http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Own
Correspondents Monday 02 November 2009
HARARE -
HARARE - Southern African Development Community (SADC)
chairman Joseph
Kabila on Monday said he had discussed with Zimbabwean
President Robert
Mugabe the current political impasse threatening to
collapse the Harare
coalition administration.
Kabila, who is the President of the
Democratic Republic of Congo
(DRC), held a five-hour meeting with Mugabe at
State House in Harare after
arriving on a state visit from South
Africa.
"We met the President and discussed the outstanding issues
but my
visit is a state visit," Kabila told reporters after meeting
Mugabe.
Zimbabwe's nine-month-old unity government that the SADC
helped set up
was plunged into its worst crisis more than two weeks ago when
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC-T announced they were
boycotting
Cabinet meetings to protest Mugabe's failure to fully implement a
power-sharing pact - Global Political Agreement (GPA) - that established the
coalition government.
The DRC leader who was scheduled to meet
Tsvangirai later in the
evening said he would discuss the impasse with the
MDC chief.
"The issue of nitty gritties will also be discussed with
the Prime
Minister," he said.
Speaking at the same occasion
Mugabe told reporters that he had
briefed the SADC chair on the issues
affecting the Harare administration.
"I took this opportunity to
brief him on our situation and he was
willing to assist . . . President
Kabila naturally as chair of SADC will
listen to what he regards as a mix of
progress and mix of failure, he will
listen," Mugabe said.
Kabila's visit comes 48 hours after a ministerial team from the
regional
bloc's politics, defence and security organ - also known as the
Troika -
completed a fact-finding mission on the inclusive government.
The
Troika, chaired by Mozambican President Armando Guebuza with
Zambia's
President Rupiah Banda his deputy and Swaziland's King Mswati the
third
member, is set to meet in Maputo, Mozambique this week to discuss
Zimbabwe's
troubled coalition government.
South Africa attends the Troika's
meetings on Zimbabwe as mediator in
the crisis.
Mugabe's ZANU
PF party and Tsvangirai's MDC remain deadlocked over key
appointments while
the MDC also accuses ZANU PF of engaging in a campaign to
persecute its
supporters.
At least 17 MDC legislators have been arrested since
the beginning of
the year on charges ranging from theft and public violence
to rape and
playing music that denigrates Mugabe.
ZANU PF, in
turn, accuses the MDC of reneging on a promise to push for
the removal of
travel bans and an asset freeze slapped by the West on its
senior
officials.
Meanwhile Botswana has accused Mugabe and his ZANU PF
party of acting
in bad faith by failing to fully implement the power-sharing
agreement
resulting in the MDC-T boycotting Cabinet.
In a
statement at the weekend Botswana said; "Recent events in
Zimbabwe wherein
the MDC-T party has disengaged from the structures of the
unity government,
all point to the act of bad faith in the implementation of
the Global Peace
Agreement (GPA), on the part of ZANU-PF."
Gaborone urged SADC to
"take firm measures to ensure that the parties
live up to the commitments
they made under the GPA and to SADC". - ZimOnline
Associated Press
Nov 2, 12:40 PM EST
By ANGUS SHAW
Associated Press Writer
HARARE, Zimbabwe
(AP) -- Zimbabwe's neighbors will hold a summit this week
to try to break an
impasse that threatens the southern African nation's
unity government, a
spokesman for Zimbabwe's prime minister said Monday.
President Robert
Mugabe, accused by the premier of undermining the
coalition, indicated he
would be at the summit to give his side.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai
said a summit is necessary because of the
gravity of the situation.
Tsvangirai announced his boycott of the unity
government on Oct. 16, citing
a surge in political violence and accusing
longtime ruler Mugabe of treating
him like a junior partner, or worse.
Tsvangirai's spokesman James
Maridadi said Tsvangirai learned Monday that
the leaders of Mozambique,
Swaziland and Zambia will meet Thursday in
Mozambique's capital, Maputo, to
discuss the crisis.
Mugabe, speaking to reporters Monday, did not refer
directly to the summit,
but said: "We are ready to brief the regional
leaders on the problems we are
facing."
Mugabe spoke after meeting
for nearly four hours with his Congolese
counterpart, President Joseph
Kabila, who was in Zimbabwe in his capacity as
chairman of the Southern
African Development Community. The leaders of
Mozambique, Swaziland and
Zambia, who will be holding Thursday's summit, are
key members of the bloc,
which pushed for Zimbabwe's power-sharing agreement
after a series of
inconclusive elections marred by violence blamed on
Mugabe's
supporters.
Kabila was to meet with Tsvangirai late Monday or Tuesday.
Kabila told
reporters after his meeting with Mugabe that he wanted "to find
the way
forward."
Mugabe said he expected Kabila to tell Tesvangirai
that he chose to join the
coalition "and must be able to face the problems
and not to run away from
them."
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Africa News
Nov 2, 2009,
16:22 GMT
Harare - Efforts were underway Monday to secure freedom
for a worker from
Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's arm of the
country's coalition
government, with his lawyers saying he needed medical
attention after
undergoing 'severe torture' for four days.
Pascal
Gwezere, 26, a transport manager for Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic
Change, was grabbed from his home October 27. His location was
discovered
only on Sunday after a tip-off to lawyers, human rights activists
said.
He was the first political activist reported to have been
tortured by
authorities since the inauguration of the power-sharing
government between
President Robert Mugabe and Tsvangirai in
February.
'Between Tuesday and Saturday he was blindfolded, being moved
constantly
from one place to another, and thoroughly assaulted by police and
other
state agents,' said lawyer Alec Muchadehama.
Gwezere was
remanded into custody by a court on Saturday following a hearing
held
without his lawyers' knowledge.
His abduction and alleged torture is one
of a series of incidents of
violence and harassment against the MDC
perpetrated by state security
officials since Tsvangirai on October 16
declared he was 'disengaging' from
the Zanu-PF, the other party in the
governing coalition, headed by Mugabe.
The MDC's decision came about
after Mugabe's refusal to implement democratic
reforms. State security is
still under Mugabe's control.
United Nations special rapporteur on
torture Manfred Nowak was barred entry
from the country on Friday last week
while Gwezere was in the hands of the
authorities.
Muchadehama said
Gwezere showed clear signs of severe assault. 'His whole
body is swollen.
His left leg is in a terrible state, he bled from it for
two days,' he said.
'He cannot walk properly. We are trying to get him to be
seen by a private
doctor, but the state is preventing us.'
Muchadehama said Gwezere was
being charged with the theft of weapons from a
military barracks in Harare,
as well as with 'undergoing terrorist training
in Uganda.'
The MDC
has called the charges against Gwezere 'trumped-up.'
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex
Bell
02 November 2009
At least six farm workers are being held at
Chinhoyi police station on
charges of inciting public violence, in the
aftermath of attacks at the
hands of land invaders on a farm.
The six
workers were arrested the day after five of their colleagues were
shot and
wounded by a man believed to be an employee of the deputy Reserve
Bank
governor Edward Mashiringwani. Mashiringwani has for months led a
campaign
of intimidation against Friedawil farm's legal owner Louis Fick,
and several
weeks ago moved on to the farm with 15 armed guards, forcing
Fick and most
of his staff to leave. Fick, who now no longer has access to
his land, has
been trying in vain to secure a court order for his land to be
returned to
him.
Much of his staff meanwhile, who have stayed on to try and keep the
farm's
numerous animals fed and watered, have faced increasing intimidation
and
violence. The thugs on the land have repeatedly used tactics of extreme
cruelty against the farm's pigs and crocodiles to try and force Fick to give
up the farm. The animals have been left to go hungry and thirsty, and it's
understood water on the property was this weekend deliberately shut off, all
in an attempt to force Fick to give up his land to
Mashiringwani.
Friday's violence is believed to be as a result of an eviction
campaign
initiated by Mashiringwani's men in the early hours of Friday
morning.
Scores of Fick's workers were assaulted with barbed wire and sticks
during
the campaign, and several of their homes were deliberately torched by
the
land invaders. The shooting that occurred later in the day is also said
to
be a result of the eviction campaign. In the attack, Fick's cook was shot
in
the chest, a second employee was shot in the head and a third sustained
leg
injuries. Another two people, including the cook's wife, were also shot
and
were rushed to hospital.
Shortly after the attack the gunman, named
only as Tichiona, was reportedly
beaten in what appears to be a retaliatory
attack by other workers, which in
turn led to the arrest of six workers on
Saturday. Police have never taken
any action in response to Fick's months of
reports of intimidation, illegal
land takeover and animal abuse on the farm.
As has now become the norm in
Zimbabwe, police are using the excuse that
land disputes are 'political', in
order not to get involved in, what is in
most cases, rampant theft.
Meanwhile Fick, a South African citizen, has
received no assistance from his
own government. He is one of 79 farmers who
took their case to the SADC
Tribunal in Windhoek last year, and his farm is
meant to be protected by the
Tribunal's ruling. The ruling was meant to
ensure that the Zimbabwe
government protected the farmers from future land
invasions, but ZANU PF has
refused to abide by the ruling, relentlessly
harassing farmers and their
workers across the country. The government was
this year charged with
contempt for ignoring the earlier ruling, but in
response, the government
announced it no longer recognises the
Tribunal.
But neither the South African government nor the South African
embassy has
made any move to assist Fick, despite South African President
Jacob Zuma
only recently standing down as SADC Chair. South Africa has made
no mention
of Zimbabwe's snub of the Tribunal and SADC itself has made no
move to deal
with the matter. Fick meanwhile has kept the South African
embassy in
Zimbabwe fully informed of the ongoing property rights and human
rights
violations on his farm. Ambassador Mlungisi Makalima remained
unavailable
for an interview on Monday, despite numerous requests throughout
the day
from SW Radio Africa.
Last year, a Pretoria judge took the South
African government to task for
not protecting the rights of a citizen whose
farm was taken over in the so
called land 'reform' programme. Free State
farmer Crawford von Abo won his
court battle against the then President
Thabo Mbeki, the Foreign Minister
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma and the Trade and
Industry Minister Mandisi Mpahlwa,
to get compensation from the South
African government for not acting on his
behalf to protect his rights to his
land. Judge Bill Prinsloo noted that the
government's excuses for lack of
action over the previous six years had been
'feeble' and pointed out that
Germany, France and Denmark had intervened
successfully of behalf of their
citizens who owned agricultural land in
Zimbabwe.
But in Zimbabwe, the
Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreement
(BIPPA) with South
Africa has become a contentious issue as a result of
delays in signing the
new agreement. It is understood the new deal, set to
be signed this month,
will exclude any agreements on land protection,
meaning South African
farmers in Zimbabwe will have no legal right of
protection from their own
government - and South Africa appears happy to
sign, on this basis.
November 2, 2009 Joseph Chinotimba claimed $19 million for loss of
business By Our Correspondent HARARE – Deputy Minister of Youth Thamsanqa Mahlangu was on Monday found not
guilty of stealing a cell phone belonging to self-styled war veteran, Joseph
Chinotimba. Mahlangu was acquitted together with his three
co-accused, personal assistant Malvern Chadamoyo and Geraldine Phiri and
Patience Nyoni. Harare magistrate Kudakwashe Jarabini said he failed to find any strong case
brought by the state against the accused persons. Jarabini said apart from the accused having admitted they had the phone; the
state had nothing else to prove they had genuine intentions of permanently
depriving the controversial war veterans’ leader of his mobile phone. The magistrate further said all the seven state witnesses, who included
Chinotimba himself; Youth Minister Saviour Kasukuwere and Harare CID Law and
Order’s Detective Inspector Henry Dowa based their evidence on hearsay while
contradicting themselves in the process. Mahlangu and his assistant attended a government seminar which was held at
the Harare International Conference Centre on July 17. Chinotimba alleged he lost his cell phone when he was having lunch with some
of the delegates who included Mahlangu, Kasukuwere and ICT Minister Nelson
Chamisa. He further claimed an announcement was made by the master of ceremony on the
loss of his cell phone but none among the delegates responded. But Mahlangu said he was no longer at the venue when the announcement was
made as he had excused himself to visit a government garage on other
business. On leaving the venue, Mahlangu’s assistant had mistakenly taken the phone
together with his boss’s belongings thinking the phone belonged to Mahlangu
whose phone is identical to that of Chinotimba. They discovered their mistake later in the evening when they had left the
venue during which Mahlangu instructed his assistant to take the phone back to
the organisers of the conference. But they were arrested before the phone could reach Chinotimba, who was
adamant the MDC youth leader had real intentions of stealing the phone. Jarabini said he was not convinced Mahlangu’s actions and those of his
co-accused pointed to a group that had genuine intentions to permanently deprive
Chinotimba of his phone. He therefore pronounced a “not guilty”, verdict, in a
case that became the subject of sustained media debate, despite sub-judice
rules. Jarabini said Mahlangu demonstrated good intentions by approaching his boss
Kasukuwere asking him to facilitate a meeting with Chinotimba so that he could
explain how the phone landed in his hands. Mahlangu, who looked pensive when Jarabini went through his lengthy
judgement, was elated when the magistrate finally pronounced the verdict. “I am happy about this judgement,” Mahlangu said. “There was no case in the first instance. But as a law abiding citizen, I
submitted myself to the due process and allowed the courts to do their
work.” Mahlangu said he does not have any hard feelings towards his accuser
Chinotimba saying he “understood his character”. “I understand how he behaves,” he said. “He is a clown. It was another case
that involved a clown at it again. “I am only worried that I was unnecessarily distracted from doing my work by
the long trial. I am happy though that we still have court officials who know
what they are doing.” Chinotimba was not immediately available for comment, especially on whether
he would pursue his $19 million civil suit for deprivation of cell phone to the
alleged detriment of his business interests.
http://www.radiovop.com/
Chimanimani,
November 2, 2009 - The Zanu PF executive in Chimanimani
has threatened that
no relief food will be distributed in the area without
the presence of the
party's members.
Secretary for External Affairs in the
youth league, Joshua Sako, is
said to have said this at a Chimanimani rural
district council meeting.
Some Movement of Democratic Change (MDC)
members belonging to the
faction led Morgan Tsvangirai, stormed out, of the
meeting, in protest.
According to MDC councillors who attended the
meeting, Sako who was
accompanied by two Zanu (PF) youths, was given the
platform to address the
councillors by Elijah Mugebe, a Zanu (PF) councilor
for Chikwizi ward.
"We were in the middle of council proceedings when
Sako stormed our
meeting. Immediately after Sako's arrival in the council
chambers, Mugebe
who was chairing the meeting gave Sako the platform to
address us. We tried
to protest but Mugebe gave him the go ahead" said
Petros Zvikomborero, an
MDC councillor.
"We were really shocked to
hear such a directive from Sako. Who is
Sako anyway to tell us about aid
distribution? He is not even a government
official," said another MDC
councillor.
During the address which lasted for ten minutes after some
MDC
councillors, walked out of the meeting in protest, Sako also accused
some
relief
organisations operating in the area of campaigning for
the MDC.
Some of the aid organisations operating in the area are
Kellogg
Foundation, Christian Care, Save the Children, MSF and Tsuro
dzeChimanimani.
Sako, who composed several songs supporting Zanu (PF)'
chaotic and
violent land seizures in 2002, is aspiring to be the Zanu (PF)
Member of
Parliament for the area in the next parliamentary elections . He
has clashed
several times with Samuel Undenge, the incumbent Zanu (PF)
MP.
Since the beginning of this year Sako has held several meetings in
the
area where Undenge has been publicly denounced.
An official of
Save the Children, who spoke to Radio VOP strictly on
condition of
anonymity, said his organisation will pull out of the area if
the directive
is enforced.
"We will be definitely pull out if politicians are allowed
to
interfere with our operations. We have our own strict and open way of
identifying beneficiaries of aid and we will not succumb to politicians's
wishful orders," he said
http://www.smh.com.au/
November 3, 2009
WINDHOEK,
Namibia: Rights abuses in Zimbabwe's diamond fields are set to
dominate
talks, which opened yesterday and were organised by the global body
responsible for preventing trade in the gems fuelling armed
conflicts.
Zimbabwe presents a key test for the international scheme,
known as the
Kimberley Process, - which is under increasing criticism for
failing to stem
the trade in ''conflict diamonds''.
Civil society
groups, which are part of the process, are demanding the
suspension of
Zimbabwe's international diamond trade after a Kimberley team
documented
''horrific'' abuses by the army against civilians in the Marange
diamond
fields, in the eastern province of Manicaland.
''KP member governments
must agree to suspend Zimbabwe from importing and
exporting rough
diamonds,'' said Annie Dunnebacke from Global Witness, a
British group that
monitors exploitation of natural resources.
Also on the agenda are
concerns about smuggling from Ivory Coast, after the
United Nations last
week extended an arms and diamond embargo on the west
African
country.
A UN report found increased diamond exploitation in the north of
the
country, an area still under the military control of the Forces
Nouvelles
group of former rebels.
''Ivorian conflict diamonds
continue to be exported in spite of UN sanctions
and are laundered into the
legitimate KP trade through neighbouring states
and international trading
centres, including member and non-member
countries,'' the UN report
said.
Concerns over the effectiveness of the Kimberley Process have
mounted, and
reform of the group's consensus-based decision making is also
to be
discussed during the four-day talks in the coastal Namibian town of
Swakopmund.
Kimberley's reputation was dealt a blow when Ian Smillie,
one of the
architects of the process, resigned from its governing body last
May.
''I am leaving because I feel that I can no longer, in good faith,
contribute to pretence that failure is success'' Mr Smillie said in a
farewell letter.
''I thought in 2003 that we had created something
significant,'' the website
Diamond Intelligence quoted Mr Smillie as saying.
''In fact we did, but we
have let it slip away from us.
''Problems
are shifted from one internal 'working group' to another . and
there is no
voting. Nobody takes responsibility for action or inaction,
failure or
success, and nobody is held responsible.''
Mr Smillie now heads the
Diamond Development Initiative, an organisation
that helps small-scale
diamond miners.
Other countries of concern were Lebanon and Guinea, which
were exporting
significantly more gem-quality rough diamonds than they
imported, Global
Witness said.
The Kimberley Process covers about
99.8 per cent of the world's production
of rough diamonds, with 49 members
representing 75 countries working within
the scheme.
Agence
France-Presse
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Violet Gonda
2 November 2009
A
group of soldiers were allegedly arrested recently, for reportedly
stealing
weapons from an army barracks in Harare. The Zimbabwe Times said 13
soldiers
are accused of stealing 20 AK47 rifles and three shotguns from the
armoury
at Pomona Barracks.
The Zimbabwe Times named the detained soldiers as:
Sungiso Musa, Darlington
Kanyingwe, Nyaruwata Lawyers, Charles Muzondo,
Dzingai T Chibutwaka, Stanley
Mvindwa, Chamunorwa Chinyere, Maxwell Samudzi,
Cosmore Mangenda, Misheck
Kangwa, Callistus Mutero, David
Hamandishe and
Farai Chitsiko. It's reported the soldiers are being denied
access to their
families and that there are 10 more junior officers who were
arrested over
the same case, but their whereabouts are unknown.
The Zimbabwean newspaper
alleged that at least '12 soldiers died after they
were brutally tortured by
military intelligence agents following the
disappearance of an assortment of
guns and bombs from Pomona barracks.'
It is extremely difficult to verify
these reports, as military operations
are a closely guarded secret, but the
Zimbabwean went on to say: "The dozen
soldiers, who were in a coma, died at
Two Medical Company Hospital at KGV1
in Harare, while other soldiers are
still admitted at the hospital and in a
coma after undergoing what some
soldiers described as 'robust and intense'
interrogation at the hands of the
Military Intelligence Division."
The revelations come amidst claims by the
MDC-T that ZANU PF is targeting
their officials in a desperate attempt to
link the party to the alleged
disappearance of an arms cache from the
barracks. A house belonging to the
MDC in Harare was raided just over a week
ago, with the police saying they
were looking for weapons, but found
none.
Political commentator Professor John Makumbe says that it is quite
possible
that some soldiers may have snatched some weapons, with the idea of
tackling
the regime. The outspoken critic said: "I read it without
hesitation to say
it's largely true. There is no smoke without fire and
there is a lot of
disenchantment with ZANU PF at all levels of the security
structures."
Professor Makumbe said he believed this could also be infighting
linked to
the late Vice President Joseph Msika's exit and the prospect that
either
John Nkomo the current ZANU PF Chairman, or someone from PF ZAPU,
might
ascend to the position of Vice President. He said the succession
issues,
especially for the position of Vice President and the ZANU PF
chairmanship,
are opening up a major fight within the party.
Makumbe said
right now the ZANU PF province within Harare has failed to
elect a
provincial leadership, because of the factionalism. He said there is
a lot
of horse-trading going on in ZANU PF and there is a lot of concern
over the
Global Political Agreement where the old guard, the hardliners,
are afraid
of receding into the shadows. He said: "These are factors that
can cause
people to panic and go into all kinds of clandestine deals,
including
murders."
Furthermore, the commentator said Robert Mugabe has completely
militarised
the structures of government because he needs the military
support to
maintain his position and to threaten any perceived
opponents.
http://www.ipsnews.net
By Stanley Kwenda
CHITSA,
Zimbabwe, Nov 2 (IPS) - In Chitsa, a village with some 2,000
inhabitants
located about 250 km from Zimbabwe's capital of Harare, it has
become
difficult to conduct everyday transactions involving money.
The village
has been slow to embrace the multi-currency system introduced by
the
Zimbabwean government in February this year after the value of the
Zimbabwean dollar continued to plunge catastrophically. Although the use of
multiple currencies quickly became common in cities and towns, it is proving
to be difficult to implement in rural areas.
In Chitsa, it has become
common practice to pay for goods and services in
kind. At Mutema Shopping
Centre, shop owners accept both payment in cash or
kind. They only accept
cash if no change needs to be given.
Trymore Mutisi, a teacher at the
nearby Mutema Primary School, told IPS that
bartering has become a way of
life. "In times of difficulty people learn how
to improvise, which they have
done here for a long time," Mutisi explained.
He conducts extra lessons
for final year students at his school and gets
paid in kind. "I get whatever
parents can give me. Goats, maize meal,
rice... whatever they can offer, I
just take because I know there is nowhere
they can get money," Mutisi
empathised.
The use of foreign currencies, such as the South African
rand, Botswana's
pula, U.S. dollar or British pound, has affected rural
people negatively as
those far from foreign borders have no access to
foreign currency. But they
have found a way around it with barter
trade.
"The government should introduce a policy where people living in
'the back
of the beyond', like us, can be allowed to barter goods in
exchange of
services. It is not anybody's fault but things must be done to
accommodate
everyone," demanded Mutisi.
At Mutema Shopping Centre,
only three shops are operating: a general dealer,
a grinding mill and a
bottle store.
Abel Zinyeka, who owns the Mutema Bottle Store, described
the situation in
the area as "business at your own risk.
"We accept
this barter trade in the hope that whatever we get here will be
exchanged
for cash in town and give us an opportunity to restock our shops.
There is
nothing that we can do because these people just don't have access
to money.
Otherwise we have to close the shops."
A councillor in the area,
Munyaradzi Mandivheyi, explained to IPS that
adjusting to life under the new
monetary regime has been very difficult for
his people. "We agree with the
idea of introducing multiple currencies but
it has been difficult for people
living in Mutema.
"People 'are seeing fire over this' (are angry) but we
are glad that the
business people understand our plight. Life is far from
normal here,"
believes Mandivheyi.
Many people living in rural areas
such as Chitsa are peasant farmers who
depend on their crops for their
survival. Farmers barter to have their maize
milled to make the local staple
called "sadza".
Some are forced to surrender a 20 lt bucket full of
tomatoes for a trip to
nearby Masvingo town. In such cases, the exchange is
not equal as a 20 lt
bucket of tomatoes would normally fetch a price that is
five times what the
journey to Masvingo costs. But business people that IPS
spoke to argued that
the farmers voluntarily give their produce in exchange
of goods and
services.
Nevertheless, Mutema peasant farmer Claudius
Chimwanda told IPS that they do
so because they have no alternative. "There
is nothing you can do. If you
want to go to town you have to give the
transport people what they want.
"If you want bathing soap, bread,
cooking oil or anything from their shops,
you have to give the shop owners
what they wants. That the way of life but
it's difficult for us," lamented
Chimwanda.
"We are like a forgotten tribe here in the rural areas.
Everything happens
in Harare and we only get to hear about it when decisions
are made. We are
never consulted about anything but we suffer the most," he
added.
Speaking to Zimbabwe's state media earlier this year, Oxfam's
director for
Zimbabwe, Peter Mutoredzanwa, warned that bartering food for
services might
leave many at the risk of food shortages.
The Consumer
Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ), which is interested in safeguarding
the rights of
consumers, is engaging the government on how best it can serve
the rural
people under the current financial regime. "We are making
consultations on
the system can be improved," Rosemary Siyachitema, CCZ
director, told IPS.
(END/2009)
SW RADIO AFRICA TRANSCRIPT HOT SEAT: Violet Gonda interviews Botswana Foreign Minister Phandu Skelemani. BROADCAST: 30 OCTOBER 2009 | |
VIOLET
GONDA: My guest on the programme Hot Seat is Botswana’s Minister
of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Phandu Skelemani. Welcome on
the programme Mr Skelemani.
PHANDU SKELEMANI: Thank you. GONDA: So much has been happening in Zimbabwe since the formation of the coalition government in February and as you may know, the latest is that the MDC has cut off ties with Zanu-PF, accusing Robert Mugabe’s party of refusing to fully implement the power |
|
sharing pact and Mugabe
on the other hand says it is the MDC that has not fulfilled its promises of
fighting for the removal of sanctions and the closure of external radio stations
such as ours. So let me start with Botswana’s position on the unfolding events
in Zimbabwe.
SKELEMANI: Well as you know, we are immediate neighbours of Zimbabwe. They are our brothers and sisters. What is happening there is, to say the least, most unfortunate. Right from the beginning it had been understood and we have prayed that it be understood, that the Agreement which the Zimbabweans signed would only have a meaning if it was implemented in good faith and there have been a number of events which casts doubts as to whether both or all the parties to the Agreement are genuine or some desire a failure. I think President Mugabe as the president of the Republic of Zimbabwe owes it to himself and Zimbabweans to be above what one would call partisan petty politics. That’s what we had expected. As a hero of the liberation, one doesn’t understand how he could adopt an attitude that – look this is not in the Agreement – that’s not how you work for peace, by sticking to a comma, a ‘T’ or a little phrase. You look at the broader picture. What is it that will make Zimbabwe survive? It’s unfortunate that things have taken the turn that they have. That it has taken so long for the parties to be together I think is to the credit particularly of the MDC. Nobody not as strong might have disengaged much earlier but we don’t encourage disengagement. Obviously we think Zimbabwe is better off if all the Zimbabweans look at the country in the same way and want to give their best and not try to discredit each other. GONDA: But as a member of SADC, and you were closely involved as Botswana, when this deal was made just a few months ago, why was this Agreement signed before all the critical issues had been resolved? SKELEMANI: Well partly because the report from then President Mbeki was that these are matters which are going to be resolved quite easily with the help of SADC and then President Mbeki and we had no reason to doubt when everybody agreed, particularly the Zimbabweans, when they agreed we couldn’t be advising them not to sign. That would not be good. We had faith that both President Mugabe and his compatriots mean well. That is why, you know, we had our reservations which we made quite clear that the best thing to do would have been to go back to the people under international supervision and have a rerun of the presidential. We wouldn’t really be in this mess we are in now. GONDA: And so what about this boycott – do you think though it was mature, or it is a mature move by the MDC to boycott Zanu-PF at this point in time? SKELEMANI: My understanding is that it is a move which is the ringing of a bell, to say: ‘Look Mr President, President Mugabe please, please, please wake up - things are not moving, things are cracking, please wake up. Let’s engage meaningfully.’ That is how I understand the disengagement. As I say it is not something which we would encourage, but we do understand the frustration on the part of the MDC. GONDA: So right now what has been happening is that it appears Mugabe’s reaction to the boycott has been more rhetoric coupled with what the MDC is saying is increased oppression and it also appears Mugabe is applying real pressure from the ground level by arresting members of the civil society and the MDC and just recently, the UN Special Rapporteur on torture was detained at Harare Airport by Zimbabwe security agents and deported even though he said he had been invited by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai. Now this was happening at the same time that the SADC troika was arriving for crisis talks in Zimbabwe. As a member of SADC, how do you respond to critics who say this is outrageous that it is happening in SADC’s face? SKELEMANI: I don’t think one can gainsay the critics. Unfortunately one doesn’t want to be admitting failure, but you know, it’s true, it’s a fact - it’s disastrous! You can’t have a Prime Minister inviting people, inviting anybody and then have officials taking a totally different position, detaining and throwing out a person invited by the Prime Minister. I mean what could be more disrespectful? If President Mugabe goes along with that, that would be really unfortunate. I hope that President Mugabe doesn’t know or did not know what the officials were doing because that would really be unfortunate. And at a time as you say when the SADC troika is trying, following the summit in the DRC, to see what can be done to get the MDC and President Mugabe’s Zanu-PF working together much closely and not to have the Political Agreement falling apart. It seems that there’s a curse somewhere that every time when things appear to be moving, something, somebody wants the opposite. They want chaos, they don’t want anything to go right and that’s really unfortunate and I hope President Mugabe will listen to the Troika because all we want is that Zimbabwe should find peace. GONDA: But Mr Skelemani why hasn’t there really been any reaction from SADC? Many have described this as a diplomatic incident, a major diplomatic incident and yet there’s no outcry, there’s no reaction from SADC. Why is that? SKELEMANI: Maybe it’s a slow reaction. Maybe other people have not gotten the news. Much earlier I spoke to the BBC earlier than you on the same matter and told them our position, that our position is that it is most unfortunate. It shouldn’t happen that way. Even if this gentleman had gone there uninvited, to try to find out what has happened, why are there allegations of torture, you would have thought that the Zimbabwean government would have been cooperative and accommodating but I hope that SADC is going to take a position. I do accept that SADC is aware that the Troika is in Harare and probably diplomacy requires that you shouldn’t say anything which might just complicate the mission of the Troika and that I would respect. But that they should condemn, I think should become clear sooner rather than later. GONDA: But when you say this is our position as SADC, who really, whose position is it really because it’s increasingly appearing as if Botswana is a lone voice on this matter in terms of criticising what is happening in Zimbabwe. Out of the countries in SADC, how many actually support your position on Zimbabwe? SKELEMANI: Well I suppose that question could be answered by the other people. We don’t go caucusing for support because we speak from a position of principal. What we consider right is right, what we consider wrong in our view is wrong and we hope that our SADC compatriots also see things that way. As I say, it’s probably too early to say that they are not going to react to what is happening because you know we’ve got people in Harare on the ground who should report back. GONDA: I’m not just talking about what has happened with the UN Rapporteur, I’m just talking in general, people in Zimbabwe are increasingly getting frustrated at how the region, how SADC has been dealing with the situation in Zimbabwe and so the question is how come your position is not being implemented, even in terms of seeing statements? Since the formation of the coalition government in February, SADC has not even had a review on the progress of this government. Why is it we are not getting any action or any response from SADC, or even statements? SKELEMANI: As I say I don’t know, I wouldn’t know whether the other SADC countries are talking to the Zimbabweans on the quiet but I do know that the Right Honourable Prime Minister Tsvangirai has been going round in SADC soliciting support - and there’s rather been some quietness on what you’d have expected as a reaction from SADC. Maybe this mission is the answer of SADC, why they are going there, to try and find out. It’s a balancing act; I don’t think we should be too harsh if in fact there appears to be movement. But from where we sit in Botswana, we clearly don’t think that things are moving as they ought to. GONDA: But isn’t it strange that SADC, who brokered this Agreement and obviously have a vested interest in terms of… interrupted SKELEMANI: Well we are supposed to be the guarantors. GONDA: Yes, so surely, isn’t it strange that there’s not been a review of the progress of the unity government? SKELEMANI: I hope that when the present mission, the people who are in Harare come back, they will say when the SADC Summit should meet. I think what is happening in Zimbabwe calls for a Summit to really review and see whether things are moving. The last when we were in the DRC, yes everybody thought - well the Prime Minister and the President were working well, it wasn’t smooth but they were working and everybody hoped that they would succeed. As it turns out I think it’s only frustration that has come out. And so SADC ought to meet really to review and to take a position. GONDA: You know there are some who have said that SADC is very weak and has, in most cases, sided with dictatorships. So how do you respond to critics who say SADC is not taking the situation in Zimbabwe seriously because there are criminal elements in SADC, involved in criminal activities in countries like the DRC and that is why there would be support for people like Robert Mugabe? SKELEMANI: Well you know the position of SADC really is quite clear. Whatever criticisms may be levelled against anybody, they clearly wanted peace for Zimbabwe. The way of going about it is where we differed. The others thought that well President Mugabe really had won and we said no he hadn’t won anything. And so you could see that from the beginning that the others would have thought that the Botswana position was rather on the harsh side, we were too critical but really it wasn’t our intention to be critical. Our intention was to try and point out what in our view was wrong and the best way of resolving it. Each country had its own approach and probably they will review their position when it’s now clear that this thing is not going anywhere. GONDA: And as an insider, isn’t SADC concerned about the negative effect the crisis in Zimbabwe is having on the entire region? SKELEMANI: Of course SADC would be. We are worried. We were now breathing a sigh of relief that the Zimbabweans were going back, we were arranging for credit lines for Zimbabwe and for the sole reason that we wanted Zimbabwe to succeed as a Republic. To take its place, which really it should have taken way back, so SADC has taken that attitude that Zimbabwe should be helped and we extended credit. Maybe other people think well, what is half a billion, it’s nothing but that’s all that we could and it was to show our belief, our desire that Zimbabwe should succeed. The economy should pick up, the people of Zimbabwe should return home and run their economy. That is what we still want. Whatever we may be accused of, I think we should be given credit that we desire for Zimbabwe that we desire for ourselves – good governance. GONDA: So what about this crisis right now, what is the best approach, what options are there for the regional bloc? SKELEMANI: Well as I said, we probably, better to wait for the mission from Harare in order to examine and see what is the best way forward. GONDA: But is there any hope though that SADC can effectively deal with this crisis? SKELEMANI: As I’ve said before the one thing we cannot afford is to lose is hope, because then I don’t know for the life of me what would happen to the Republic of Zimbabwe. We can’t lose hope. GONDA: I was actually going to ask that, what can SADC do or what will it do if the Global Political Agreement in Zimbabwe breaks down? SKELEMANI: Well if it breaks down, as we have said before, the only answer is to go back to the people because they are the only authority in Zimbabwe and for that matter in any country, to determine who should form the government. The government in Zimbabwe now it’s a make-do; it’s not a proper government. It hasn’t been put there with the agreement of the people. It’s really a stopgap! So if it collapses, our position right from the beginning is that let’s go back to the people under international supervision and let them choose who their president should be. GONDA: But isn’t that going back to square one? Isn’t this the same problem that the political rivals had before this unity government was formed? Mugabe has always chosen who supervises or observes the elections and do you really think this would work especially as the conditions on the ground are far from suitable for holding free and fair elections, and still there’s no new constitution and there are no major reforms? SKELEMANI: If there’s a collapse I think even President Mugabe would know that the only solution really, if he’s not prepared to work with Prime Minister Tsvangirai, the only solution is to go to the people. I wouldn’t understand why you’d be afraid of that. GONDA: And of course President Ian Khama said recently that the unity government in Zimbabwe is on the brink of collapse and that if it collapsed, Botswana would not recognise Robert Mugabe… SKELEMANI: Yes that’s true. GONDA: That still stands? SKELEMANI: That still stands absolutely. If it collapses there’s no basis for recognising Mugabe as President of Zimbabwe, there’ll be none. GONDA: And Tsvangirai? SKELEMANI: Well if it collapses, there’s no Prime Minister, there’s no President, we are back to square one. Zimbabwe is being ruled by force by somebody who doesn’t respect an agreement, we’ll really be back to square one. GONDA: You know I’m sorry to go back to this same issue because just listening to Zimbabweans every day and the responses we get about the crisis in the country, you know people are really getting tired of this and they’re also asking isn’t SADC tired of hearing the same things about Zimbabwe every single time? Why don’t they want to solve this problem once and for all? SKELEMANI: I suppose dealing with State matters is probably not the same as dealing with a mob, which is just standing there. You are dealing with a whole country. Even if you don’t like what is happening you must find a way that is not going to add more disruption. I think that is when you really get criticised that - oh why didn’t you go and clobber them? Well I don’t think we should act that way, that is why SADC should come together put its heads, the Heads of State, put their heads together and admit the reality that what they thought they got under the auspices of President Mbeki has really not worked. GONDA: Right and as we said, the SADC Troika is in the country right now, but how powerful is this Organ and what can they really achieve? SKELEMANI: Well in terms of the Treaty they are in charge of the peace in the region and they of course have to report to summit. Alone the Troika can hardly do anything. I mean they could send people to go and find out what is going on but as for definitive action I don’t think they can take any that will bring a resolution. They can certainly recommend to SADC summit, which is what I think they ought to do now. GONDA: And when do you think a SADC summit on Zimbabwe will likely be held? SKELEMANI: I really don’t know. We will have to be informed by the mission which is in Harare but you know the sooner the better because if things are really going bad, the longer you wait the more complicated it becomes and the more intractable. It becomes just intractable. As I say our aim is that there be a resolution to the Zimbabwean crisis and it is becoming a crisis. GONDA: Now can you as SADC incorporate more support from outside the region? SKELEMANI: I think the AU is waiting. Remember the AU had said, you go back SADC, you deal with the Zimbabwean issue. That meant that we have their support. If in fact we fail, we ought to go back to the AU and report our failure and ask for their assistance. We shouldn’t be ashamed of doing that. GONDA: And before we go, you know Zanu-PF accuses Botswana of bias and meddling in the internal affairs of Zimbabwe, what is your response to this? SKELEMANI: We are not biased. That I deny. That we should agree with the position taken by the MDC is not to show bias, it just shows that we don’t agree with Zanu-PF on how they reacted right from the time of the elections. We have no reason to be as it were in the corner of the MDC but we have good reason to be in that corner, which we think is right and I don’t think we should apologise for that. We should be able to speak frankly with our brothers in Zimbabwe and hopefully they will understand that we mean no harm to them, not to President Mugabe, not to any Zimbabwean. But we deny completely, and remember there were accusations that we were training the MDC. We are waiting for the release of the investigation which has been completed so that the world can be told whether in fact Botswana meant harm to Zimbabwe because we never intended any harm and I’m quite certain that there’s no evidence to show that we did anything wrong with respect to Zimbabwe. GONDA: What would be Botswana’s policy on the thousands of Zimbabweans living in Botswana right now if things were to deteriorate in Zimbabwe or if this unity government was to collapse? SKELEMANI: Well the Zimbabweans who are here obviously would remain. As I said we had hoped that with the economy picking up in Zimbabwe they would go back to join their compatriots to develop that country but if things collapse we don’t expect them to be rushing to Harare. In fact and this is what we don’t want, there is a real danger that those who have gone back may run back again to Botswana and that would be very unfortunate. But what do you do to somebody who is running away, who is being brutalised? You give them whatever you have for protection. That is what Botswana would do. GONDA: And a final word Mr Skelemani. SKELEMANI: Well really it is more a prayer than a final word - that God should help us find peace in Zimbabwe. GONDA: Thank you very much Mr Phandu Skelemani, Botswana’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. SKELEMANI: Thank you, madam. Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com |
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex
Bell
02 November 2009
South Africa's main political opposition, the
Democratic Alliance (DA), has
said recent developments in Zimbabwe provide
proof that the country's
democratic future rests on Robert Mugabe being
excluded from the process.
DA Parliamentary leader, Athol Trollip, said on
Sunday it is clear "the
situation in Zimbabwe is deteriorating at a rapid
pace and that the country
is once again facing a political and further
humanitarian meltdown." In the
past week there has been an increase in
violence, intimidation and
harassment against MDC supporters and human
rights activists, all in the
aftermath of the MDC's 'disengagement' from
ZANU PF in the unity government.
Trollip reiterated his party's position that
the only way a fully
functioning and legitimate democracy can be established
in Zimbabwe is for
fresh elections to be held, from which Mugabe is
excluded. The party last
month presented a 'Roadmap to Democracy in
Zimbabwe' with Mugabe's strategic
removal from power as a top priority.
Trollip on Sunday challenged South
African President Jacob Zuma, in his
position as a member of the South
African Development Community (SADC)
Troika, to put this roadmap at the top
of the Zimbabwean agenda.
"It
is quite clear that neither party in this unity arrangement trusts each
other or is capable of putting aside its political animosity in favour of
establishing a democratic constitution on which a new Zimbabwe can be
built," Trollip said
Trollip continued that intrinsic to this
problem is Mugabe and those aligned
to him, adding that Mugabe's interests
"will continue to hold Zimbabwean
democracy hostage to his own political
whims." For this reason the DA's
roadmap argues that Mugabe must play no
part in any negotiation or
reconstitution of the basic mechanisms around
which a new democracy is to be
built. They say this is essential to
establishing a legitimate solution to
Zimbabwe's problems.
"He needs to
be offered and accept an exit package; and South Africa in
particular and
SADC in general need to play a central role in making that a
reality,"
Trollip said.
The party presented its 'Roadmap' in the South African
parliament last
month, as a response to the MDC's decision to disengage from
ZANU PF in the
unity government. The roadmap, Trollip explained, is very
simple, with only
four primary objectives that need to be achieved. These
are: an agreement to
hold fresh elections, the formation of an interim
government, the formation
of a new, people driven constitution, and
ultimately free, fair, democratic
elections.
Trollip said while these
steps are obvious, "it is the way in which they are
implemented that will
determine whether or not Zimbabwe succeeds."
Source: United States Department of State
Date: 30 Oct 2009
The following statement
was agreed upon by the countries attending a meeting of the Friends of Zimbabwe
held in Berlin on October 26, 2009.
Participants: U.S., Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, European Commission (EC), EU Presidency (Sweden), EU Council Secretariat, International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, African Development Bank (AfDB), United Nations
Begin text:
The Inclusive Government of Zimbabwe has, since February 2009, taken a number of important and effective steps for the economic and social stabilization of the country. We welcome the progress that has resulted from these courageous measures and note that the lives of many Zimbabweans have since improved.
As friends and donors, we have closely followed and encouraged this process. We want the inclusive government to succeed in its determination to fully implement its programme as agreed in the Global Political Agreement (GPA) of 15 September 2008.
We have met in Berlin today against the background of the temporary suspension of the proceedings of the Inclusive Government, reflecting frustration about the slow pace of implementation of the Agreement. We urge all parties concerned to ensure that the current political crisis is resolved effectively without undue delay and in a manner consistent with the provisions of the GPA.
Zimbabwe has embarked on the road towards restoration of democracy and the rule of law. This is a process we hope will allow the country once again to realize its vast potential. In aligning ourselves with the broad national and regional consensus about the priorities of the current transitional period as laid down in the GPA, we reiterate our wish to see the Inclusive Government succeed in its task to build a framework for long term stabilization and recovery, better and more accountable governance, the re-establishment of the rule of law, and respect for human rights. We recognize the critical role of SADC as guarantor of the GPA and the organization's stake in ensuring its full implementation. We stand ready to join forces with SADC in our joint endeavour to assist Zimbabwe on its road to full recovery.
As a result of the signature of the GPA, we as a group have increased our support for the people of Zimbabwe, gradually shifting from measures aimed at purely humanitarian relief to substantial longer term assistance in a number of sectors which are crucial for the rapid improvement of living conditions for the people. In particular, we have greatly increased our assistance in the sectors of education, health, water management, food security and rural livelihoods. At this point in time support is not distributed via the Government budget.
While in 2008, total official development assistance to Zimbabwe (with in kind assistance, such as food aid, not being counted) was $580 million, we have, in 2009, to date allocated over $630 million. These figures include assistance in the above-mentioned fields and beyond. We as a group are determined to continue our assistance in 2010 in order to contribute to the Inclusive Government's efforts to fully implement the GPA. We welcome the role that the UN agencies are playing and will continue to play, as both a channel of funding and of technical assistance, in support of the priorities of the Inclusive Government. We acknowledge the important role that civil society, national and international NGOs are playing in the process.
We are concerned that, eight months after the formation of the inclusive government, a number of key provisions of the Global Political Agreement remain to be implemented.
While work on the agreed GPA objectives has proceeded impressively in the financial, economic and social sectors, progress on the political track has been disappointing. This situation has been brought about by continued obstruction originating from political forces which continue to be hostile to the implementation of the GPA.
In particular, we note with concern the continuing deadlock on a range of outstanding issues. These include the unilateral appointment of the Attorney General and Reserve Bank Governor, the issue of the appointments of Provincial Governors, politically inspired violence and abuse of the judiciary including politically motivated arrests, continued farm invasions, delays to the land audit provided for in the GPA, the unilateral imposition of partners to owners of private wildlife conservancies, the disrespect of Bilateral Investment Protection and Promotion Agreements (BIPPAs), and the slow pace of progress on a range of issues agreed by the parties to the GPA aimed at improving freedom of the media, governance, human rights and exploitation of natural resources in accordance with internationally agreed standards.
We look forward to the completion of the Constitutional Review process which, if carried out in an inclusive and transparent manner, will lay the basis for timely internationally monitored or supervised free and fair elections. We stand ready to support this process.
Failure to address some of the central elements of the GPA not only undermines the ability of the IG to deliver the change which ordinary Zimbabweans expect, but also deters much-needed foreign investment and hampers Zimbabwe's capacity to fully re-engage with the international community.
We consider these areas of concern to be major obstacles for Zimbabwe's recovery and urge all parties to the GPA to address them without further delay so that the Government can operate in a truly inclusive manner.
The progress in the financial, economic and social sectors is already enabling greater engagement and support from the IMF, World Bank and African Development Bank. We strongly support this as shareholders of these institutions, and we expect that the programmatic Multi Donor Trust Fund will soon be operational. We believe that full implementation of the GPA will contribute to re-engagement with the IFIs, including international support for a process towards clearing Zimbabwe's arrears to international financial institutions, and assistance to the Inclusive Government in identifying its debt and making progress towards reducing it. We encourage the Government of Zimbabwe to formulate and implement a prudent and transparent debt management policy.
We urge the Zimbabwean Inclusive Government to further pursue sound and transparent financial, fiscal and economic policies conducive to bringing substantial benefits to its citizens. As these policies progress, our support for normalisation of relations with the International Financial Institutions will grow, and we will consider support for a proposal to restore IMF voting rights to Zimbabwe. We also reiterate our readiness to assist with the preparation of a national development framework to help ensure that international funds complement national resources once Zimbabwe has formulated its priorities.
End text.
PRN: 2009/1086