reader beware that
this article is not to assert or deny Hugh Grant's myth. Whether regulation of
the press will make Britain like Zimbabwe is a myth or not is not the aim of
this article. It is obvious from his statement that Britain does not want to
be like Zimbabwe. What is Zimbabwe like when it comes to Press Regulation? Here
are some of the details.
AIPPA
In 2002 the Access
to Information and Privacy Act was passed into law by President Robert Mugabe.
It is commonly referred to as AIPPA. This repressive piece of legislation
brought into effect by ZANU PF as a tool to silence opposition has resulted in
closure of independent news outlets and arrests, intimidation, harassment of
media workers. The media in Zimbabwe has been stifled and continues to be
choked. Its role as a watchdog is very limited and Zimbabweans suffer from
deprivation of rights to free expression and access to
information
POSA
Brought into law
in 2002 as well the Public Order and Security Act is another of the repressive
laws used by the Mugabe regime on the independent media. Section 15 makes it an
offense to publish or
communicate false statements which may be prejudicial
to State interests, in the absence of reasonable grounds for believing they
are true. Section 16 makes it a crime, punishable by imprisonment of up to a
year, to make statements “knowing or realizing that there is a risk or
possibility” of engendering feelings of hostility towards, or cause hatred,
contempt or ridicule of, the president”. In other words do not talk about
Mugabe. A number of arrests have been made by police and court cases have been
heard by Judges and Magistrates in Zimbabwe for ordinary citizens and
journalists who have "insulted" President Mugabe
The
Broadcasting Services Act
This Act was
passed into law in 2001. It is a law used by Mugabe's ZANU PF to essentially
monopolize the broadcasting airwaves. The government's Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation (ZBC) is currently the sole free-to-air broadcasting service
provider. No independent broadcasting service provider has ever been licensed in
Zimbabwe. Ordinary Zimbabweans are subjugated to constant ZANU PF propaganda
and misinformation on television and radio by ZBC. The result of this is that
Zimbabweans are unaware of the detail of what is going on in their backyard and
and have to resort to the World Wide Web and satellite broadcasting services
from foreign nations for the true Zimbabwe situation.
The
Interception of Communication Act
One of the most
recent draconian laws passed by the oppressive regime is the Interception of
Communication Act (2007). It targets ordinary internet, post and telephone
users as well as media practitioners who use the World Wide Web as their
medium. The purpose of the act is to establish a spy center operated by
government officials, "whose function shall be to monitor and intercept
certain communications in the course of their transmission through a
telecommunication, postal or any other related service system".
Internet Service Providers (ISPs) are required "to
install hardware and software facilities and devices to enable interception of
communications". The ISPs in Zimbabwe are obliged by law to redirect their data
"in a manner in which information can be re-routed to government's monitoring
center".
The
Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act
Enacted in 2005 to
close the loopholes left out by AIPPA (2002) and POSA (2002). The Criminal Law
imposes even harsher penalties to its victims. Under this law it is an offense
or anyone in or outside Zimbabwe to publish or communicate to any other person a
statement which is wholly or materially false with the intention or realizing
that there is a risk to public order, defense or economic interests, undermining
public confidence in a law enforcement agency and disrupting essential service.
Reader note an offense will have been committed even if the publication or
communication does not result in any of the scenarios stated above. Such is the
nature of journalism in Zimbabwe.
Mugabe also uses
sections of Criminal Law for his own personal use. It prohibits the making,
publicly and intentionally, of any false statement (including an act or gesture)
about or concerning the President or Acting President if the person knows or
realizes that there is a risk or possibility of endangering feelings of
hostility towards or causing hatred, contempt or ridicule of him/her, whether in
his official or personal capacity.
The
General Laws Amendment Act
The GLAA increased
penalty fines for various crimes and media practitioners were not let out of the
loop. Fines for publishing false statements prejudicial to the state were
increased by hundred fold.
This is what
Zimbabwe is in Hugh Grant's '10 Myths of the Popular Press' and as can be seen
in the context of his words and my further elaboration, it is nothing good.
Hugh Grant paints Zimbabwe as a futuristic, mythical condition which British
media should avoid. He references to Zimbabwe in a statement existing only in
the imagination (myth). What a reader might overlook in Hugh Grants comparison
of British media to Zimbabwe media is that Zimbabwe is real.
Far from being an
imagination the Zimbabwe situation is literally a bloody reality. Muffling the
media's voice is only the foundation of Mugabe's kleptocracy. The walls are
built by corruption and greed. On the roof you will find kidnappings, torture
and murder. Zimbabwe has a population of 12 million, 3 million live as
exiles.
Damned if he does and damned if he doesn’t
In January 2005 MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai famously retorted that the
party was “damned” if it participated in the then forthcoming elections and
was equally damned if it didn't. He was reportedly addressing a seminar of
opposition political parties and campaigners for democracy in Africa that
was held in South Africa in January of that year.
In the MDC context
Tsvangirai explained then that if the party were to take
part in the
elections it risked sanitising a process that had already been
contaminated
by ZANU PF beyond redemption. On the other hand Tsvangirai
again explained
that if the part chose to withdraw from the electoral
process at that point
citing the apparent irregularities in the electoral
system, it similarly
risked being rendered irrelevant to the Zimbabwean
political process because
it would lose all the political traction that it
had gained over the
preceding five years that it had existed.
Today Tsvangirai faces a
similar situation in which he is damned if he does
and equally damned if he
doesn’t. News that have been filtering through of
his customary union with a
woman is has been reported in Zimbabwean media
circles to be in a
relationship with for a number of months now present him
with that similar
predicament. If it is true that he married the woman who
is reportedly very
strongly linked to ZANU PF then that will definitely
cause some problems for
him and those in the MDC party. If he then wriggles
out without the
customary or even legal commitment he must never think that
will be last he
hears about that woman.
In a normal country or situation this development
would have never been an
issue at all because it is common everywhere.
People intermarry across
political and religious divides the world over. In
countries that have
always been dominated by two or three major political
parties such Britain,
America, Australia and France people from across the
political divide
intermarry with no whispers at all. Even in African
countries such as
Zambia, Kenya, Malawi and South Africa people marry across
political
affiliation. But in Zimbabwe it is a totally different situation
when it
comes to ZANU PF and the MDC.
This is not about Tsvangirai
here, or the woman concerned and her seemingly
very clear ZANU PF
connections. It is all about ZANUP history when it comes
to machinations,
political chicanery, and dangerous scheming. This is a
party that has
survived this far not because of popular support but due to
their unpopular
and forceful imposition on the people of Zimbabwe. Where
people have got
into ZANU PF’s way they have lost lives and have had their
lives turned
upside down. Tsvangirai through the MDC has got into ZANU PF’s
way in a very
inconvenient way and they will do anything to stop him. By
default this
woman will be used in that process of trying to stop Tsvangirai
especially
now when ZANU PF fortunes are at their most vulnerable in the
history of the
party.
She does not even have to subscribe to any such plan by ZANU PF.
She will be
forced to do it because even she will be at risk if she does not
play ball
with ZANU PF. This is a woman who might have just simply been
innocently
looking for love but she might now find her ZANU PF links more of
an
inconvenient connection as a result. If Tsvangirai does marry her and
lives
with her she is very likely to be manipulated into ensuring that
Tsvangirai
is thwarted. If he does not marry her however, she may even need
any such
manipulation after all as she might actually turn into a very
willing tool
of ZANU PF machinations. They hell hath no fury like a scorned
woman and she
will readily accept any concoction that ZANU PF might
prescribe for her to
pass on to Tsvangirai either directly or indirectly.
She could say anything
and no one can dispute her claims because no one
knows where these two have
been together in their hitherto covert
relationship.
Once again Tsvangirai has put himself into question as far
as his judgement
is concerned. It is now an open secret that his pants are
his greatest
weakness and his enemies will seek to hit him hard in the
groins. Hardly
have the printing presses archived his story of fathering a
child with an
almost juvenile in Bulawayo has he been at it again and this
time he has
gone one better and got himself twins. That’s should be a joy
for anyone to
father a child and more so twins, but at time when Zimbabwe is
burning the
last that Zimbabweans are looking for is a womaniser in a
liberator’s
garments. Zimbabweans are looking for real leadership that will
unify and
take the country out these decades of decadence not someone so
obsessed with
the deep end that he has to father three children with
different women
against the background of such a ferocious campaign against
an unrelenting
dictatorship such as ZANU PF.
The fact that Tsvangirai
has failed to score any significant political
scores while scoring quite
significantly with women reveals a deep seated
distractive tendency that has
been preoccupying him while at the controls of
the democratic struggle? Why
is it when it comes to his trysts and
womanising exploits he has clinically
managed to stay clear of ZANU PF’s
radar and yet he has failed to steer the
MDC ship well clearly out of ZANU
PF’s harm’s way? It is very questionable
when one looks at the rate at which
he is going fathering children with
unmarried women and more so during a
time when he must be sobering up given
the tragic circumstances of the death
of his wife for whom there was a lot
of out pouring from among Zimbabweans
and the world over. It all smirks of
immorality and cultural
unscrupulousness.
Tsvangirai is hardly being
any role model to Zimbabweans either POLITCALLY
OR SOCIALLY and he does not
seem to be bothered at all about pausing to
think of his own actions or
inactions. A lot of people have tended
misconstrue the Zimbabwean people’s
support of the MDC to that of Tsvangirai
personally and that is what makes
him think he is indispensible and can do
whatever he wishes. There has been
a of lot hostility towards any criticism
of Tsvangirai even when his
failings and shortcomings have been glaring for
all to see. In him people
are very unwittingly producing another Mugabe.
It is high time our
leaders are adequately challenged for their actions not
just letting them
slip through the net because they are waving the
liberation flag. Our
country needs proper leadership with enough ideas and
inspiration to take us
out of this quagmire that is ruining lives and
futures.
Silence
Chihuri writes from Scotland. He can be contacted at
silencechihuri@goohlemail.com or
on twitter @Schihuri
Bill Watch 52/2011 of 24th November [Budget Today; Setting up Media Council]
BILL WATCH 52/2011
[24th November
2011]
The 2012 Budget will be presented this
afternoon
The Minister
of Finance will deliver his twice-postponed 2012 Budget Statement in the House
of Assembly this afternoon.
In
Parliament 22nd and 23rd November
House of
Assembly
Tuesday The acting chairperson of the Portfolio
Committee on Budget, Finance and Investment Promotion reported to the House that
in a letter to his Committee the Governor of the Reserve Bank had charged the
Committee’s chairperson, Mr Zhanda, with putting pressure on the Governor in an
effort to get him to favour Mr Zhanda’s personal interests. [Under Mr Zhanda’s leadership the Committee
has been investigating aspects of Reserve Bank business.] There was no debate, as the Speaker said he
would make a ruling on 24th November on what action should be taken. As required by Standing Orders, Mr Zhanda has
stepped down as chairperson of the Committee pending the resolution of the
matter.
The House then
devoted most of its short sitting to hearing the final contributions to the
debate on the condolence motion for the late General Mujuru. Hon Bhasikiti, the
motion’s proposer, wound up the debate and the House passed the
motion.
There was
celebratory noise before the sitting commenced, with congratulations being
accepted by ZANU-PF MP Biata Nyamupinga, sister of the
paparazzi-alleged bride of the Prime Minister.
A congratulatory remark was made by MP Mazikana, ZANU-PF,
during proceedings, but the Deputy Speaker ruled that celebrations could
continue after the session – which they did.
There had been no official confirmation of the
marriage.
Wednesday – International
Agreements approved After presentations by the Minister of
Industry and Commerce and the chairperson of the Portfolio Committee on Industry
and Commerce the House approved two
international agreements:
· EU-ESA [Eastern
and Southern Africa] Interim Economic Partnership Agreement signed in Mauritius
on 29th August 2009
· International
Coffee Agreement of 2007
Wednesday – Question Time Several MPs put questions “without notice” to
Deputy Prime Minister Mutambara on MPs’ remuneration. One asked the Minister of Labour whether she
could assist MPs in their plight; she replied it was outside her
mandate. The DPM undertook
to report back to the House next week after discussing the matter with the
President and the Prime Minister.
Senate
Tuesday The Senate sat for only 13 minutes. There were no contributions to the debates on
the motions currently before the Senate.
Wednesday The Senate sat for 24 minutes. After a brief final contribution to the
debate on the motion of thanks to the President for his speech opening the
current Session by Senator Simon Khaya Moyo, ZANU-PF Chairperson, the motion was
approved. In concluding his winding-up
speech Senator Moyo also, on behalf of ZANU-PF, congratulated the Prime Minister
on his “marriage”. MDC-T Senators
objected and their whip Mrs Gladys Dube demanded that that Senator Moyo withdraw
this, saying “you can’t rely on newspapers” and no marriage had been
confirmed. The President of the Senate
then asked Senator Moyo to withdraw the congratulations.
The Senate then
adjourned until Thursday 24th November
Prime Minister’s Question Time in the Senate Prime Minister’s Question Time will not take
place this Thursday because of the Budget presentation.
In Parliament Last
Week
Both Houses sat on Tuesday 15th November only.
House of Assembly
Condolence motions There were brief
contributions to the ongoing debates on the condolence motions for Professor
Mukonoweshuro and General Solomon Mujuru.
No Bills dealt with No moves were made to
restore the Human Rights Commission Bill and the Electoral Amendment Bill to the
Order Paper. At this rate neither Bill
is likely to be proceeded with this year, as Budget business is likely to
dominate the scarce remaining Parliamentary time before the customary December
recess.
Senate
Report on APU Conference Senator Mumvuri presented a report on the Conference of Speakers of
Parliaments of the African Parliamentary Union that was held in Equatorial
Guinea at the end of 2010. Senators
congratulated President of the Senate Ednah Madzongwe on her election as a Vice-President of the APU at
the conference.
Motion
on partisan public media Senator Komichi of MDC-T proposed his motion deploring the partisan
nature of TV and radio services in Zimbabwe, and the print and electronic media,
condemning hate speech and abuse of press freedom by partisan media, and calling
for the “relevant thematic committee” to investigate “these unethical and
unprofessional activities”. His speech
concentrated on the failings of the national broadcaster [ZBH] as a public
broadcaster and the pro-ZANU-PF and
anti MDC-T bias of ZBH’s TV and radio stations.
ZANU-PF’s Senator Monica Mutsvangwa said
Hon Komichi should have provided statistics to back up
his complaints. There were other
contributions to the debate from all sides, with ZANU-PF Senators levelling
criticism against outside radio stations and the independent print media. [Note:
Earlier this year the House of Assembly Portfolio Committee on Media, Information and Communication Technology produced
a report on the State of Public Media in Zimbabwe.] [Electronic version
available from veritas@mango.zw]
Zimbabwe Media Commission
to Establish Media Council
The chairperson of the
Zimbabwe Media Commission [ZMC], Mr Godfrey Majonga,
has said that the Commission would establish the Media Council before the end of
November. He said letters had been
written to appropriate organisations [see
below] asking them to nominate representatives for appointment as members of
the Council – each organisation has been asked to put up three names. Mr Majonga pointed
out – correctly – that the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
[AIPPA] obliges ZMC to set up the Council.
[Section 42A(1) says “the
Commission shall appoint a Media Council”.
This section and other sections relating to the Media Council were
inserted into AIPPA by an amending Act passed by Parliament in late 2007 as part
of a “package” agreed to by all three main political parties ahead of the 2008
elections].
How Media Council to be appointed: Under section 42A of AIPPA, the chairperson
of the 14-member Media Council must be a member of the Commission. The other 13 members
are:
· 2 members nominated by an
association or associations representing accredited
journalists;
· 2 members nominated by an
association or associations representing advertisers and advertising
agencies;
· 7 members nominated by associations representing each of the
following groups [1 member per group]:
publishers, advertising agencies, mass media trainers, religious bodies,
business, trade union federations, women’s groups and youth
groups
· 2 members representing the
legal profession, one selected by the Commission from a panel submitted by the
Law Society and the other from a panel submitted by university law
faculties.
[Note: Only the members representing the legal
profession have to be selected by the Commission from panels of nominees; each
of the other 11 representative members must be a person nominated by the
associations that “in the opinion of the Commission” are representative of the
group concerned. This means that, if the
associations put up only one name per group, 11 members could in reality be
chosen by the associations, with appointment by the Commission a mere
formality. It is for the Commission,
however, to decide which associations are representative of the specified groups
– which could cause disputes in groups where there are rival associations. Importantly, if a group fails to nominate
anyone at all, it is for the Commission to appoint someone it considers
representative of the group.]
Functions of Media Council: The principal functions of the Media Council
are stated in AIPPA:
· assisting ZMC in its task
of drawing up a code of conduct and ethics for journalists and mass media
services [the final word on the code rests with ZMC];
· conducting disciplinary
hearings when alleged breaches of the code are referred to it by ZMC [the
Council cannot itself initiate such proceedings];
· when the Council finds a
journalist or mass media service guilty, recommending to ZMC the penalty that
should be imposed by ZMC [again, the final decision and responsibility for
taking action rest with ZMC].
Penalties for journalists
and mass media services found guilty of breaching the code include cautioning,
monetary penalties and suspension of registration. [Electronic version of AIPPA available from veritas@mango.zw]
Status of
Bills
Bills Passed by Parliament
awaiting gazetting as Acts
Deposit Protection
Corporation Bill [passed in Parliament – 2nd August]
Small Enterprises Development Corporation Amendment Bill [passed in
Parliament – 12th July]
Bill Gazetted and Awaiting
Presentation
Older Persons Bill [gazetted
9th September]
[Electronic version available from veritas@mango.zw]
Bill being Printed for Gazetting
Urban Councils Amendment Bill [Private Member’s Bill to be
presented by Hon Matimba of MDC-T] [Electronic version available from veritas@mango.zw]
Government Gazette: 11th and
18th November
No Bills or Acts were
gazetted. Statutory instruments under
the Customs and Excise Act were the only ones gazetted [electronic copies NOT
available].
Veritas makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot
take legal responsibility for information supplied