The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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The Telegraph

Zimbabwean children sell their bodies to put food on the table
(Filed: 28/11/2004)

As Mugabe tries to keep the eyes of the world solely on cricket, Neil
Connery, in Bulawayo, reports on a darker side of life in the country

Linguile finishes applying her lipstick and adjusts her skimpy top. Every
night she goes through the same ritual before heading on to the streets of
Bulawayo. She is 15 years old, and says that she has no choice but to work
as a child prostitute.

"I was driven to desperation to do this. I have to get money for food -
there's no other way," she said. "My mother died and my father ran away. I
have two younger sisters to look after. There's nobody else now. I do this
so I can put food on the table and pay the rent. If I didn't do this, I
don't know where we'd be."

Linguile starts work at about 7pm, hanging around clubs and hotels in the
city centre looking for clients. "I work for 12 hours, seven days a week,"
she said.

"If I'm lucky I might make 90,000 Zimbabwean dollars [£6] a night, but it's
getting harder because more and more young girls are doing the same. They
have to, just to survive these days."

Although Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe, is determined that reporters
with England's touring cricketers - who are due to play two matches in
Bulawayo this week - should write only about sport, Linguile has a message
for the players. "I think they should come and see what is really happening
here," she said. "I'd like to tell them about girls like me because we
really have to do this."

Food shortages in Bulawayo have claimed the lives of more than 160 people in
the past year, according to Japhet Ndabeni-Ncube, the city's mayor and a
member of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

Although the government announced a "record harvest" in May and ordered the
World Food Programme to stop distributing aid, a Zimbabwe parliamentary
committee gave warning this month that the country would run out of food
before April.

Mr Mugabe's seizures of white-owned farms have led to the collapse of a
once-thriving agricultural economy. Zimbabwe used to be able to export food
to drought-stricken neighbours in southern Africa. Now, the plight of its
people is worsened by the spread of Aids - at least one in three of
Zimbabwe's population is HIV positive. Despite the terrible risks, Linguile
and hundreds of other girls who sell their bodies are prepared to have
unprotected sex to make more money.

"I know it's dangerous but I've done it twice without a condom because I was
so desperate," she said. "The others do it as well and it's what many of the
men ask for. If I said no they'd only go and give their money to someone
else."

Often, however, it is not money that customers hand over in exchange for
sex. Zimbabwe's economy is falling apart and hard cash is scarce. Inflation
is running at over 200 per cent. The child prostitutes have devised a new
system of payment to beat the cash shortage.

"Sometimes I just get them to give me groceries. That way, it means me and
my sisters have something to eat."

Linguile is both scared and angry about her plight. "I've dropped out of
school now and my education is finished. I'm angry I have to do this. If I
was at school, in one year I'd get my O levels, and who knows, maybe A
levels after that. If I'd stayed, maybe I'd get a decent job. But that's all
gone now.

"I'm scared of doing this. Some of the men can be very rough. But we'd
starve if I didn't do it."

Moses Ndlovu, an opposition MP, said that Linguile's story showed how
desperate life in Zimbabwe had become. "The evidence is out there on the
streets when you see them scouting for clients. These are 12-, 13-year-olds
wearing skimpy clothes exposing themselves so that clients are more
attracted to them.

"The shocking part is that they are prepared to put their lives in danger by
offering unprotected sex. This tells you how cheap life in Zimbabwe has
become."

Neil Connery is the ITV News Africa Correspondent.
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Independent (UK)

Land where a million dollars a month makes you poor
As the England cricket tour starts, life for ordinary people is harder than
ever. Gary Lemke tells the story of one family
28 November 2004

Driving from the township of Chitungwiza into central Harare, my eye was
drawn to the empty coffins at the roadside. Smart hawkers had spotted a
lucrative spin-off in the market. Wooden carvings and paintings had been
replaced by something that dominates modern Zimbabwean life: death. This was
1995. Nine years on and those hawkers are thriving.

"The funeral trade is the biggest business in the country," my father-in-law
said from Harare on Friday - the same day that the England cricket team
arrived for their highly controversial tour.

People are dying there at a rate unimaginable to those who haven't got
Africa in their blood. For many, money is scarce. Primitive graves are dug
by the grieving; bushland is a popular final resting place. Even in death,
dignity is denied.

"Can we talk on the record about the situation," I asked my father-in-law.
"We can," he said, "but we can't." He talks in code. The phone is probably
tapped, and emails monitored. "Buddy, you won't believe it if I told you ...
people are going about their business as usual." He means things are really
bad, that society is ruled by fear. As a South African I made many trips to
Zimbabwe. Now my in-laws live there. Well, exist, really. We, and my two
brothers-in-law, send money to them monthly. Without it, they would starve.
They are the lucky ones.

The Zimbabwean dollar is only a shifting number. "Last night I went to the
shops, bought two loaves of bread, three packets of dog food, a tub of
margarine, instant coffee, milk and bacon. It cost ZW$210,000," said my
father-in-law.

At the official exchange rate that's £17, but the minority who have jobs
would be fortunate to take home ZW$1m a month. My in-laws rent their
middle-class house for around ZW$800,000. But they can't leave Zimbabwe as
they don't have passports: they relinquished their UK documents under
government orders.

Often, the phone rings at our home. The caller display shows
"international". It's the catalyst for trouble. "Mom, don't call us, you
can't afford it, and we can't keep giving you more and more money," my wife
says. The reply is always, through tears, "I love you and just wanted to say
hello to you and my grandchildren. Oh, and dad's in agony with his knees,
but we can't afford an operation."

My father-in-law refuses to face reality. "Things tick over. After work [he
recently landed a full-time job], I go home, watch TV and then go to bed and
wait for the morning. Things are ticking over, it's not getting worse." But
emails from my mother-in-law over the years paint the bleakest of pictures.

They relocated from apartheid South Africa in 1982. My future father-in-law
set up a recruitment firm, placing scores of young men and women in jobs.
They put their trust in him, and he gave them hope. In recent years,
unemployment has reached new highs, and his business is but a memory.

However, they will never leave. They are trapped in a world they refuse to
believe can deteriorate. But it does.

My fiercely patriotic brother-in-law has two children, but he took his
family to Johannesburg this year. His six-year-old daughter carries some
mental scars, though he will disagree. One day this year, armed policemen
arrived at her private school in Harare and shut it on government orders.
The intelligent little girl is now waiting to begin her education in another
country, which she knows is not home.

But enough of the privileged. Need I mention it's a white family? Yes, as
"white" and "privileged" are no longer linked. "If you think whites have a
good life, come have a look for yourself. Those buying Mercedes with
suitcases full of cash aren't white," my father-in-law says. He doesn't need
to add they are Robert Mugabe's cronies.

An election is due next year, but my father-in-law won't be voting. "We had
to give up our British passport to vote in the last two. Both times we
queued for hours only to find our names weren't on the roll. Strange,
considering we had lived at the same address for 15 years. Next year will be
no different. But things are ticking over. Sure, inflation is running at 600
per cent, but we manage," he said on Friday.

He's lying. But what should we do? Tell them there is no chance of a decent
living for the foreseeable future? That would be to cut the umbilical cord
that keeps them and other "privileged" Zimbabweans from death's door.
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Sunday Times (UK)

            White farmers launch £12 billion lawsuit
            Christina Lamb, Harare

            THOUSANDS of white Zimbabwean farmers are to take both the
British and Zimbabwean governments to the international courts, seeking £12
billion in compensation for their lost farms and in damages.
            After a four-year campaign of violent evictions in which 15
farmers have been murdered, British law firms have been hired to bring a
class action.

            In what will be an unprecedented case, they will accuse the
Zimbabwean government of human rights abuses and failure to respect
international treaties. British officials will be accused of reneging on
agreements made at independence in 1980.

            The action emerged this weekend as England's cricketers prepared
to play the first match of what has been dubbed "the tour of shame".

            Graffiti on walls near Harare sports club reading "England go
home" reflect the feeling of many towards the series in a country whose
president, Robert Mugabe, is starving his people.

            Zimbabwe is described by the farmers' organisation Justice for
Agriculture (Jag) as "on the threshold of genocide". Pius Ncube, the
Archbishop of Bulawayo, said: "By coming and playing here the England
cricket team are giving credibility to this evil regime and its evil deeds."

            Pointing out that Mugabe has purged the Zimbabwean team of its
most experienced players because he wants an all-black side, Ncube added:
"It's no good arguing sports and politics don't mix. Mugabe is patron of
Zimbabwe cricket and in this country everything is politicised."

            The white farmers, who would once have crammed the stands for a
match such as today's are among the most virulently opposed to the tour. "To
us this is yet another betrayal by the British government," said John
Worsley-Worsick, a spokesman for Jag.

            Angry that the white farmers have often been portrayed as
villains because of their vast estates and affluent lifestyle, he turned the
blame on what for most is the mother country. One of the triggers for land
seizure, he believes, was the British government's decision to stop funding
land reform.

            "By doing this they reneged on the Lancaster House agreement
signed at independence under which Britain agreed to fund land reform
unconditionally," he said.

            "The world saw us as the culpable party because we had so much
land, but 82% of us purchased our land since 1980 and with full approval of
the Zimbabwe government.

            "The problem is we inherited a colonial system where the
disparity between commercial agricultural land and communal agricultural
land was a disgrace."

            Mugabe justified the eviction of white farmers on the grounds
that their land had been stolen in the first place, Worsley-Worsick said.

            The original white settlers were permitted by a royal charter to
explore for minerals but took land in breach of assurances given by Queen
Victoria to King Lobengula, a regional ruler, he said.

            "We inadvertently became the receivers of stolen property which
should have been rectified by the British government funding land reform,"
he added.

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Sunday Times (UK)

            'Obesity tourism' is Mugabe's answer to feeding Zimbabwe
            Christina Lamb, Mazowe Valley, Zimbabwe

            ZIMBABWE has come up with a bizarre proposal to solve the food
crisis threatening half its population with starvation. It wants to bring in
obese tourists from overseas so that they can shed pounds doing manual
labour on land seized from white farmers.
            The so-called Obesity Tourism Strategy was reported last week in
The Herald, a government organ whose contents are approved by President
Robert Mugabe's powerful information minister, Jonathan Moyo.

            Pointing out that more than 1.2 billion people worldwide are
officially deemed to be overweight, the article exhorted Zimbabweans to "tap
this potential".

            "Tourists can provide labour for farms in the hope of shedding
weight while enjoying the tourism experience," it said, adding that
Americans spent $6 billion a year on "useless" dieting aids.

            "Tour organisers may promote this programme internationally and
bring in tourists, while agriculturalists can employ the tourists as free
farm labour.

            "The tourists can then top it all by flaunting their slim bodies
on a sun-downer cruise on the Zambezi or surveying the majestic Great
Zimbabwe ruins."

            The notion that oversized, overpaid Americans could be enticed
into paying to spend their holidays working free for those who seized the
country's commercial farms illustrates how far the Mugabe regime has
descended into a fantasy world.

            This is a government that boasts of bumper harvests when 5.5m of
its people need food aid; that negotiates to buy Russian MiG fighter jets
when the country is bankrupt; that shows constantly smiling dancing
Zimbabweans on state television (known locally as the "Bums and Drums"
channel) when two-thirds of the working population has fled.

            It was the regime's paranoia about letting anyone see what was
really happening that prompted last week's attempt to ban some British
cricket correspondents from entering the country to cover the England team's
controversial tour.

            This report is the result of travelling undercover for 10 days,
meeting people secretly. Had we been caught, we could have faced two years
in jail under draconian new media laws. Almost everyone interviewed refused
to be quoted by name for fear of reprisals; this is a place where people
really do disappear in the night. Some of those we met were subsequently
visited by secret police.

            It did not take long to see what was going on. Mazowe Valley is
less than an hour from the capital and a drive through the area revealed the
shocking destruction that Mugabe has wreaked on this sad but beautiful
country.

            It used to be described as the bread basket of southern Africa,
with neat fields of maize and soya growing in rich red soil and farmers
notching up world records for yields. Rows of giant greenhouses sheltered
roses that earned important foreign exchange, as did fields of miniature
vegetables to sell in British supermarkets.

            In 10 years of visiting Zimbabwe, I have often been through
Mazowe and its model farmland. Today it is a series of fallow fields,
overgrown with grass, weeds and thorny scrub, as if some deadly scourge had
swept through the valley. There are orchards of dead citrus trees,
greenhouse frames stripped of their plastic roofs and the broken, twisted
poles of what were once floodlights and irrigation systems.

            Security fences have gone. Trees have been chopped for firewood.
Even the telephone wires have been looted.

            Gone, too, are the panga- waving "war veterans" who manned
almost every entrance two years ago. Most of the war vets and settlers who
were bussed in to take over the farms have been moved out so that party
bigwigs can move into the houses.

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BBC
 
Zimbabwe's school crisis

By Barnaby Phillips
BBC, Zimbabwe

The education system in Zimbabwe used to be Africa's finest and one of President Robert Mugabe's greatest achievements. But today schools are in crisis - economic collapse and political interference are having a devastating impact.
President Robert Mugabe
President Mugabe has banned BBC journalists from the country

This interview took place in a secret location - and although it had been planned for months, we were only told where we should go a few minutes beforehand.

We did it as quickly as possible, and my cameraman arrived and left in a different car.

The interviewee was never told my name. And I cannot tell you the interviewee's name, nor can I tell you where we met.

You get the picture. All very cloak and dagger.

So who was I meeting? Perhaps an underground rebel leader, who had decided to take up arms against the government? Or a fanatic, planning an assassination?

Reporting in Zimbabwe has become so difficult and dangerous that you cannot take too many precautions
Sadly, the truth is more mundane.

I met a teenage school-girl. Or, to be more accurate, a teenage ex-school-girl, because - like so many Zimbabwean children - her parents can no longer afford her fees and she has dropped out.

Tighter controls

So why all the secrecy for an interview about education?

Partially because reporting in Zimbabwe has become so difficult and dangerous that you cannot take too many precautions.

This month the Zimbabwean government tightened - again - its reporting laws.

The innocently named "Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act" makes it illegal for any foreign journalist to be based in Zimbabwe.
When the Zimbabwean authorities can identify people who have spoken to the foreign or independent media, they are prepared to go after them, and punish them.

It also says that any journalist who reports without the approval of a government-appointed commission can be sentenced to up to two years in prison.

Zimbabwe's information minister, Jonathan Moyo, says "this kind of legislation is the norm worldwide", but the intention of this legislation is to get Zimbabwe off our television screens, and radios, and newspapers, and minimise the government's embarrassment.

Punishment

For foreign journalists, it has made life inconvenient.

For brave, independent Zimbabwean journalists, it has made life very difficult.

But there is another reason for our secrecy: to protect the people who have the courage to give interviews. Because make no mistake, when the Zimbabwean authorities can identify people who have spoken to the foreign or independent media, they are prepared to go after them, and punish them.

School in Zimbabwe
Rampant inflation has meant little money is now spent on education
And yes, even a school girl, talking about the disappointment of not finishing her studies, would be a target.

So at the risk of annoying Mr Moyo, and his colleagues, let me tell you a little bit more about Zimbabwe's education system, and its problems.

It was the pride of Africa.

And the credit for that goes to President Robert Mugabe and his government. In the years after independence, President Mugabe supervised an enormous expansion in spending on education.

By the late 1990s, Zimbabwe had a higher percentage of literate people than any other country on this continent.

According to the UN, as recently as 2000, 90% of young Zimbabwean children went to primary school. Again, the highest attendance in Africa.

'Social catastrophe'

But by 2003, that figure had plummeted, to only 65%.

This represents a social catastrophe, the impact of which will be with Zimbabwe for decades.

The crisis in the economy is the main reason for the collapse in school attendance.

The girl I met at the secret rendezvous is typical. She is bright and was planning to take her A-levels and qualify as a social worker.

Barnaby Phillips talks to a teacher
These stories are important - the girl who can no longer go to school and the teacher who was beaten

But her family has been hit by unemployment and Aids, and now they cannot even afford to spend the equivalent of £5 a term to send her to school.

They want her to go out and make money instead. So it is not surprising that many girls are falling into prostitution.

To make things worse, thousands of qualified teachers have left Zimbabwe in recent years. The head of the teachers' union told me that he believes that at least 10,000 have gone.

They are, mostly, economic migrants hoping to make a better living in South Africa or Britain. They say they were fed up in Zimbabwe where schools are under-funded, and salaries cannot keep up with inflation.

Intimidation

But several of the teachers whom I have met in South Africa say that they fled for political reasons.

The Zimbabwean government believes that teachers tend to be opposition supporters and has used violence to intimidate them.

In a squalid flat in downtown Johannesburg, a former Zimbabwean teacher told me how government thugs stormed into his school and told him that his teaching should be more "patriotic".

Later, he says, they attacked him and beat him so badly he needed stitches in the head. That is when he decided to leave Zimbabwe.

Like many exiles, he has not found life easy in South Africa. He works as a waiter. Other former teachers that I have met drift between odd jobs, selling things on the street, cleaning houses in Johannesburg's rich suburbs.

These stories are important - the girl who can no longer go to school and the teacher who was beaten up. They say so much about Zimbabwe today.

And that is why we have got to keep on trying to tell these stories, no matter how hard the Zimbabwean government makes it for us, the reporters.

Because we owe it to the brave Zimbabweans who do want to speak out.

From Our Own Correspondent was broadcast on Saturday, 27 November 2004 at 1130 GMT on BBC Radio 4. Please check the programme schedules for World Service transmission times.

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New Zimbabwe

Mugabe 'frightened' of own spin doctor, Moyo

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 11/27/2004 23:30:37
PROFESSOR Jonathan Moyo's political career was on the brink this weekend
after President Robert Mugabe said he was "frightened by his thrust to defy
the party".

Moyo who has been trying to build himself a personal fiefdom in his rural
home area - Tsholotsho district - has previously clashed with the Zanu PF
oldguard but appeared to retain Mugabe's trust, until this weekend.

Moyo, a former university lecturer and arch critic of Robert Mugabe assumed
the role of chief spin doctor for the 80-year-old Zimbabwean tyrant in 2000.

Speaking in Bulawayo on Friday, Mugabe vowed to deal severely with Moyo, and
six Zanu PF provincial heads who attended a function Moyo organised in
Tsholotsho about a fortnight ago, allegedly to scuttle the nomination of
Water Resources and Infrastructural Development Minister Joyce Mujuru as one
of Zanu PF's two vice presidents.

"The six provincial chairpersons, including the organisers are guilty of
holding an unsanctioned party meeting. The name Tsholotsho has become good
and evil," thundered an irate Mugabe. "At first we thought the professor was
getting the resources, wherever they come from, to improve the area, but
what is now frightening us now is this thrust to defy the party."

Three of the troubled provincial leaders - Jacob Mudenda (Matabeleland
North), Themba Ncube (Bulawayo) and suspended Matabeleland South's Lloyd
Siyoka - had a torrid time answering the President, who asked them one by
one why they had attended Moyo's function.

"Were you invited in your personal capacities or as party chairpersons? This
was an illegal meeting which we as a party did not sanction," said Mugabe.

When asked who had invited him, Mudenda said he had been invited by "the
professor", to which Mugabe sought clarification: "Which professor? We have
so many professors in the country."

An unsettled Mudenda replied that he was referring to Moyo.

Provincial leaders from Masvingo, Midlands and Manicaland and at least one
provincial governor from outside the province also attended the Tsholotsho
function, to which the Speaker of Parliament, Emmerson Mnangagwa had also
been invited but failed to attend.

The six were allegedly backing Mnangagwa and women's league boss Thenjiwe
Lesabe for the two vice-presidents' posts, and Patrick Chinamasa for the
position of party national chairman.

Despite the alleged machinations, Mujuru was nominated to be
vice-presidenct. Mugabe asked Mnangagwa whether he was behind the plot
against Mujuru.

"I was only invited by the professor to officiate in Tsholotsho. What
surprised me is that the man has been lambasting me in the press, but all of
a sudden he decided to invite me," Mnangagwa said.

Mnangagwa alleged that Moyo had hired a plane to take a delegation including
Chinamasa, himself and Transport and Communications Minister Chris Mushohwe
to Tsholotsho.

However, Mushohwe had failed to travel and gave Mnangagwa $10 million to
donate to Inyane School, Tsholotsho. However, following the calling of an
emergency Politburo meeting, Mnangagwa had failed to travel.

"I received a call from the President saying that there was an urgent
meeting I was supposed to attend," he said. The meeting was to discuss,
among other things, that people were demanding a secret ballot for the
nomination for the Presidency; women representation; and that they did not
want the provincial executives to vote.

"I phoned the professor and told him that 'you are also wanted at the
meeting'," Mnangagwa told Mugabe.

However, Moyo was already on his way to Tsholotsho. Earlier in the morning,
rival party factions had traded insults as they waited for Mugabe to arrive
at the Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo International Airport.

One faction sympathised with former Zipra intelligence chief and former
Cabinet minister Dumiso Dabengwa and the other by Zimbabwe National
Liberation War Veterans' Association leader (ZNLWVA), Jabulani Sibanda.

The Dabengwa camp, which was apparently in charge of proceedings at the
airport, broke into song and dance as soon at Mugabe's plane touched down,
denouncing the Sibanda faction and supporting Mujuru's nomination to the
vice presidency.
Additional reporting Daily Mirror

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From The Mail & Guardian (SA), 26 November

Old guard still wields the power

Godwin Gandu and Netsai Mlilo

The Zanu PF old guard has awoken from its slumber ahead of the party's
crucial congress in Harare next week and achieved what many world leaders,
including President Thabo Mbeki, have been unable to do: summons President
Robert Mugabe and get him to act on their advice. Surrounded by trusted
former liberation war fighters - General Solomon Mujuru, former PF Zapu
stalwarts and party vice-presidents Joseph Msika and John Nkomo - Mugabe
relented and endorsed their candidate for the one vacant vice-presidential
post. This has seen Joyce Mujuru, of the Women's League, take pole position
as Mugabe's likely successor. The old guard is determined to wrest authority
from "the Mafikizolos", the term used to describe the Young Turks led by
Information Minister Jonathan Moyo and Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa.
The older generation fears that they are destroying Zanu PF's legacy as a
successful post-colonial government and leading the party into a cul de sac.
Mugabe, who has been in power since independence in 1980, indicated earlier
this year that he will depart the political stage in 2008, sparking intense
jostling within Zanu PF for leadership of the party that will create a
launching pad for ascendancy to the position of president. The succession
battle is turning out to be a fight for the heart and soul of Zanu PF and
has consolidated into two camps: Speaker of Parliament and Zanu PF secretary
for administration Emmerson Mnangagwa - for long believed to be Mugabe's
anointed successor - and Women's League candidate Joyce Mujuru, the wife of
one of Mugabe's closest confidants. It was General Mujuru who vouched for
the president among soldiers in the camps who knew little about him when he
was released from a Rhodesian jail in 1975. The general also introduced
Mugabe to African statesman Julius Nyerere, who had close ties with Joshua
Nkomo and his PF Zapu.

The Mujuru camp has the support of the security and intelligence structures.
They've also roped in Mashonaland central powerbrokers, Intelligence
Minister Nicholas Goche and Minister without Portfolio Elliot Manyika, as
well as party heavyweights information chief Nathan Shamuyarira and Enos
Chikowore. President Mugabe's Zezuru rank and file clique and the Women's
and Youth Leagues are also in their fold. The Mujuru camp despises the Young
Turks who have thrown their weight behind Mnangagwa on the promise of
landing the party chair and secretary for administration posts
respectively.The old guard wants to cement the Zanu/Zapu merger and has
nominated John Nkomo to retain the party chair. This strikes a conciliatory
tone with the Ndebele tribe who suffered 30 000 deaths during the
Matabeleland strife in the 1980s - atrocities repeatedly linked to
Mnangagwa. Until last week Mnangagwa was a sure bet, having garnered the
support of six of the 10 regions. Political analyst John Makumbe said Mugabe
was angered by "allegations that some European Union countries - including
Britain, who imposed sanctions on Mugabe and 94 of his lieutenants -
recently had contact with Mnangagwa as his heir apparent". An agitated
Mugabe at the weekend warned: "There are politicians who used money to sway
party members to vote for them last weekend when provincial structures
nominated . the presidium." Mugabe said the money, estimated at R11-million,
came from imperialists, "white capitalists". This severely dented Mnangagwa's
ambitions. The succession battle has also provided Mugabe with a way out of
this dilemma. "He approached it from a gender perspective to neutralise
ethnic tensions in the party," said academic Brian Raftopolous. "As always,
Mugabe is playing to the regional gallery. This has been his strategy for
years." Analysts have for long said that Zimbabwe's road out of its current
political crisis lies in contesting power within Zanu-PF.

Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) spokesperson Paul Themba Nyathi is of
the view that "The old guard, for all its intolerance, has a history of
co-existing with opposition parties. Unlike the Young Turks who want to
redesign the political landscape in accordance with their own vision and
image, the old Zanu/Zapu guard talked and came to a negotiated agreement
after a protracted, bitter war. They also negotiated at Lancaster House, an
experience the Young Turks don't have." The MDC's veiled endorsement of the
old guard is likely to please Mbeki, who has not made much headway with his
quiet diplomacy approach. Makumbe believes "Mbeki's approach will find
favour with the old guard with whom he shares a struggle history. The
Mafikizolos must have made him very nervous with their radical and
disruptive nature." Zanu PF insiders say a Cabinet reshuffle is on the cards
after the elections in March in which the intellectual wing aligned to
Mnangagwa - Moyo, Chinamasa, Foreign Minister Stan Mudenge and Agriculture
Minister Joseph Made - could get the chop. But Makumbe has warned that
Mnangagwa must not be viewed as down but not out. "He is going to fight.
This might be the beginning of internal power struggles and eliminations
characterised by stage-managed accidents and poisonings. These guys are
ruthless and it's open season now." The in-fighting will culminate at the
congress in December where Mugabe will be elected unopposed as president. It's
been a frenetic week for Zanu PF. On Mugabe's orders, Parliament remained in
session until 3.15am on Wednesday for the second reading of a Bill to outlaw
all foreign-funded human rights organisations and give the government the
power to shut down any other NGO.
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The Scotsman

Protest at Deportation of Zimbabwe Asylum Seekers

By Nicola Boden, PA

Protesters gathered at Gatwick Airport tonight to demonstrate against the
deportation of Zimbabwean asylum seekers who came to Britain to escape
President Mugabe's brutal regime.

Members of the Zimbabwean Association, a support group for asylum seekers
from the country, planned to disrupt the six o'clock flight to Malawi.

They claim two activists who were tortured and another woman who Mugabe's
men tried to force into his youth militia were being deported wrongly.

Sarah Harland, a member of the association, said she was worried they will
be returned to Zimbabwe.

"We are very concerned for them," she said.

Crispin Kulingi, a torture victim and known activist against Mugabe's
regime, was apparently being flown out from the airport.

Mr Kulingi came to the UK on a Malawian passport after attacks by Mugabe's
men put him in a coma and he had to spent months in hospital and a
wheelchair, Mrs Harland said.

She said the activist, who had been staying at Harmondsworth Detention
Centre, was clearly not Malawian but that the Home Office were deporting him
anyway.

A young woman Mrs Harland said had escaped from Zimbabwe after police tried
to force her to join Mugabe's militia, and a second less well-known
activist, were also meant to be on the flight.

Katrina Phillips, also of the association, said Mr Kulingi would face major
problems if he was returned to Zimbabwe.

"He is well known and if he is being returned, he is going to have grave
difficulties."

The Home Office lifted a temparary ban on returning asylum seekers to the
country 10 days ago.

Mrs Phillips said this was hard to understand and that the situation
surrounding England's cricket tour there proved the country was not safe.

She said: "We find it extremely difficult to understand why the Home Office,
at the end of last week, decided Zimbabwe was a safe country to return
asylum seekers to when the cricket situation was going on.

"This week it became very clear that it is not a free or safe country, and
not a country that allows any opinion other than that of the Government."

Mrs Harland said they planned to leaflet passengers on the flight and ask
the cabin crew and pilot to resist the removal of the asylum seekers. Ten
protesters were expected.

"We are also going to launch a campaign about this because it is quite
ridiculous ... particularly when it is considered dangerous just to play
cricket there." she added.
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Vaughan threatens to pull out of Zimbabwe

Wisden Cricinfo staff

November 27, 2004

Michael Vaughan says England will quit their tour of Zimbabwe if they are
forced to meet the President Robert Mugabe.

England are scheduled to play their first one-day international on Sunday,
as part of a revised four-match itinerary. But the ECB has issued a
reassurance that if attempts are made by the Zimbabwean government to use
the England team as "political pawns" then they will be free to leave the
tour.

"It's been made clear before the tour and we have just had confirmation from
(ECB chairman) David Morgan that the team will not be put in a position to
shake any government member's hand", said Vaughan. "David has confirmed to
me that none of the players and certainly not myself will be put in that
position and we have a plan if that does happen.

"All we've seen so far of Zimbabwe is the hotel, a restaurant and a cricket
ground. I said I wasn't looking forward to visiting the country, but now we
are here to play cricket and I enjoy playing cricket and I'm looking forward
to playing four games with a young team."

Vaughan also revealed that he was unhappy with the way that some of the
younger players had been caught up in the decision-making process as the
controversy has rumbled on. Ian Bell, Matt Prior and Kevin Pietersen are all
on their first senior tour.

"I feel a lot more sorry for the young players in the squad on their first
tour than I do for myself. There are guys making their debut tours seeing
things around the cricket field which they really shouldn't be seeing and
being involved in meetings they shouldn't be involved with," Vaughan added.

"They've had to be involved in a couple of meetings this week, but we have
tried to keep them clear of a lot of it and try to keep them focused."

© Wisden Cricinfo Ltd
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Report on the alleged breach by Hon R L Bennett

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From the CFU

Sent: Friday, November 26, 2004 6:46 PM
Subject: FIT - Compensation Issues

An update on compensation issues.  Coalition meeting today.

At the end of October 2004 the Ministry of Land Reform and Resettlement
published a Notice in the Herald calling on former owners or representatives
of the listed farms (779 of them) to contact the Ministry so that they "are
paid their compensation".

It is recommended that the farmer approaches the Valuation Consortium or
their Estate Agent or Lawyer to represent them in dealing with the
Government Compensation Committee.  The Valuation Consortium has put
together a power Of Attorney which the farmer needs to sign so that they may
represent the farmer in ascertaining the Governments offer.  The consortium
will then convey this to the farmer and will only carry out the farmers'
instructions.  If the farmer feels uneasy with the Power of Attorney, the
Valuation Consortium will supply him with an affidavit covering how they
will exercise the power of Attorney.

Of concern to many is that they are not being offered fair compensation
within a reasonable time.

It appears that the "offer" in a lot of cases has been considerably lower
than the independent professional valuation of the particular farm (in cases
10 - 20% of the value) and a number of farmers have not been prepared to
accept the offer.

It appears that compensation, once agreed upon, is being offered in one of
three forms :-

a)                  25% will be paid within 30 days of acceptance of the
offer, 25% will be paid the following year, and the balance (50%) during
years 3 to 5.  Interest at the rate of 30% per annum will be paid on the
outstanding balance.
b)                  If the farmer is prepared to accept 60% of the amount
offered, the Ministry may be prepared to pay this amount within 30 days of
acceptance of the offer.
c)                  If the agreed value is less than $ 150,000,000.00 then
this is payable in a lump sum.

It is obviously up to each individual with their own particular
circumstances as to how they respond.  It is recommended that in the event
of agreeing to the "offer" that all the payments, handing over of title
deeds etc. are handled by the Consortium, Estate Agent or Lawyer, to ensure
all the requirements are met to the satisfaction of all parties.  Do not
arbitrarily hand over title deeds before receiving payment.
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From the CFU

Sent: Friday, November 26, 2004 6:41 PM
Subject: FIT NEWSLETTER

                                     FIT NEWSLETTER            NOVEMBER 2004

The CFU has created Farmers In Touch (FIT) to deal with "Off Farm Farmers"
problems. This gives us all an opportunity to become involved, once again,
in the affairs of the Union as we are represented on the CFU council.
To this end the FIT Committee has identified three areas of major concern:

FIT

 WELFARE    COMPENSATION                 LIVELIHOODS

Welfare           Richard Brooker has established communications with the
major players in the humanitarian field. Most particularly the Farm family
Trust established a few years ago. Two members of FIT have been offered
positions on this Trust and will be able to assist those farmers or their
dependants who are in severely disadvantaged circumstances. Also by working
closely in co-operation with other wonderfully active Civic bodies we can
together make a meaningful difference for some of our less fortunate
friends.

                        WHAT CAN YOU DO?
1. Tell us about our colleagues in trouble

2. Help us administer this help

 3. Contact your friends overseas. Tell them help is needed and those with

VANAC shares may well be pleased to donate these to "The Farm Family Trust".
( N.B. The Farm Family Trust has done a great job to date helping over 600
families, but it is very low on funds. Please contact Fiona Dhana, the  FIT
Manager 04 309800 FIT Extension or Richard Brooker on 091 236 640 )
Compensation   The CFU, through FIT is part of the Coalition that has been
brought together and is chaired by Allan Burl to form a united front on all
aspects of compensation.  We want a unified approach.

                        The CFU has been told by the international community
that if any compensation finance is made available, it will go hand in hand
with the country's agricultural recovery and not in isolation.  By this we
mean that farmers not wanting to farm are paid full and fair compensation
and those wanting to farm are paid restitution, as well as access to cheap
money for a re-building/tooling exercise.

                        On the compensation side please ensure that you have
a valuation done on your property in both local and US currencies and you
have a full documented record of your circumstances on the farm including
your assets.

                       Various lawyers in Harare have drawn up papers that
farmers can fill in with their particular circumstances in apposing the new
Section 7's that are appearing in the papers. We know that 4 more Presidents
have been appointed to the Administrative Court Bench and others are to
follow and we are told that the Acquisition Process must be finished by the
end of December.  If this is the case more and more Section 7"s are going to
be heard and the Legal fraternity will not be able to handle such large
numbers. We have had templates drawn up that farmers can fill in themselves
and use if necessary, as we know the cost of this exercise.  If you would
like more information on this, please get in touch with Ben Kashula,
Regional Manager on 309800.  We feel that all ex-farmers should be
responding to all Section 5's, 8's and 7's.  To this end we are trying to
consult as widely as possible with the law fraternity.

                        It is almost certain that when Compensation or
Restitution monies are paid out, the CFU is going to be involved. Don't you
think its worthwhile playing your part supporting the FIT representative?

                        WHAT CAN YOU DO?   Be part of the process. Join FIT.

Livelihoods     ADSA, the project arm of FIT is now up and running. A newly
appointed Manager has taken office and the office will be open during full
business hours.

                        We have several projects in the exploratory stage
and are actively looking for a couple of team leaders to investigate
opportunities in some African countries. We can't handle them all ourselves,
so if you would like a trip to say Ethiopia and can handle the
responsibility then come along and discuss it with us.

                        Maybe you want to go to Nigeria.  Are you on the
books to be considered?
                        We can't help you if you don't make yourself be
known. Do you have friends who might like to take up opportunities in
Zambia? There are opportunities available.

                        We are creating a "Network of Zimbabweans" helping
each other to help ourselves to create opportunities for our friends. If you
hear of anything that may offer positions of employment please let us know.
It could help someone.

                        If you have a project in mind, we can help with
contacts in most countries. We have developed contacts through all sorts of
avenues. If you require technical support we can offer that.

                        WHAT CAN YOU DO? Join us to help us help ourselves.
Send in your CV.  Complete the ADSA data sheets (that are attached for both
the ratings and personal details.  Please fill in both) Tell us who and what
you are. Join us in our meetings. Take an active role in promoting
livelihoods for our friends and ourselves.  Please pass this message on to
them.
If you know of any ex-members out of the country, and have their current
e-mail addresses, please could we have them along with their farm names and
FA districts.

Here are a few positions that we have:-

Experienced Seed Producer

Established retail outlet wanting to expand into contract seed production
seeking project manager to develop, participate in, or acquire from owners
wishing to retire Contact FIT 04 309800 / fit@cfu.co.zw

The following are for Tanzania
-   Workshop Manager for a refrigeration transport Company.
-    Two youngsters required for cereals, sheep and vegetables

There are three levels to join
1            Full CFU member is fully paid member of FIT and its committees
2            A full non-farming member gets all Newsletters and
opportunities to take part in FIT Committees/Activities and preference for
Projects (@ Z$ 250,000 per six months or Z$500,000 per Year.  If you are not
in a position to pay this and would like to join, please come in and see
Alan Jack.
3        ADSA listed CVs only (News letter and job opportunities etc which
will fall away at the end of the year)

ALAN JACK,
CHAIRMAN.

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Morgan's victory overshadowed by greater truths

Kevin Mitchell
Sunday November 28, 2004
The Observer

What a delicious twist to the Zimbabwe saga that it took a ham-fisted attack
on the British media to persuade the mild-mannered David Morgan, the Neville
Chamberlain of cricket, finally to look Robert Mugabe in the eye.
Morgan, a decent man in a difficult job, has to tread carefully with the
media in his role as chairman of the England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB).
He has been even more circumspect with the man in charge of Zimbabwe.

What delight, then, to see Mugabe look away from Morgan when it mattered.
Because that is what the ageing Zimbabwean autocrat did on Thursday, when he
rescinded a ban on the 13 journalists he thought might embarrass his fiefdom
with their no-doubt mischievous questions on England's blighted tour.

There followed confused celebrations. The tour was saved. A point was made
about press freedom. A disconnected old man retreated to his tent, told by
his aides that the world could now witness a normal cricket tour in a normal
country.

Ultimately, though, what a steaming pile of hypocrisy all round. Another
piece of horse manure in our time.

The party line, apparently agreed to by the ECB, was that the journalists
were barred because of a technical hitch, an administrative cock-up. If you
believe that, you will believe that Shane Warne is washed up.

The truth - as revealed in a rare moment of candour days earlier by George
Charamba, the secretary for Zimbabwe's Ministry of Information - was
decidedly more sinister. He told Agence France Presse: 'Bona fide media
organisations in the UK have been cleared, but those that are political have
not. This is a game of cricket, not politics.'

Even that is not the whole truth. Looking down the list, it is clear that
the order was issued on a scattergun basis. Some of those allowed in had
previously been excluded or banished, most notably The Guardian and Reuters,
while The Independent and the Daily Mail (even though with different
agendas) had also been strident critics. The Observer, incidentally, is
still awaiting a reply.

Speaking with a Daily Telegraph executive last weekend, I was led to believe
that their journalist Mihir Bose, who was deported on trumped-up charges in
April, would not be going back this time 'unless he was sure of being kicked
out again'.

Because that, sadly, is what this story has become: a game of ping-pong. A
media circus. A stand-off between the sometimes pompous, mostly genuine
defenders of press freedom and a regime intent on suppressing it.

How much cricket have you read about this past week? Who is in the Zimbabwe
team, what are their strengths and weaknesses, will England open with Ian
Bell or Kevin Pietersen? Yet this is the pretence. It is one sustained by
arrogant and/or weak men on both sides, Old Empire men who can look away
from the reality of starving and torture on the one hand and African
revolutionaries who can justify and sanitise it on the other.

For years the men at Lord's have been deaf to suggestions by irritating
writers that politics and sport are inseparable. They insisted that the
subjugation of millions of people and the crackdown on free speech in
Zimbabwe were nothing to do with them, nothing to do with cricket.

Similarly, they pretended that the grievances of a dozen or so white
Zimbabwe cricketers who claimed they were being victimised by the
government-controlled selectors was a sideshow, an internal matter. They
imagined, like all men of authority who baulk at hard decisions, that doing
nothing was the best option.

They used the weasel language of the compromised. They were 'disappointed'.
They were 'exasperated'. They were 'frustrated'. But they were rarely angry.
They claimed against all logic that the only criteria for not touring were
safety or a directive from the British government.

At first glance, it seemed that on Tuesday night Morgan finally acknowledged
they could no longer ignore the truth.

What unfolded in succeeding days was more revealing. The clue was in the
history. Why had he and his predecessors not been similarly indignant about
many earlier restrictions imposed on British journalists, going back as far
as 2000, not to mention the long-term harassment of those brave colleagues
trying every day to tell the truth in Zimbabwe, many of them risking torture
and death?

The first suspicion is that it was the number of people banned and the
accompanying headlines written by interested parties, rather than the
principle that forced the ECB's hand. Would they have reacted were it just
one journalist excluded? Probably not. But maybe they were already working
out a backroom deal, a face-saving climbdown and a 'form of words'. Why else
did Morgan stay in Harare when the team were holed up in Johannesburg?

You have to have some sympathy for Morgan. He has been dealing with an
intransigent and hostile antagonist, a seriously dangerous foe. And it took
a player removed from the drama, one strengthened by his proximity to
retirement, to articulate what Morgan could not. Graham Thorpe said, simply,
that it was 'a fiasco'. Others, such as Steve Harmison and, last year, the
Australian Stuart MacGill, have also let their consciences speak.

As in any country riven by political and social unrest, there are competing
truths. There are those who swear Mugabe was not always like this, that he
was a champion of freedom, that he is actually a lover of cricket and (this
I believe) that the Zimbabwe Cricket Union have done a lot of good work in
spreading the game to the black population once shamefully marginalised by
the white minority.

But Zimbabwe is now a country on its knees, one governed by a man initially
fired by revolutionary zeal and subsequently reduced to the parody of a
bully blind to the needs of those among his people who oppose him and beyond
criticism from craven subordinates.

With deafness and blindness invariably goes silence, the three monkeys who
live on the back of the morally impotent.

Morgan argued in his quiet, word-picking way on Friday that the ECB were in
a bind, that they had a duty to their own constituency, to the thousands of
cricketers here who depend on the international success of the England team
to fund the game. All true.

How unfortunate that this truth should override the more important ones, the
truths unfolding in Zimbabwe, against all the wishes of Mugabe and with the
acquiescence of the ECB.

Leaders of the Mugabe mould are usually blessed with peerless cunning and an
instinct for survival. Over time, though, they invariably descend into a
paranoid mess. How else could Mugabe imagine he could fool the world into
believing he was the aggrieved party in all this, besieged by evil agents of
MI5 masquerading as Mihir Bose and Christopher Martin-Jenkins?

Now, after that unfortunate interlude, back to the cricket.

You've read the piece, now have your say. Email your comments, be as frank
as you like, we can take it, to sport.editor@guardianunlimited.co.uk, or
mail the Observer direct at sport@observer.co.uk

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