http://www.trust.org/
Mon, 22 Oct 2012 14:22
GMT
Source: Reuters
* Leaders call for peace during while reviewing
constitution
* New charter an important step before election
*
Mugabe, in power for 32 years, presses for election in March
By Nelson
Banya
HARARE, Oct 22 (Reuters) - Rivals President Robert Mugabe and Prime
Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai made a joint appeal on Monday for tolerance in
reviewing a
draft constitution whose adoption will lead to Zimbabwe's next
election,
expected next year.
Mugabe and Tsvangirai, who formed a
coalition government four years ago
after violent and disputed elections in
2008, were addressing a conference
of parties and civic society groups
reviewing the proposed new constitution
in Harare.
Mugabe's ZANU-PF
wants to overhaul some provisions limiting presidential
powers while
strengthening those of parliament. Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic
Change accuses ZANU-PF of retaining power through vote rigging
and political
violence.
The final charter is likely to be compromise as neither party
commands the
two-thirds majority required to railroad it through parliament.
The first
conference on the constitution, three years ago, was disrupted by
political
clashes.
"We must live up to the expectations of the people
of Zimbabwe. Let us be
peaceful in our conduct. Surely, settling things
through fisticuffs instead
of through dialogue and discussion is primitive,"
said 88-year-old Mugabe,
who is seeking to extend his
32-year-rule.
"Our intellectual levels should lift us to that upper level
where argument,
dialogue, debate, discussion, deliberation should be used as
a way of
reaching agreement or disagreement."
Mugabe said the next
poll would be in March although his opponents are still
pressing for more
political reforms to the avoid disputes that have marred
previous
elections.
CONTRADICTION
Even jointly addressing delegates drawn
from political parties, churches and
pressure groups, the two men's
positions remained poles apart on some
issues.
Tsvangirai also called
for calm, but contradicted Mugabe's suggestions that
the two would have the
final say on the draft - a position also at odds with
that taken by the
inter-party parliament committee driving the
constitutional
reforms.
Mugabe said: "There are some who are saying why are the
principals (Mugabe
and Tsvangirai) saying they should review the process?
Because we are the
ones who caused everything. Sometimes people fail to see
where power is
derived from."
But Tsvangirai played up parliament's
role in the process.
"For the record, this process is being done in
accordance with Article 6 of
the GPA (global political agreement, which set
up the coalition) which makes
it clear that this is a parliament-driven
process in which the principals
and the executive must play a minimum part,"
Tsvangirai said.
"We have no intention whatsoever, at least on my part,
to tamper or meddle
with the people's views."
While Mugabe struck a
conciliatory tone, describing his coalition with
Tsvangirai and a smaller
party as "an unholy trinity that has done some holy
things", the prime
minister took aim at some Mugabe allies who have been
quoted as suggesting
the army would not accept a Tsvangirai poll victory.
"This exercise
underpins our belief in constitutionalism and the rule of
law. We cannot
therefore be in contradiction with ourselves by preaching a
coup or a
military subversion of the people's will," Tsvangirai said.
Mugabe noted
the reforms had taken a long time to complete, but expressed
the desire to
replace the independence charter, which has been amended 19
times since
1980.
"There were so many amendments made to the (independence)
constitution, it's
now like a pair of trousers ... heavily patched up. We
want a new one. This
is the new one which we agreed to have," he said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
22 October 2012
The 2nd All Stakeholders Conference got
off to a dramatic and chaotic start
in Harare on Monday, with the MDC-N
leader Welshman Ncube walking out of the
event, to protest the presence of
Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara.
At the heart of his protest is
the fact SADC leaders resolved at the last
summit in Maputo that Ncube would
be the third principal allowed to
participate in GPA negotiations. But ZANU
PF went against SADC and insisted
Mutambara would remain the third principal
to participate in government
business.
But according to the Crisis
Coalition, SADC later persuaded the MDC-N to
participate in the Conference
and submit a complaint afterwards. Crisis said
the MDC-N took SADC’s advice
and took part in the thematic sessions.
The delegates were addressed by
the principals, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe in the
morning. Both focused on the elections
due next year and called for peace
and tolerance from party supporters.
Mugabe once again insisted that
presidential elections will be held in March
2013, which the MDC formations
have not agreed on and civic groups have said
is impossible, since key
reforms are still pending. Mugabe also surprised
delegates by saying the
Principals would have the final word on the draft
Constitution.
In
his speech Tsvangirai addressed recent comments by ZANU PF and military
officials, who made it clear they would not accept a victory by the MDC-T
leader in next year’s elections. The PM said: “We cannot therefore be in
contradiction with ourselves by preaching a coup or a military subversion of
the people’s will.”
The Conference opening was also marred with
logistical problems and ongoing
bickering by the political parties,
regarding how to proceed and what the
purpose of the Conference really
was.
Machinda Marongwe, deputy director of the National Association of
Non-governmental Organizations (NANGO), confirmed reports that there had
been some logistical problems with the printing of materials, which was done
last minute.
Marongwe also confirmed that delegates from outside Harare
had problems
sorting out accommodation. But reportedly all was well by
Monday morning
when the Conference started.
However, the civic groups
were not satisfied with their representation at
the event. According to
Marongwe, only 150 out of the 571 civic delegates
had been chosen without
input from the political parties. The rest were
handpicked by the COPAC
co-chairs, who belong to the three political parties
running the
process.
Marongwe told SW Radio Africa that the civic groups were more
concerned with
what will happen after the Conference, regarding who gets the
final word.
“The significance of the All Stakeholders Conference is
beyond tomorrow and
whether the Principals will be able to stick to Article
6 of the GPA or
whether they will circumvent the will of the people through
further
manipulation and tampering with the draft,” Marongwe
explained.
He added that there were rumours at the Conference that the
Principals were
planning to have the last word by determining what changes
are to be made to
the COPAC draft.
This had also been suggested last
week by the Minister for Constitutional
Affairs, Eric Matinenga, who told SW
Radio Africa that the Principals had
summoned him to a meeting and suggested
he take over the management of
COPAC. This was so they could have the final
word. Matinenga said he refused
and advised them not to interfere.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
22 October 2012
Indications from thematic committee
deliberations at the second all
stakeholders conference show that all
parties to the GPA are backing the
proposed draft constitution, without
major amendments.
Our correspondent in Harare, Simon Muchemwa, said day
one of the conference
was peaceful and predicted that the draft would be
approved. The draft is
however a compromise document criticized by many
independent analysts.
However others believe there are many clauses in the
draft that make it
better than the current Lancaster House
constitution.
Muchemwa said before the conference ZANU PF had indicated
it wanted to make
several changes to the draft but after going through the
national
statistical report, which they demanded be released before the
conference,
the party made a u-turn and accepted the draft as it
was.
The conference concludes on Tuesday and our correspondent said the
smooth
passage of the draft, which many had doubted could happen, would be a
victory for all Zimbabweans.
‘I think to a large extent it is really
a case whereby not only can the ‘yes
campaigners’ claim victory, but
Zimbabweans as a whole can celebrate a
victory of common sense and a
political maturity,’ he said.
‘This was a test case because there was a
lot of resistance to this draft
and there were fears there would be
violence. The first day so far has
passed by peacefully and from the
deliberations from the thematic committees
it would appear they’re agreeing
with the contents of the draft.’
Muchemwa said the peace surrounding the
conference was also due to the tight
security cordon.
The new charter
is one of the key provisions of the power-sharing deal
struck in 2008
between the three parties to the GPA.
The proposed constitution provides
for an overhaul of some aspects of the
executive, legislature and judiciary,
together with a measure of devolution
to the regions.
The country
will still be ruled by an executive president, but he or she
will be
constrained by some checks and balances and parliament will vet key
appointments that had previously been made unilaterally by the president.
President and parliament will have fixed terms, with elections every five
years.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
The Second All-Stakeholders
Conference which started on Monday has been
infiltrated by members of the
Central Intelligence Organisation who are
numbering more than the COPAC
workforce, The Zimbabwean can exclusively
reveal.
22.10.12
by
Tavada Mafa
“Members of the CIO numbering over 50 were accredited
under COPAC staff.
This was done as a disguise. In fact, it was an order
from the top to
accredit them as COPAC staff and we could not resist. What
this means is
that the budget has to be increased to accommodate the
ballooning number of
delegates who are still coming to our offices despite
the closure of the
accreditation process on Friday,” a source in the COPAC
secretariat told The
Zimbabwean on Monday.
COPAC has also increased
the number of delegates from NGOs from 571 to 721.
That was after civic
society petitioned SADC and threatened to boycott the
conference.
NGOs were frustrated by COPAC’s decision for its members
to be accredited
under political parties.
“As we are speaking right
now I want to tell you that MDC-T’s Douglas
Mwonzora is now pushing for the
inclusion of officials from the Prime
Minister’s office after realising that
the over 50 CIOs I have mentioned
were coming from the President’s office
.Mwonzora is saying the same should
apply to the PM’s office,” the source
added.
MDC-T COPAC Co-chairperson, Douglas Mwonzora could neither deny
nor confirm.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
22/10/2012 00:00:00
by Paradzai
Brian Paradza
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe told MPs Monday “to know
where power resides” as he
insisted that coalition government principals
would have the final say on
the country’s new constitution.
The Zanu
PF leader was addressing some 1,300 delegates from all political
parties and
civic groups attending the two-day conference on the country’s
new
constitution, a key step towards elections to replace the country’s
deeply
divided coalition government.
Early this month it was revealed that
Mugabe, along with top rival and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai as well as
deputy premier Arthur Mutambara,
planned to take over the constitutional
reform process from Copac and
determine between themselves final changes to
the new charter.
And on Monday Mugabe told legislators, who make up
Copac, to “know where
power resides” and reminded them that the reform
process had been initiated
by coalition principals when they inked the
Global Political Agreement
(GPA).
Said Mugabe: “Ndisu takanyora chiya
chamunoti GPA, tikachiendesa
kuParliament tikati maMP vhoterai chinhu ichi.
Vose vakachivhotera vachitya
kudzingwa. Zvino ndodemocracy here
iyoyo?
“We started this process pasina democracy. Sometime Parliament
thinks it’s
so sovereign that it controls the Principals. Ah kwete; we are
the ones who
caused everything.
“Mwonzora naMangwana wako manga
mavakuvhaira. Sometimes people fail to know
where power is derived from and
we the principals are the ones who caused
this process and we are going to
be involved throughout,” said Mugabe.
But Mugabe’s remarks contrasted
sharply with Tsvangirai who had earlier said
the Principals would only play
“guidance role” adding that “We have no
intention to tamper with the
process. It is a Parliament process.”
The Zanu PF leader however urged
delegates to carefully examine carefully
the draft and make objective
contributions and appealed for peace and
tolerance throughout the
deliberations.
He said: “Let us be peaceful in our conduct, let us shame
our detractors who
think Zimbabweans cannot solve their problems without
violence. The
improvements you wish to make must be done in a manner which
is objective,
truthful and in a manner which takes into account what the
people said.
“Everywhere we are praised as an enlightened people because
our own literacy
rates which is 92% and if we are on that level, that
intellectual level,
settling things through (violence) instead of dialogue
and discussion is
primitive.
“If we are to go back to violence
then zvinokoromoka zvese and we, we at the
top, we are responsible to give
direction to those at the bottom,” said
Mugabe.
Mugabe said the
successful completion of the process would lead to new
elections in March
next year.
“Isu hatinyangiri vanhu. Even as we go to elections our
campaign must be
clear kana usingade kundivhotera haundide haundide varipowo
vanondidawo
zvinovamwe vanobva vati wandirambirei,” said
Mugabe.
Meanwhile, MDC leader Welshman Ncube boycotted the official
opening ceremony
querying the involvement of Mutambara. The pair is locked
in a court battle
over the leadership of the party.
http://www.churchtimes.co.uk
Posted: 22 Oct 2012 @
17:29
by Pat Ashworth
FINAL judgment is awaited from the
Supreme Court in Harare, which sat on
Monday to deal with all the
outstanding issues concerning the Anglican
Church in Zimbabwe.
The
seven cases were scheduled to take a week but the business was concluded
by
1 p.m., and, for the first time in the bitter, five-year battle for
justice,
the Church's lawyers were satisfied that the matters had been dealt
with
fairly.
The lawyers had done a "fantastic job", said the Bishop of
Harare, the Rt
Revd Chad Gandiya, on Monday afternoon. Judgment has already
been given in
the case concerning Manicaland, where the three judges upheld
an earlier
decision in favour of the Church of the Province of Central
Africa (CPCA)
and threw out the appeal of the excommunicated bishop, Elson
Jacazi.
"The people there can all return to their churches," said Bishop
Gandiya. "I
am still pinching myself. I have always told people that I'm
prepared to be
surprised, and I am surprised." The remaining cases all stem
from the main
matter to be ruled upon, i.e. who is the legitimate Bishop of
Harare and
chairman of the Board of Trustees. Bishop Gandiya declared
himself satisfied
at how the matter had been dealt with.
"We are
happy that no favouritism at all took place," he said. "Deputy Chief
Justice
Malaba dealt with the law. In the end, it was very clear what the
issues
were." The Bishop is clearly optimistic about the outcome, but
continues to
be cautious, adopting a "so far, so good" approach and is
urging continuing
prayer and vigilance.
Background:
Since the three judges were all
political appointees, Bishop Gandiya had
said on Sunday that, "Anything
could happen."
Nolbert Kunonga, the excommunicated former Bishop of
Harare, and Mr Jacazi,
the excommunicated former Bishop of Manicaland, both
claim to be the
legitimate bishops - and Kunonga to be archbishop of the
illegal "Province
of Zimbabwe" he created when he and Mr Jacazi withdrew
their dioceses from
the Province of Central Africa in 2007, on the pretext
of its "support for
homosexuality".
Since 2007, Kunonga - who had 39
serious charges against him as Bishop of
Harare, and walked free from an
aborted ecclesiastic trial in 2005 - has
subjected Anglicans to what the
Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Rowan Williams,
described as "a grave litany of
abuses" when he met President Robert Mugabe
in October last year.
Dr
Williams promised then: "We will continue to fight for the restitution of
all our properties in the courts wherever and whenever their ownership is
challenged." And he urged the President Mugabe, whose favourite Kunonga was,
to ensure that court rulings were "respected rather than
ignored".
The Anglican Province's legal battle has suffered from
political influence
by President Mugabe himself. Early judgments ruled that
Kunonga should share
premises with the CPCA until the "dispute" over assets
and funds had been
resolved.
A farcical judgment by Hon Justice
Hlatshwayo in July 2009 recognised
Kunonga as the incumbent Bishop of Harare
(CPCA), and his supporters as the
legitimate Board of Trustees, on the
grounds that he had conceded to "turn
back the clock" and renounce his
schismatic actions as though they had never
happened. The CPCA lodged an
immediate appeal in the Supreme Court, which
ensured suspension of the
decision, and enabled Bishop Chad Gandiya to be
consecrated that
month.
Violence and persecution intensified as Kunonga won police support
for the
implementation of the Hlatshwayo judgment. In March 2010, Justice
Chinembiri
Bhunu ruled the CPCA's appeal valid, a ruling totally ignored by
Kunonga and
his followers, despite the dismissal of an appeal by his Board
of Trustees.
Things got worse from May 2010, when Hlatshwayo summarily
called both
parties to his court chambers, claimed he had dealt with the
main dispute
over properties and declared there was no need for a
trial.
The CPCA appealed to the Supreme Court against Hlatshwayos's
interpretation
of the main case, arguing that his refusal to hear it was a
denial of their
constitutional right to justice. Bishop Albert Chama, now
Archbishop of
CPCA, demanded that year: "How can such a process meet with
the approval of
a judge where justice, farirness, impartiality and the
protection of
fundamental rights, are supposed to be ingrained as guaranteed
tenets of an
independent judiciary, without fear, favour or
prejudice?"
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex
Bell
22 October 2012
16 people who were standing trial in Chiweshe
have been acquitted, in the
ongoing case of a protest against the dismissal
of the chief doctor at the
Salvation Army run Howard Hospital.
The 16
were part of a group of 20 Chiweshe residents, including eight nurses
at the
Howard mission, who were being charged in connection with the protest
in
August. The demonstration, organised to display the public outrage over
the
forced removal of Dr. Paul Thistle, turned violent and saw police units
being called in to fire tear gas and make arrests. 12 people were arrested
on the spot, while the eight nurses were later brought in for questioning
for allegedly ‘inciting’ the violence.
Four of the group of 20 now
remain on remand in the ongoing trial, after 16
of the accused were
acquitted on Friday. A source who has been attending the
proceedings at the
local magistrate’s court told SW Radio Africa that the
charges were dropped
against the 16 because of lack of evidence.
In the meantime, there is
still hope that Dr. Thistle will be reinstated at
the hospital where local
residents have explained medical services have not
returned to their usual
standards since he was forced to leave. A resident
told SW Radio Africa on
Monday that most patients are being transferred to
other facilities, because
there has been no replacement for Dr. Thistle yet.
“The situation remains
tense. Almost everyone wants the doctor to come back,
but we don’t know what
is happening. I can say that the number of people
going to the hospital has
decreased by 80%,” the resident said.
The Canadian born doctor meanwhile
is meant to be back in Canada after he
was ‘reassigned’ by the Church. He
has refused to leave the country while
his colleagues were on trial, but it
is not yet clear when and if he intends
to leave Zimbabwe any time soon. His
Zimbabwean born wife Pedrina, a nurse
at the Howard mission, has not
returned to the hospital either.
Dr. Thistle’s forced removal in August
followed the concerns he had raised
of financial mismanagement at the
Salvation Army in Zimbabwe, with funds
meant for the Howard mission not
being channelled into the facility. An
international Salvation Army
delegation has since been to Zimbabwe to
investigate.
The Zimbabwe
Salvation Army chief has also been reassigned in the ongoing
saga. Vinece
Chigariro will assume her new duties in Kenya from January
2013.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Monday, 22 October 2012 12:06
HARARE - Zimbabwe
Tourism Authority (ZTA) has kicked out of the country an
American tourism
buyer Selina Marasigan on grounds of misunderstanding on
her
motives.
ZTA chief executive Karikoga Kaseke confirmed the
development.
Marasigan was in the country for the just-ended
Sanganai/Hlanganani Travel
and Tourism Expo.
“We are just screening
our buyers and even if you escape the screening and
you arrive in this
country and we discover that you are here by mistake we
will send you back,”
Kaseke said.
“We have done that. We have sent one American buyer back
because she was not
adding value to what we expected.
“Her company
was sending around 10 000 tourists per annum but not even a
single tourist
was coming into Zimbabwe,” said Kaseke, adding that she was
driven more by a
political agenda rather than harnessing business
opportunities availed by
Zimbabwe’s tourist attractions.
The ZTA chief emphasised that
international buyers were encouraged to move
around the country and see the
reality on the ground rather than perceptions
based on political
machinations.
However, Kaseke said that they are targeting to bring 200
international
quality buyers next year from the 95 registered this year. He
added that
they would be targeting various markets with each market bringing
in buyers
in line with the size of the market.
Kaseke said China,
Japan and South Korea were the primary markets in Asia
with China expected
to bring a large number of buyers of high quality.
Other primary markets
include United States, Germany, United Kingdom and
South Africa.
“We
are looking at those who are already active in selling Africa and those
that
are not bringing adequate number of tourists to this sub-Saharan region
we
might not want them to come,” he said.
Kaseke emphasised that they were
looking at buyers who can sell in excess of
5 000 tourists each per annum to
the southern African region and would use
the same criteria in choosing
buyers from all over the world.
This year, 95 international buyers and
media personnel representing 22
countries from across the globe attended the
fair. - Kudzai Chawafambira
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
22 October 2012
President Robert Mugabe on Monday insisted
elections to choose a new
government will be held in March next year,
despite fears the country is not
yet ready for another
poll.
Addressing delegates to the COPAC, second all-stakeholders
conference that
opened in Harare, Mugabe said a peaceful conference that
agrees upon a new
constitution will help pave the way for national
elections, in March.
He urged participants at the conference to ‘shame
our detractors who say
Zimbabweans cannot solve their problems without
violence.’
The previous all-stakeholders conference on constitutional
reform was
abandoned in 2009 after violent disruptions by ZANU PF militants,
led by war
vets leader Joseph Chinotimba.
‘There will certainly be
elections in March next year, hatinyangire vanhu
(We will not ambush
people). Even when we go for elections our campaigns
must be clean,’
Mugabe.
Tsvangirai, in his address, said the success of the conference
will mean the
remaining stages of creating a new constitution will be
completed
successfully, starting with the debate in Parliament right through
to the
referendum.
‘In all this, I would like Zimbabweans to be
tolerant of each other’s views
and to work towards the good of the nation.
We should remember that the
important national process of
constitution-making is about the future of our
country.
‘We do not
want a repeat of the scenes of the first All Stakeholders
Conference. We
have certainly matured politically and I hope that this
maturity will be
exhibited during this conference. It is important to see
beyond our
differences to build a better Zimbabwe for all,’ he said.
But the
country’s Civil Society Organizations pointed out that Zimbabwe won’t
be
ready for elections until fundamental democratic reforms are
implemented.
Macdonald Lewanika, the director for the Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition, said
reforms should be instituted first for a free and fair
election that allows
for the peaceful transfer of state power to a
democratically elected
government.
The last elections held in 2008
were roundly condemned by the international
community after violence claimed
the lives of over 500 supporters of Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC
party. Tens of thousands of people were
tortured and hundreds of thousands
were displaced.
‘The country is not ready for elections on the strength
of reforms that have
not taken place, on the strength of elements of the GPA
that have not been
resolved and on the strength of pervasive negative
political culture that
still sweeps across the country.
‘If Mugabe
can deal with these things we can say that yes elections can be
held in
March, but so far he’s not done anything to demonstrate that there
is a
possibility for elections in March,’ Lewanika said.
If anything, he
added, Mugabe speech’s on Monday was full of double speak.
He said at one
time his speech was indicative of someone summoning people to
a
fight.
While both the MDC formations have agreed to the draft
constitution, Mugabe
and his ZANU PF have been dragging their feet over the
document.
Nelson Chamisa, the national organizing secretary of the MDC-T,
also
recently said the next election cannot be free or fair unless concrete
reforms are undertaken.
‘If conditions prevailing during the date
proclaimed by Mugabe give security
of the vote, voter, and freedom after the
vote then there is nothing which
can stop elections, but if those things are
not put in place, then this will
be another sham election,’ Chamisa said.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
22/10/2012 00:00:00
by The
Standard
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe has tightened his grip on power
ahead of the
watershed election next year by assigning some crucial Acts
directly under
the purview of his office.
He did this without
consulting his coalition partners Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and MDC
leader Welshman Ncube.
The country is set to go to the polls next year to
bring to an end the shaky
inclusive government that has run its course
despite bringing a modicum of
economic stability.
In a Statutory
Instrument gazetted on Friday, Mugabe put nine pieces of
legislation under
the Office of the President and Cabinet without the
knowledge of coalition
partners.
Mugabe's political adversaries said the move was designed to
tighten the
88-year-old leader's grip on power.
The Acts now directly
under Mugabe are the Commission of Inquiry Act,
Emergency Powers Act,
Honours and Awards Act, Interception of Communication
Act, Presidential
Powers (Temporary Measures) Act, Procurement Act,
Radiation Protection Act,
Research Act and the Zimbabwe National Security
Council Act.
The
notice reads: "It is hereby notified that His Excellency and the
President,
in terms of section 31D (1) (a) of the Constitution as read with
section 37
(2) of the Interpretation Act has assigned to the Office of
President and
Cabinet -- (a) the administration of the Acts set out in the
schedule and
(b) the functions conferred or imposed on the Office of the
President and
Cabinet, save to the extent that those functions have not been
assigned to
some other minister."
The notice said the assignment and functions
published in a Statutory
Instrument of 2010 had been repealed.
MDC-T
secretary general, Tendai Biti, told The Standard yesterday that the
move
was proof that Mugabe was consolidating his grip on Central
Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) and furthering his power retention agenda
ahead of
elections.
He said placing the Interception of Communication Act in the
President's
Office would enable Mugabe to eavesdrop on the activities of his
political
foes at will.
"Interception of Communication was never in
the Office of President. The
Procurement Act was traditionally under the
ministry of finance and this is
a power retention agenda," Biti
said.
Biti said the MDC-T would meet tomorrow to discuss on the latest
assignment
of functions and make appropriate
decisions.
Ncube, told The Standard yesterday that while it was
the prerogative of
President Mugabe to assign functions, "If you are working
in an inclusive
government, powers are exercised in consultation with
others".
He said the existence of these Acts in the Office of the
President was
calculated to give Mugabe electoral advantage ahead of next
year's
elections.
"One can see the intention as we go towards
elections that they want to
gather in one office for the purpose of
electoral advantage. They want to
misuse the Acts, in particular, the
Interception of Communication Act,"
Ncube said.
The Zimbabwe National
Security Act oversees the National Security Council
(NSC) that is mandated
to discuss key security issues.
The NSC is chaired by Mugabe and has
never met since May this year amid
revelations that security chiefs are
holding meetings behind the back of
premier, Morgan Tsvangirai.
The
NSC Act stipulates that the body should meet every month to receive
reports
and discuss key security issues.
Mugabe chairs the council that has
Tsvangirai and the two vice-presidents --
Joice Mujuru and John
Nkomo.
The two deputy premiers, Arthur Mutambara and Thokozani Khupe,
ministers
responsible for Finance, Defence and Police, service chiefs and
one minister
nominated by each of the three political parties in the
inclusive government
are part of the NSC.
Mugabe has in the past used
Emergency Powers to his advantage.
In 2008, President Mugabe used the
powers to reverse changes made by the
Electoral Laws Amendment Act that
would have removed police from polling
stations.
The amendments had
been agreed by the three parties and signed into law by
Mugabe
himself.
The changes that Mugabe made via a Statutory Instrument, allowed
the police
access to polling stations to assist the "infirm and illiterate
voters".
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
22/10/2012 00:00:00
by
NewsDay
THE MDC-T has quashed a bid by its top leadership –
including Cabinet
ministers and members of the party’s standing committee –
to go unchallenged
in the party’s primary elections to be held
soon.
Several party bigwigs have been pushing to stand unchallenged in
the
forthcoming general elections, but that was ruled out by the party’s
standing committee following a meeting at the party’s headquarters at
Harvest House in Harare last week.
MDC-T spokesperson Douglas
Mwonzora confirmed the development at the
weekend, adding all seats would be
contested and that there would be no
sacred cows when the party holds its
primary elections.
“No one will go unchallenged. Everyone will be subject
to the due processes
and no one will get special treatment,” Mwonzora
said.
MDC-T national organising secretary Nelson Chamisa also confirmed
the matter
when he officiated at a function to debate the late Mozambican
leader Samora
Machel’s legacy at the Quill Club in Harare last
Friday.
“There are no two dip-tanks in the party and there won’t be
sacred cows. We
will not entertain the Animal Farm kind of thing where some
animals are more
equal than others. In the party we are all leaders and
comrades,” said
Chamisa.
Chamisa confirmed that MDC-T would use an
open palm with the face of their
presidential candidate and party leader
Morgan Tsvangirai only for election
purposes to differentiate their symbol
from that of other MDC formations.
“The symbol will not change. We will
put the face of the presidential
candidate, but the symbol will not
change.”
On Machel’s legacy, Chamisa said some African leaders had
betrayed what the
former Mozambican leader fought for.
“Why should
the struggle continue, even beyond paper and flag independence
or any
assumed arrival point?
“Precisely because leaders are mortals and it is
the habit and character of
mortals to be fallible. Leaders sometimes betray
struggles, leaders can
mislead the masses, leaders can hijack revolutions
instead of being hijacked
by them and, of course, leaders grow old,” he
said.
“A struggle is a project for all, by all and to all. It is for the
led and
not the leader.”
http://nehandaradio.com
on October 22, 2012 at 4:27
am
By Lance Guma
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has
reacted to Zanu PF threats of a coup if
he wins the next election saying
“our colleagues have already conceded
defeat and are mulling
unconstitutional methods of averting that defeat.”
Robert Mugabe with
Morgan Tsvangirai
Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and Zanu PF spokesman
Rugare Gumbo both
hinted in separate media interviews that military generals
in the country
would be forced to intervene if the MDC-T leader won
presidential elections.
But Tsvangirai who was addressing a public
lecture on prospects for a
democratic breakthrough said “we have patriots
within the rank and file of
our security forces. They will not join the
so-called coup. I can assure you
the soldiers, most of whom I talk to every
day, will not take part in it.”
Tsvangirai used the ‘New Zimbabwe Lecture
Series’ to bemoan the lack of key
reforms ahead of the next elections. The
power sharing deal had put in place
benchmarks for political, media,
electoral and security sector reforms but
Mugabe’s regime had ensured there
is no movement he said.
Tsvangirai visited Zaka a fortnight ago to see
victims of Zanu PF violence.
After a visit to St. Anthony’s Musiso Mission
Hospital to see an old man
petrol-bombed by Zanu PF thugs, the PM said he
was told the matron and
hospital staff received anonymous calls threatening
them for allowing the
visit.
The MDC-T leader said “despite these
impediments” in the next 9 to 12 months
they had to ensure the successful
implementation of agreed positions which
they “have failed to do in four
years.” He said the inclusive government
had no choice if “we are to have a
clean election in line with SADC
resolutions.”
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
22 October
2012
Zimbabweans over the weekend gathered to stage the 10th round of the
‘Free
Zimbabwe Global Protests’, vowing to carry on with the monthly
demonstrations until there are real reforms back home.
The global
protests have been taking place every month since January this
year and are
now being organised under the banner of ‘Operation Take Back
Zimbabwe’. The
movement was organised by the international structures of the
MDC led by
Morgan Tsvangirai, to highlight the ongoing political crisis in
Zimbabwe and
to demand free and fair elections.
Organisers have targeted different
locations each month, depending on the
issues that they believed should be
highlighted each time. The last round
focused on the visit by Robert Mugabe
to the United Nations in New York.
In round 10 on Saturday, organisers
protested at Zim Embassies in several
countries, including in the UK, South
Africa and the US.
Tonderai Samanyanga, the chair of the MDC-T in the UK,
told SW Radio Africa
on Monday that the protest continues to draw attention
and grow, with more
protests being organised every month across the
world.
“We now have protests in New Zealand, in Australia and in the
Scandinavian
countries. Our efforts have been praised because the Zimbabwe
issue remains
on the agenda through the protests. And that is key,”
Samanyanga said.
He meanwhile explained that the movement will not die
down until there is
real commitment made towards free and fair elections,
including key reforms
ahead of a poll.
“We want the leadership in
Zimbabwe to realise with these protests that
people have a voice and they
will use this voice to demand a fair and
violence free election,” Samanyanga
said.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
Hebrews 13 vs. 3: “Remember those in
prison as if you were their fellow
prisoners and those who are mistreated as
if you yourselves were suffering”.
The MDC Youth Assembly is disturbed by
the squalid, murky and appalling
state of Zimbabwe’s prisons. Those who have
been in prison for different
reasons either on remand or as serving inmates
will testify that the prisons
are uninhabitable and are in desperate need of
compulsory wholesale
refurbishment. Holding cells around the country such as
the one at Harare
Central Police station have been fervently and widely
condemned by the
public including human rights groups as derelict and not
fit for human
inhabitance.
The majority of inmates are young people
aged between 17 and 35. Many of MDC
leaders and activists around the country
have been imprisoned at some point
including our President Morgan
Tsvangirai. Amongst those still incarcerated
are the Youth Assembly
President Solomon Madzore and 28 others.
The prison menu mainly comprises
of brownish sadza and poorly cooked beans,
sometimes sadza with cabbages
with little or no cooking oil. For breakfast,
the inmates are treated to a
blackish porridge with neither sugar nor salt.
As if that was not bad
enough, visitors who visit the sentenced inmates at
two week intervals are
not even allowed to bring them food from outside.
The inmates are in
constant starvation. The rations are not nearly enough,
the inmates are too
many and as a result a condition called Pellagra has
become endemic. This is
as a direct result of persistent, consistent and
prolonged exposure to a
systematic poor diet, continuous hunger and
inadequate portions of food. It
has come to light that in 2008 prison
inmates died in their hundreds from
this illness and some of them were
buried in the prison cemetery. Pellagra
causes the spinal cord to be
dysfunctional which in turn affects the body’s
movement and cause the senses
to react very slowly. This is usually mistaken
for someone being mentally
ill.
The situation is dire and is
escalated by the fact that the responsible
authorities are not taking any
meaningful measures to address these
challenges. It is tantamount to
negligence on the part of the state whose
duty it is to take care of its
citizens. Chikurubi Maximum Prison, for
example, houses about 1800 inmates
who are faced with this predicament day
in day out and there is no hope that
the situation can/will be improved in
the near future.
As the MDC Youth
Assembly, we are deeply concerned about the basic human
rights of health and
dignity of every single person in Zimbabwe regardless
of where they are
domicile at any particular moment.
The MDC led government shall make
prisons correctional and rehabilitation
facilities and not camps for
systematically, directly or indirectly killing
inmates.
Since the
inception of the GNU, the Prime Minister of this Republic has
tried a number
of times to visit the prisons and holding cells to assess the
situation but
has been blocked by the security forces under unclear
circumstances. Many
had hoped that after Dr Tsvangirai’s assessment he was
going to recommend
and action a robust program to refurbish all prisons and
holding cells and
more importantly make sure that adequate food and good
health amenities is
available for all inmates.
For and on behalf of the people of
Zimbabwe
MDC Youth Assembly Information and Publicity
Our era is NOW:
Let’s Do it Now to shape our own destiny!!!
–
MDC YOUTH
ASSEMBLY
Harvest House
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Monday, 22 October 2012 12:03
HARARE -
Government should have protected Epworth residents whose homes were
demolished by a state-owned property developer, Local Government deputy
minister Sessel Zvidzai has said.
Close to 200 Epworth families were
left homeless after police razed down
their homes at the instigation of
Sunway City (Pvt) Ltd, a subsidiary of the
Industrial Development
Corporation of Zimbabwe.
Last week’s demolitions were a violation of
human rights as well as
unconstitutional, Zvidzai told the Daily
News.
“What happened in Epworth should not be tolerated. We should not
allow
another Murambatsvina to take place in this country, whether at
mini-level
or full-scale operation,” he said.
“People’s homes should
not be demolished without providing for an
alternative. Those people who
demolished the houses should have engaged the
local authority and assisted
the residents get accommodation,” said Zvidzai.
When the Daily News
visited the area, affected residents appeared shocked by
the police action,
especially since the illegal settlement had the blessings
of the local Zanu
PF leadership which parcelled out the land.
“The police came last week, I
think on Friday and told us we had to vacate
since the owners of the land,
Sunway City, wanted to use their land,” said
one woman holding a crying
baby.
“We were given time to take out our property but we have nowhere to
go,” she
said.
Sunway City (Pvt) Ltd is a government agency mandated
with developing
world-class integrated residential, commercial, industrial,
institutional
and recreational parks.
Zvidzai said he has since
engaged the local board to assist the affected
residents with alternative
accommodation.
“The Epworth local board has since started assisting the
residents with
accommodation and I hope the ministry of National Housing
will attend to the
matter as well.
“This is wet season and we should
not expose our people to rain which could
end up causing more problems for
this country. These people have rights. It
should be government priority to
offer accommodation to these people before
a demolition is done,” he
said.
Some of the affected residents told the Daily News that the timing
of the
demolitions was “bad” because of the rains. - Xolisani Ncube
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
The European Union
Delegation issues the following statement in agreement
with the EU Heads of
Mission in Zimbabwe.
22.10.12
by The
Zimbabwean
Harare
The EU Delegation welcomes the entering into
force of the Human Rights
Commission Act allowing this important Commission,
appointed in March 2010,
to become fully operational. This is an encouraging
step by the Government
to improve the respect for Human Rights in
Zimbabwe.
The establishment of an effective Human Rights Commission is
also an
important step in the implementation of the Global Political
Agreement and
of the agreed roadmap for peaceful and credible elections. It
should play a
significant role in monitoring the situation during the
elections period, as
mandated in the recently gazetted Amendment to the
Electoral Act.
The EU looks forward to the Commission beginning to deal
independently and
transparently with the pressing human rights issues facing
the country.
Guided by international standards, the Commission is expected
to investigate
human rights complaints, to advice on human-rights-friendly
legislation, and
to promote and protect human rights in general.
The
EU expresses its readiness to cooperate with the Human Rights
Commission,
with the firm belief that the promotion and protection of human
rights is
critical for a peaceful and prosperous Zimbabwe.
The Embassies of Norway
and Australia associate themselves with this
statement.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
MISA-Zimbabwe
notes with grave concern the upsurge in the number of cases
involving the
arrests of journalists for criminal defamation at the
instigation of public
officials.
22.10.12
by MISA
The resort to criminal
defamation charges by public officials undermines and
curbs the media’s
watchdog role over the three arms of the state. It also
erodes citizens’
right to freedom of expression and access to information.
There is no
reasonable justification for retaining this globally discredited
law. The
retention of these criminal defamation laws can only be for
purposes of
shielding public officials from robust media scrutiny by
instilling fear
among journalists through threats of imprisonment for those
who dare expose
transgressions of those who hold public office.
In essence, this archaic
and undemocratic law is simply there to limit
citizens’ rights and ability
to hold public officials accountable through
the media, which is inimical to
good, transparent and accountable democracy.
While the retention and
increased application of criminal defamation
legislation is emblematic of
the authorities’ intolerance of free
expression, it also lays bare
government’s complete disregard of its
democratic obligations as enunciated
in regional and international
conventions on freedom of
expression.
Zimbabwe is a state party to the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights,
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Article
9 of African
Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights and Banjul Declaration on
the
Principles of Freedom of Expression in Africa, which guarantee and
protect
freedom of expression.
Recent cases involve the arrest of
community news activist Kudakwashe Matura
who was arrested in Kariba on 8
September 2012, Daily News editor Stanley
Gama, and his deputy Chris Goko,
who were also arrested on the same day in
Harare.
Another journalist,
Nhau Mangirazi was on 17 October 2012 summoned to appear
at Karoi police
station in a suspected criminal defamation case following
the publication of
story in the Weekly Mirror of 21 September 2012 titled:
chief terrorises
headman. The editor of the Weekly Mirror, Dennis Kagonye,
was also
questioned in connection with the same story by police in Karoi on
16
October 2012.
These cases are in addition to nine other cases of criminal
defamation that
MISA-Zimbabwe has recorded since 2011 to date, some of which
are still
pending before the courts.
Criminal defamation has thus
become the weapon of choice against media
freedom and freedom of expression.
This runs counter to spirited calls by
the African Commission on Human
Peoples’ Rights’ Special Rapporteur on
Freedom of Expression and Access to
Information, Advocate Pansy Tlakula, for
member states to repeal all
criminal defamation laws and provisions.
It is MISA-Zimbabwe’s firm
conviction that criminal defamation laws have no
place in modern democracies
and should thus be scrapped. In modern and
civilized democracies complaints
against the media are amicably handled by
alternative adjudication bodies
like Zimbabwe’s own Voluntary Media Council
of Zimbabwe or through civil
action laws, as opposed to criminalising free
expression, which is key to
the exercise and enjoyment of fundamental human
rights.
MISA Zimbabwe
therefore unreservedly calls for the urgent repeal of
provisions on criminal
defamation as enshrined in the Criminal Law
(Codification and Reform) Act as
this impinges on the fundamental right to
access, receive, impart and share
information on issues of public interest.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
20/10/2012 00:00:00
by Sunday
Mail
DIAMOND production at Zvishavane-based Murowa Diamonds,
which is majority
owned by Rio Tinto International, jumped 64 percent to 92
000 carats in the
three months to September from a quarter earlier, the
international mining
giant said.
The 92 000 carats are diamonds
attributable to Rio Tinto’s 77,8 percent
stake in the mine.
The
latest figures hint to a recovery in production, especially after drop
in
production to 66 000 carats that was realised in the second
quarter.
Statistics from Rio Tinto International’s third quarter 2012
operations
review published last week show that Murowa’s production in the
first nine
months of the year rose by 8,5 percent to 215 000 carats from 198
000 carats
in the same period a year ago.
Also, ore processed in the
quarter under review increased 18,3 percent to
142 000 tonnes from 120 000
tonnes a quarter earlier, while ore processed in
the nine months
to
September rose to 388 000 tonnes from 339 000 tonnes recorded in the
same
period in 2011, representing a 14,5 percent increase.
However,
diamonds recovered in the third quarter from the mine climbed 63
percent
from 73 000 carats in the second quarter to 119 000 carats. In the
period
from January to September, recoveries grew 9 percent from last year
to 277
000 carats.
The fate of Murowa Diamonds is not clear. Its parent, Rio
Tinto
International, which became the world’s second largest miner last week
with
a market capitalisation of $98,7 billion, hinted earlier in the year
that it
might be forced to realign its ownership structure particularly for
its
diamond businesses.
“We regularly review our businesses in order
to ensure that they remain
aligned with Rio Tinto’s strategy of operating
large, long-life expandable
assets.
“The diamonds market outlook is
very positive, with demand growing strongly
and lack of new discoveries
limiting supply.
“We have a valuable, high quality diamonds business,
but given its scale we
are reviewing whether we can create more value
through a different ownership
structure,” said the company’s chief executive
for Diamonds and Minerals,
Harry Kenyon-Slaney, in March this
year.
Government is also pushing for locals to assume the majority
shareholding in
mining companies in order to address the historic imbalance
where natives
were sidelined from mainstream economic
activity.
The Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act, which was
signed into law
on March 9 2008, stipulates that previously disadvantaged
blacks should
assume 51 percent equity in foreign businesses.
Murowa
Diamonds started operations in 2004 after feasibility studies and
mine
planning conducted between 1998 and 2000. The miner now employs about
180
people.
http://www.fin24.com
Oct 22 2012 15:09 Malcom Sharara, Fin24’s correspondent in
Zimbabwe
Harare - Zimbabwe’s mineral production generated US$1.36bn in
the nine
months to September. The revenue figure, however, does not include
diamond
revenues and the September figures for coal and
chrome.
According to figures obtained from the Chamber of Mines, the
country
generated $2.013bn from its minerals in the full year to December 31
2012.
The gold sub-sector remained the country’s top mineral contributor,
accounting for almost half of the country’s mineral production.
Gold
output in the nine months to September grew 31% over the same period
last
year in value terms to $585.007m from $447.18m.
A total 11 139.5 kg of
gold were produced in the period, against 12 992.52
kg produced in the full
year to December 31 2011.
Gold production is forecast to close the year
at 15 000 kg. Some of the
country’s major gold producers include Blanket
Mine, Falgold Mines, Metallon
Gold Zimbabwe, RioZim, ZMDC’s Jeba and Sabi
mines and Pan African Mining.
Platinum production in the period amounted
to 7 433.80 kg worth $325.043m.
Zimbabwe has grown production of the mineral
by 121% since 2006.
The country has about 2.8 billion tonnes of
platinum-bearing resources, of
those total 4E PGM (platinum group metals
platinum, palladium, rhodium and
gold) resources are 400 million ounces.
Output is expected to grow 3% to 365
000 oz this year and is forecast to
reach 393 000 oz in 2013.
Palladium production generated $105.25m from 5
732.01 kg. Palladium demand
is intensifying globally as a result of the
substitution of palladium for
platinum in gasoline and diesel catalytic
converters, expanding automotive
production.
The white metal can now
be substituted for platinum on a one-for-one,
ounce-for-ounce basis, which
has strengthened the market for palladium in
gasoline catalytic
converters.
Analysts say palladium is facing a substantial supply deficit
going forward
that will likely be met by a combination of price-driven
demand destruction
and shifting back to platinum or using rhodium.
It
is estimated that the mining industry requires $5-7bn to recover and grow
over the next five years. The breakdown of the amounts required are as
follows: platinum 40%, gold 33%, diamonds 11%, coal 8%, chrome 4% and nickel
4%.
If this amount is invested the volume of production for the major
minerals
will grow in the next five years to: gold 50 000 kg per year,
platinum 21
000 kg per year, nickel 25 000 t per year,
hydrochlorofluorocarbons 262 000
t per year and coal 7 million t per year.
http://www.mdc.co.zw
Monday 22 October 2012
The current
draft constitution is a product of two processes, the outreach
process and
the negotiations spearheaded by the management committee to
resolve the
parked issues. The agenda of this all stakeholders’ conference
is well set
out generally in article 6 of the Global Political Agreement.
That is to say
to table the draft constitution to the representatives of the
people across
the political divide.
For that reason to ensure a smooth conduct of
business of this All
Stakeholders’ Conference the Select Committee came up
with the terms of
reference for the committee. These are:
a) To allow
the Select Committee to give a report to the conference on the
constitution
making process. In other words the Select Committee must
provide a narrative
of how we have got to where we are. It is a matter of
public record that the
journey so far has not been easy. We, however take
comfort in the fact that
all good things do not come easy. Our story is an
intriguing tale of how
people rose above narrow sectional interests to
overcome
adversity.
b) To table the constitution before this conference. This
provides an
opportunity for the Select Committee to take the delegates
through the draft
constitution. It is hoped that the truth about what this
constitution
provides will be reviewed. Sadly many untrue accusations about
this
constitution have been made sometime in one sided fora where the Select
Committee had no right of reply. This constitution does not provide for some
of the things that some people say it provides for. Today we analyze this
constitution more objectively above the political sparring that has
characterized our nation.
c) To allow delegates divided into working
groups to make comments and
recommendations on the draft. This is meant to
allow delegates to provide an
evaluation of the draft constitution. These
comments and recommendations
will help inform on areas that need attention
on this draft. This is not to
provide an opportunity for political sparring.
We cannot allow anything that
will make debate dysfunctional at the
conference. To that end, delegates are
urged to make their comments and
recommendations that will be recorded by a
team of rapportuers rather than
provide a critique of each other’s
recommendations and comments.
d)
To compile a detailed report of the conference by Copac after the
conference
for further processes to come.
All necessary material to be used in the
groups has been availed.
My Voice is in. My vote is YES!!!
http://www.mdc.co.zw
Monday 22 October
2012
His Excellency the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe, Hon.
R. G. Mugabe
Deputy Presidents Amai Mujuru and Hon. John Landa
Nkomo
Deputy Prime Ministers Hon. Thokozani Khupe and Prof. Arthur
Mutambara
The President of the MDC, Prof. Welshman Ncube
The Speaker of
Parliament Hon. Lovemore Moyo
The President of the Senate Amai Edna
Madzongwe
Cabinet Ministers here present
Senators and Members of
Parliament
Esteemed delegates
Members of the Diplomatic corps
Invited
Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen
Ladies and gentlemen, it is a great honour
for me to join you at this
momentous occasion.
Today, we are on the
threshold of history as we mark an important step
towards the making of our
own Constitution. The importance of today’s
occasion must not be lost in the
needles pursuit of petty party interests at
the expense of what is good for
this country and future generations.
Today we mark a giant leap forward
towards fulfilling and implementing one
of the key reforms that we agreed
under Article 6 of the GPA, which is now
part of the Constitution of
Zimbabwe.
Today we meet again as stakeholders; as political parties and
as civic
society, to participate in this national discourse that is set to
make a
positive impact on our society. The Constitution-making process is an
exercise that started way back when we sought the views of the people. It
started when we collectively traversed the urban townships, the rural
villages, the farming areas, the mining towns and even the diaspora as we
sought to hear and input the people’s views in this national
charter.
As a country we have invested so much in this process, in both
financial and
material terms. We have spent years engaged in a seemingly
endless debate on
the Constitution and we have an opportunity to put this
process on the
home-stretch to a referendum.
The guarantors of this
transitional arrangement, SADC, have urged us at
almost every summit to
ensure the successful completion of this important
process and the Second
All-Stakeholders conference we hold today must ensure
that the process moves
forward.
The last two SADC summits in Luanda and Maputo urged us to
complete this
process as an important condition ahead of the next election,
which must be
free, fair and credible. The guarantors, and us as the
Principals, want this
process expedited and done in a peaceful
manner.
The Constitution-making process is greater than the MDC, Zanu PF
or Mavambo.
It is a national exercise for posterity; far much greater than
the
personalities and individual interests of Morgan Tsvangirai, Robert
Mugabe,
Welshman Ncube or Arthur Mutambara.
We are not doing this for
ourselves, but we are trying to create a people’s
charter; a people’s
contract with their Government; a Constitution which
knows no political
party but which ensures that the democracy and the
freedoms that so many
fought and died for are realised. Isn’t it shameful
that 32 years after
independence, we are still using a ceasefire document as
a Constitution,
albeit with 19 amendments?
As a nation, this exercise underpins our
belief in Constitutionalism and the
rule of law. It is evidence that we wish
to set guidelines on how people
should be governed. It reflects our wish for
legitimate governments that
work in accordance with the rule of law. We
cannot therefore be in
contradiction with ourselves by preaching a coup or a
military subversion of
the people’s will.
This process shows that as
a nation we have chosen Constitutionalism and not
militarism; and therefore
our deportment, our utterances, our demeanour must
exhibit the higher values
of chastity and democracy that we aspire for our
country.
I and the
party I represent are fully committed to the Constitution-making
process and
its successful and peaceful conclusion.
We have discussed this as
Principals and we have all agreed that this is a
people’s process. For the
record, this process is being done in accordance
with Article 6 of the GPA,
which makes it clear that this is a
Parliament-driven process in which the
Principals and the Executive must
play a minimum part. We have no intention
whatsoever, at least on my part,
to tamper or meddle with the people’s
views.
So we must be peaceful and allow this process to be come to a
peaceful and
logical conclusion. After all, the people will reserve their
right to speak
for themselves in a referendum.
Mr Chairman, the role
played by the stakeholders in the process so far
cannot be
overemphasized.
The people were consulted on what they wanted included in the
new
constitution and their views play a pivotal role in the process of
coming up
with a new Constitution. Zimbabweans from across the social,
political and
cultural divide were given an opportunity to participate in
the crafting of
the supreme law of the land.
As one of the Principals
in the Government and a leader of a political party
in Parliament, I would
like to commend the Parliamentary Select Committee
for the hard work that
has gone into the process of drafting a new
constitution. While a lot of
work has already been covered, they still need
the support of the nation at
large to successfully complete the process.
We need to stand united and
with a common purpose to ensure that the process
is carried through to its
logical conclusion. The success of this conference
will mean that the
remaining stages will then be completed successfully as
well, starting with
the debate in Parliament right through to the
Referendum.
In all
this, I would like Zimbabweans to be tolerant of each other’s views
and to
work towards the good of the nation.
We should remember that the
important national process of
constitution-making is about the future of our
country. It transcends party
political considerations, and therefore your
deliberations must be national
in character, tolerant of other people’s
views and above all, you must do
your business in peace and
harmony.
We do not want a repeat of the scenes of the first All
Stakeholders
Conference. We have certainly matured politically and I hope
that this
maturity will be exhibited during this conference. It is important
to see
beyond our differences to build a better Zimbabwe for
all.
Zimbabweans have put their trust in the Parliamentary Constitution
Select
Committee and we should give this Committee all the support it needs
to
ensure the success of the constitution-making process.
I wish to
conclude that peace is an important ingredient. Your deliberations
must show
maturity and must exhibit our true Zimbabwean culture.
We are a
peace-loving people and our behaviour at this conference must
showcase our
high standards as a nation and as a people.
I wish to conclude by wishing
you all a successful and a peaceful
conference.
I Thank
You
http://www.osisa.org/
BY RICHARD LEE | 22 OCTOBER
2012
While all eyes in Zimbabwe are focussed on the last few steps of
the
constitution-drafting process and particularly the 2nd All Stakeholders
constitutional conference in Harare, the reality is that the country is
still heading for a flawed transition four years after the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) was signed.
Writing in Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition’s
first Zimbabwe Transition
Barometer, the group’s Director, Mcdonald
Lewanika, argues that – with
elections looming in 2013 – the country is
heading for a ‘transition that is
hinged on window dressing reforms…and a
fallacy of electoralism’. And he
lays the blame largely at the feet of
President Robert Mugabe’s ZANU PF
party, which, he says, wants to
‘manipulate both the process and the content
of the reforms to its advantage
so that Zimbabwe can have a flawed election
that keeps it in
power’.
The barometer, which can be downloaded below, points to a rise in
political
violence and intimidation – mainly related to militia groups
connected to
ZANU-PF leaders – as well as growing violations of democratic
tenets by the
security sector and other political party members.
The
report also highlights other concerns including continuing delays in the
creation of a new and accurate voters’ roll; the lack of guidelines for the
conduct of the security sector and political parties before, during and
after elections; and the fact that SADC officials have still not begun to
work on the ground with the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee
(JOMIC), even though SADC agreed to deploy its officials way back in June
2011.
While there have been improvements in the country’s economic
performance,
the barometer highlights a number of key economic reforms that
have not been
implemented as well as other problems, including bickering in
the IG over
the composition and operationalisation of the National Economic
Council and
intra-government discord over the economic empowerment and
indigenisation
policy. Critically, Lewanika also refers to the murky flow of
diamond
revenues, very little of which seems to have ended up in the
government’s
coffers.
The barometer also highlights another major
concern in relation to the
transition process – the lack of genuine media
pluralism, the controversial
appointment of members of the board of the
Broadcasting Authority of
Zimbabwe, the unreformed nature of the state media
and the continued use by
ZANU-PF of state media to carry partisan messages
and demonise other
political parties.
While the constitution-drafting
process and subsequent referendum could
provide a much-needed boost to the
transition process, Lewanika’s overall
view is pessimistic. “The overall
rating of democratisation remains low,
mainly due to the failure to
implement key clauses of the GPA. This has been
exacerbated by the lack of
an independent GPA oversight body as well as SADC’s
lack of capacity to
enforce compliance to the agreement.”
But this is not a call to give up
and start expecting – and planning – for
the worst. Zimbabwe could still
enjoy a peaceful transition to a more
democratic and open society but only
if all players interested in ensuring a
successful transition act
now.
Indeed, Lewanika concludes that the reason for this hard-hitting
report is
to act as ‘an early warning sign that provides an opportunity for
civil
society, the region and international actors to intensify efforts to
leverage democratic transition in Zimbabwe’.
http://www.bdlive.co.za
BY RAY
NDLOVU, OCTOBER 22 2012, 08:34
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s push for
elections to be held in Zimbabwe soon —
with March next year as a possible
election date — must worry not only the
country’s largest opposition party,
the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC), but South Africa as
well.
The MDC’s concerns about early elections are straightforward: key
political
reforms have not been completed, the referendum agreed to at
power-sharing
talks has missed several deadlines, violence has erupted in
recent weeks and
the voters’ roll — traditionally a key instrument of Zanu
(PF)’s victory —
is yet to be cleaned up.
But a shrewd Mr Mugabe
knows his biggest opponent to the elections plan is
South Africa, which the
Southern African Development Community (Sadc) has
mandated to mediate in the
country’s political crisis. Caught up with labour
unrest at mines and
fighting for his own political survival at the coming
African National
Congress’ Mangaung conference, South Africa’s President
Jacob Zuma’s eyes
are off Zimbabwe.
Political observers say this has helped Mr Mugabe’s
early election plan. The
effect of early polls on South Africa is unclear,
but analysts warn it could
turn out badly.
"A flawed elections in
Zimbabwe will have serious ramifications for South
Africa," says political
analyst Charles Mangongera. "Besides the blight it
will put on Mr Zuma and
Sadc mediation efforts, it will result in a major
influx of economic
refugees into South Africa. For a country that is
battling increasing levels
of unemployment, facing labour unrest
particularly in the mining sector,
such an influx will have disastrous
consequences."
All indications
are that Zanu (PF) has abandoned any pretense of resolving
any outstanding
political issues and fulfilling the SADC -sponsored election
roadmap.
The MDC remains equivocal about participating in a
previously discredited
process, while complaining that the country’s
political landscape remains
strongly in favour of Mr Mugabe and his Zanu
(PF) party. Perhaps the
memories of the violent 2008 election have faded or
that the protagonists
are fed up with the futile, three-year-old union and
want an end to it at
any cost.
The MDC has started its election
machinery, officially launching its
campaign last month with the theme "The
Last Mile: Towards Real
Transformation"
Zanu (PF) appears to be
biding its time as polls show it may do well in
March. According to a survey
by US-based Freedom House published in August,
support for the MDC had
plummeted from 38% in 2010 to 19%. Over the same
period, Zanu (PF)’s support
grew from 17% to 31%.
"Although Zanu (PF) is leading the charge towards
calling for elections in
March 2013, the party does not seem to be taking
its usual preparatory steps
for elections," says political analyst Allen
Hungwe.
"There seems to be a certain sedentary approach. Could it also be
that the
party is more focused on other means of taking the elections rather
than of
canvassing for votes?
"Could it be a case of preserving
energy only to unleash it within a few
weeks from the supposed
elections?"
Patrick Chinamasa, the Zanu (PF)-linked justice, legal and
parliamentary
affairs minister, made it clear there would be no tolerance of
an MDC
victory. "Mr Tsvangirai cannot win.
"He has been campaigning
and mobilising against the interests of Zimbabweans
on many issues, whether
talking about land, seeking to reverse the gains of
the liberation struggle
… and this is where the military comes in," Mr
Chinamasa said. "The military
is not going to allow anyone who speaks like
that to win."
His
message should sound alarm bells that all progress made under the unity
government could be undone during and after the election.
South
Africa may find itself once more again with the unpleasant
responsibility of
having to right the wrongs committed by its northern
neighbour.
October 22nd, 2012
Via Solidarity Peace Trust, by Brian Raftopoulos
Introduction.
Four years after the signing of the SADC facilitated Global Political Agreement in Zimbabwe, the outcome of the process remains fiercely contested and in the balance. The Agreement, which set out to prepare the political process for a generally acceptable election after the debacle of 2008, has been marked by severe ebbs and flows, all too characteristic of the battle for the state that has constituted the politics of the GPA. At almost every stage of the mediation from 2007 and the implementation of the GPA from February 2009, intense conflicts over the interpretation of the accord have left their debris on the political terrain, at the heart of which has been the struggle over the meaning of ‘sovereignty’. Around this notion Zanu PF in particular has woven dense layers of political discourse combined with the coercive force of the state that it continues to control. The major aim of this strategy has been to manipulate and stall the reform provisions in the GPA, and to regroup and reconfigure its political resources after plunging to the nadir of its legitimacy in the 2008 electoral defeat.
The Constitutional Process.
Between 2009 and the present an important area of contestation between the Zimbabwean parties has been the struggle for constitutional reform. Article VI of the GPA set out the ‘fundamental right and duty of the Zimbabwean people to make a constitution for themselves’, also stipulating that the process would be carried out by a Select Committee of Parliament composed of the parties to the agreement. Constitutionalism and constitutional reform is often a contradictory and highly contested process with different parties bringing different political agendas and competing imaginaries to the process. Zimbabwe is no exception to this trend, and the major political parties have since the late 1990’s often fought out their competing conceptions of change and democratization on this terrain.
For the nationalists coming out of the liberation movement constitutionalism and the law have had a complicated history. On the one hand these discourses were constitutive of their demands against the colonial state and in conceptualizing their own legality and legitimacy, and have thus played an important role in both locating their demands and in imagining the possible forms of a future state (Alexander, 2011). On the other hand for this generation of leaders the liberation struggle was also viewed as an alternative to constitutionalism with the war for liberation conceived as leading to the destruction of the colonial state and the establishment of ‘people’s power’ however nebulously defined. (Mandaza, 1991: 72). The constitutional compromises agreed to at Lancaster House in 1979 were the result of a convergence of national, regional and international pressures that inaugurated the politics of the post-colonial state. Once in power Zanu PF, as in the case of other post-colonial political parties, instrumentalised the use of the constitution to concentrate power in the presidency and used constitutionalism to reconstruct the power relations of the state to deal with political opposition.
During the period from 1998-2000, in the face of a mass democratic movement and emergent political opposition calling for constitutional reform, Zanu PF attempted to control this process from above through the government controlled Constitutional Review Process, by curbing the demands for popular sovereignty and once again seeking to secure centralised Presidential powers. When this strategy was defeated in the 2000 referendum, constitutional reform went on the back burner.
With the SADC mediation the issue of the constitution became one of the central concerns of the political facilitation. In June 2007 the parties agreed to ‘negotiate a draft constitution, after which a select committee of parliament would take the draft constitution through a public consultation exercise culminating in the enactment of that constitution before the 2008 election.’ Moreover the parties negotiated the amendments to the Constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment Bill No. 18, ‘on the express understanding by the Zanu PF negotiating team that they would not renege on the enactment of the agreed draft constitution before the 2008 election.’ Leaders of both MDCs ‘sought and obtained guarantees’ from then President Mbeki that Zanu PF ‘would not be allowed to renege on the agreement to implement a new constitution before the next election.’ By December 2007 it was clear that Zanu PF had decided to renege on this agreement as Mugabe unilaterally declared that the elections would take place in March 2008 without a new constitution. Thus the contested 2008 elections took place under the existing constitution.
On the signing of the GPA constitutional reform drew the parties into a protracted political battle. After three years of delays, obstructions, logistical and financial squabbles, and a problematic outreach programme, a draft constitution was produced through the Parliamentary Select Committee process, COPAC, in July 2012. While the COPAC draft is clearly a compromise document it contains some important changes such as controls on executive power, accountability of the security and judicial services, a more independent national prosecuting authority, devolution of power and citizenship rights. Importantly, in terms of process, all the parties to the agreement were signatories to the draft, leading to the logical assumption that at all times the Principals of the parties and their respective leaderships were fully informed of the discussions of the COPAC team.
However in a move that replicated previous interventions to block constitutional reform and eschew its commitment to the GPA, Zanu PF once again initiated a strategy intended to foil a process that has the potential to unravel its political hegemony in the country. In August 2012 President Mugabe presented the leaders of the MDC formations with a Zanu PF re-draft of the COPAC draft, on the grounds that the latter was drafted in opposition to the ‘views of the people’ gathered during the outreach process. This re-draft, described by Zanu PF as ‘non-negotiable’ attempted to undo the COPAC process, undermine the GPA, and once again force the Zimbabwean citizenry into a national election without a new constitution. Moreover the re-draft effectively dismissed the major reforms included in the draft and proposed a return to the kind of executive powers and party/state rule that Zanu PF has crafted since 1980. Both MDC formations objected strongly to the Zanu PF position. After weeks of political haggling the parties, under pressure from the SADC facilitation team, agreed to take the Copac draft to an All Stakeholders Conference to be held from 21-23rd October.
SADC and the Constitutional Impasse.
The threat of an impasse in the process allowed for the invocation of a SADC resolution passed at the Heads of State and Government Summit in Maputo in August 2012, which stated that, in the event of any difficulties ‘regarding the Constitution and implementation of agreements,’ the Facilitator should be called upon to ‘engage the parties and assist them resolve such issues, bearing in mind the timeframes and the necessity to hold free and fair elections.’
Since the inception of the mediation in 2007 SADC and South Africa in particular have invested a good deal of diplomatic capital in the Zimbabwe facilitation. Moreover since the time of the SADC summit in Livingstone, Zambia in March 2011, the SADC leadership has consistently restated its commitment to the full implementation of the GPA, fully aware of the points of blockage in the Zimbabwe equation. This remains the position of the regional body even if it has been slow in following up on the implementation of its resolutions. Thus for example it was only in September this year that a resolution passed at the Livingstone summit in 2011, stating that a SADC team would be attached to work with the Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee (JOMIC), was finally put into place. Ambassador Katye from Tanzania and Colly Muunya a diplomat from Zambia, have been assigned the task.
SADC’s commitment to ensuring that the regional body remain in control of the Zimbabwe facilitation was set out very clearly from the beginning of the process, with Thabo Mbeki stating that the role of international players would be to ‘support’ and not ‘direct’ the process. This aspiration has not always been translated into smooth relations between the EU, US and SADC, with the ongoing debate over the efficacy of sanctions continuing to aggravate the facilitation process. However notwithstanding such tensions and the difficulties they have created for SADC, the latter’s credibility is heavily at stake in this process. With Mugabe and his party attempting to draw a line in the sand over the constitutional draft and in the process openly flouting the modality set out in the GPA, it is clear that SADC is once again faced with a severe test of its standing as a mediation body.
The lead player in the SADC facilitation, South Africa, is currently in the midst of its own major challenges, with the ruling ANC facing many questions over its leadership and authority in the face of the Marikana mine killings. The moral and political authority of the ANC has been severely bruised and this has not been lost on Mugabe and his party. Against the background of a problematic history of relations between Zanu PF and the ANC, the former has, at critical points in the SADC facilitation, questioned the authority of President Zuma and his team. Yet South Africa remains the lead player in the mediation process and SADC retains the primary guarantor of the process. Moreover this factor has been the major obstacle to Zanu PF’s repeated attempts to scuttle the GPA and move towards an early election under conditions favourable to the Mugabe regime.
In the light of Mugabe’s continuing hostility to the West and his growing reliance on a ‘Look East’ policy for strategic economic, military and diplomatic support, the diplomatic influence of the West remains confined to the ‘sanctions question’, humanitarian assistance and the difficult discussions with the international financial institutions. In this context the most fruitful form of diplomatic intervention for the West on the Zimbabwe question remains a strong support for the SADC mediation, and preparation for a fuller engagement with what could well be another reconfigured inclusive government after the next election.
References.
Alexander, Jocelyn, 2011. “Nationalism, Self-Government in Rhodesian Detention: Gonakudzingwa, 1964-1974.” Journal of Southern African Studies, 37 (2), September: 551-569.
Mandaza, Ibbo, 1991. “Movements for National Liberation and Constitutionalism in Southern Africa.” In Issa Shivji, ed. State and Constitutionalism, An African Debate. Harare: SAPES Books, pp. 71-90.
Raftopoulos, Brian, (forthcoming 2013). “An Overview of the Politics of the Global Political Agreement: National Conflict, Regional Agony, International Dilemma.” In Brian Raftopoulos, (Ed) The Hard Road to Reform: The Global Political Agreement in Zimbabwe. Harare: Weaver Press.
This is a slightly revised version of a Brief published by the Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre (NOREF), and can be accessed on www.peacebuilding.no
BILL
WATCH 49/2012
[22nd October
2012]
The Official Opening of the Next Parliamentary Session will be on
Tuesday 30th October
Neither
House is sitting this week
President to Open Fifth and Final Session of Seventh
Parliament
The Government Gazette of 19th October contained the President’s
proclamation proroguing [ending] the current Parliamentary session on 29th
October and fixing the following day, Tuesday 30th October, as the first day of
the next session.
The President will perform the official opening at 12 noon on 30th
October in the chamber of the House of Assembly. There will be all the pomp and circumstance
customary on this annual occasion. After
the President’s speech outlining the Government’s programme for the session,
both Houses will adjourn to a later date still to be notified. The adjournment after an official opening is
usually for at least two weeks, but it may be for a shorter period this time,
given the long delayed opening of this next session and the amount of work that
needs to be done by Parliament before the end of the year. [More details
of the opening will be available nearer the date.]
All pending Parliamentary business
lapses Neither House will sit again, unless summoned, before the end of the present
session on 29th October. At that point
all uncompleted business will lapse, as laid down in Parliamentary Standing
Orders. On the 30th October both Houses
will start the new session with a clean slate.
It is, however, possible in the next session for either House to pass
resolutions restoring lapsed items to the Order Paper.
Last session of Seventh Parliament The new session will be the
fifth and last annual session of the present Parliament – Parliament’s five-year
life-span will expire at the end of June 2013.
The constitutional Referendum is due during the session. So if, after a Yes vote at the Referendum,
Parliament adopts a new constitution, this session may also be the final
Parliamentary session under the Lancaster House
constitution.
President’s Office Takes Over Radiation Protection Act from Minister
of Health
The President has removed responsibility for the administration of the
Radiation Protection Act from the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare and assigned it to “the Office of the President and
Cabinet”. Contrary to a
sensationally headlined article in one of the Sunday papers, this is the only
change to the pre-existing situation made by two statutory instruments in
the Government Gazette of 19th October:
· SI 162/2012 – a list of Acts assigned to the Office of the President and
Cabinet [replacing and repeating
SI 49/2010 with the addition of the Radiation Protection Act]
· SI 161/2012 – a list of Acts assigned to the Minister of Health and Child
Welfare [replacing SI 66/2010 and omitting the Radiation Protection Act].
The Radiation Protection Act, which dates from 2004, establishes the Radiation Protection Authority and contains
provisions designed to protect the public and workers from dangers resulting
from the use or abuse of equipment or materials capable of producing ionizing
radiation.
All the other Acts on the latest President’s Office list [see
below] have been assigned to the
President’s Office since at least 2010 These include the Interception of Communications Act, the
National Security Council Act and
the Procurement Act incorrectly
highlighted in the weekend press as Acts
newly assigned to the President’s Office in a sinister new concentration of
power in the President’s hands.
MDC-T is also complaining that the President acted without
consultation with the other GPA parties.
In fact the only new complaint on this score can be directed towards the
assignment of the Radiation Protection Act. They complained about the unilateral
assignment of the other Acts when the President’s allocations of all Acts was gazetted in March
2010 [see Bill Watch 8/2010 of 6th March
2010. But this complaint was apparently never followed through.
Assignment of
Administration of Acts to the President’s Office
[SI 162/2012 and SI 49/2010 available from veritas@mango.zw]
This is the full list of Acts
assigned to the Office of the President and Cabinet in SI 162/2012:
The
only new item on the list – see previous
paragraph]
·
Radiation
Protection Act
Repetition of list of Acts allocated
by SI 49/2010
·
Commissions of Inquiry
Act
·
Emergency
Powers Act
·
Honours
and Awards Act
·
Interception of Communications
Act
·
Presidential Powers (Temporary
Measures) Act
·
Procurement Act
·
Research
Act
·
Zimbabwe
National Security Council Act
A Fundamental Legal Point Needing Clarification
As Bill Watch pointed out in 2010 when the Acts were originally
assigned – there could be a legal objection to the assignment of responsibility
for administering Acts of Parliament to the
“Office of the President and Cabinet”. Under section 31D(1)(a) of the
Constitution the President may appoint Ministers and assign functions to them,
including the administration of any Act of Parliament; section 31C(2) allows him
to assign similar functions to the Vice-Presidents. Both these sections envisage assignments to
people — Ministers and Vice-Presidents — rather than to an amorphous
organisation such as the Office of the President and Cabinet, which does not
even have corporate personality in law.
A Minister or a Vice-President is an identifiable person who is
responsible to the President and answerable to Parliament for the proper
administration of legislation that has been assigned to him or her, and who can
be sued if he or she acts illegally. But
if an Act is assigned to an organisation that is not even a corporate body, who
can be held responsible?
Some
of the Acts that have been assigned to the Office of the President and Cabinet
contain references to “the Minister”
and confer
decision-making functions on that “Minister”.
In those Acts, quite obviously, the Legislature envisaged a ““Minister” making the decisions, not an
anonymous functionary in an amorphous office – the “Office of the President and Cabinet”.
Hence the legality of the
“assignment” of these Acts is doubtful and could probably be challenged in
court.
Undesirability of Assigning Acts to Unaccountable
Bodies
Apart from the legal aspect, assigning an Act to an “Office” is
undesirable. One of the assigned Acts is the Interception of Communications Act,
which allows government agencies to tap phones and intercept communications if
they are authorised to do so under a warrant issued by “the Minister” [originally the Minister
of Transport and Communications]. Now,
it seems, warrants are to be issued by a nameless bureaucrat or securocrat in
the “Office of the President and
Cabinet”. Ministers are identifiable
and answerable to Parliament.
Bureaucrats and securocrats are not. This has grave implications for
protection of privacy of
communications and freedom of expression.
Status of Bills as at 22nd October 2012
Private Member’s Bills held up pending Supreme Court
decision
Public Order and Security Amendment Bill
Criminal Procedure and Evidence Amendment Bill
Urban Councils Amendment Bill
[See Bill Watch 20 and 21
of 15th May 2012]
Bill awaiting Second Reading
National Incomes and Pricing Commission Amendment Bill
Bill being considered by Parliamentary Legal
Committee
Securities Amendment Bill [referred to PLC after its first reading on 9th
October]
Bills gazetted and ready for presentation in Parliament
Microfinance Bill [gazetted on
31st August] [not yet available]
Government Gazette of 19th October
[copies not available unless stated as
available]
Bills None
Statutory Instruments
Prorogation of Parliament and Start of New Session SI 166/2012 [Proclamation
4/2012] [see note at beginning of bulletin]
Administration of Acts SIs 161 and 162/2012
[see note above] [copies available]
Magistrates Courts Civil Jurisdiction SI 163/2012 is a set of
rules made by the Minister of Justice and Legal Affairs increasing the monetary
jurisdictional limits of the magistrates courts in civil cases. The limits set by SI 21/2009 are
replaced.
Collective bargaining agreements SIs 164 and 165/2012 spell
out wages and allowances for the years 2010 and 2011.
General Notices
Government financial statements GN 481/2012 announces the
publication as separate supplements to the Gazette of the consolidated
statements of financial performance for July and August 2012, as required by the
Public Finance Management Act.
Veritas
makes every effort to ensure reliable information, but cannot take legal
responsibility for information supplied