http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
PRESIDENT
Robert Mugabe flew to Singapore for a medical check-up this week
after
attending a World Energy Forum in Dubai, provoking fresh speculation
about
his failing health and uncertain re-election bid next year.
Sources said
Mugabe, dogged by old-age complications and ill-health, has
once again gone
to seek specialist treatment in the Far East for an
undisclosed ailment and
is due home this weekend.
Reports say he is suffering from prostate
cancer which has metastasised and
spread to other parts of the
body.
His health and old age are fuelling a messy succession battle in
Zanu PF,
now divided into two rival factions. Fears are that Mugabe, whom
doctors
have reportedly said must retire, might falter in the middle of
campaigns,
sparking a major crisis in Zanu PF which is likely to degenerate
into chaos
upon his exit.
Mugabe’s absence forced the postponement of
graduation ceremonies at
Zimbabwe Open University and the National
University of Science and
Technology today.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
ZANU
PF bigwigs Local Government minister Ignatius Chombo, Mashonaland
Central
governor Martin Dinha and Lands and Resettlement minister Hebert
Murerwa,
are embroiled in a nasty fight over lucrative citrus farms in
Guruve Rural
District Council and other local authorities.
Report by Brian
Chitemba
Sources told the Zimbabwe Independent Dinha wrestled eight
citrus farms and
allegedly parcelled them out to his close associates under
the guise of
repossessing under-utilised farms.
The farms were
allocated to the local authorities in the province at the
height of the
controversial land reform programme, but a decade later Dinha
unilaterally
re-allocated the vast plantations to his business cronies.
At the centre
of a storm is Marimambada Citrus Farm which was owned by
Guruve Rural
District Council which Dinha allocated a close colleague,
Sydney Gwaze,
through the Mashonaland Provincial Lands Committee. Dinha
chairs the lands
committee in his capacity as provincial governor.
Dinha issued an offer
letter to Gwaze to immediately takeover the vast
Marimambada farm on April
12.
The Guruve District Council has launched a fierce battle to regain
control
of the citrus farm which was the local authority’s cash-cow as it
was used
as collateral to access credit facilities to finance capital
projects.
The council approached Chombo and also filed papers in the High
Court to
reverse the reallocation of the property. Chombo opposed the
seizure and
confronted Dinha seeking return of all grabbed assets. He also
engaged
Murerwa who signed the offer letters at the instigation of Dinha,
who
indicated that the farms were under-utilised.
Although Chombo
could not be reached for comment, Dinha defended his stance
and vowed never
to reverse the citrus farm grabs, saying the Mashonaland
Provincial Lands
Committee was in agreement that the plantations were
under-utilised by
councils.
“The lands committee decided to re-allocate the farms because
councils were
running down the properties,” said Dinha. “We directed that
eight farms be
repossessed and allocated to serious farmers because we can’t
sit and watch
councils failing to produce,” he said.
He said the
lands committee was due to meet to deliberate on the raging
dispute over the
repossession of the properties.
Sources said the citrus fruit farms were
major sources of cash for the broke
councils and the move by Dinha to
re-allocate them has left the local
authorities penniless.
The
seizure of the citrus farms is seen as part of an asset grab by senior
Zanu
PF officials, some of whom are currently wreaking havoc in the Save
Conservancy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
FIRST Lady
Grace Mugabe has courted controversy by allegedly pushing for the
eviction
of more than 50 resettled farmers close to her orphanage in Mazowe
to make
way for a game park.
Report by Elias Mambo
This is the second time
Grace has had resettled farmers forcefully evicted
in Mazowe after first
kicking farmers out to make way for the construction
of her orphanage last
year.
Residents were furious that Grace invaded already developed and
legally
acquired land to erect her orphanage instead of looking for virgin
land like
that they were forcefully relocated to. The evicted families have
expressed
outrage that they were not given alternative plots but were just
being told
to go back where they came from.
“We have been around this
place for a long time only to be told to leave
without being offered
alternative land or compensation,” said a disgruntled
farmer speaking
anonymously. “How does she expect us to build our homes
without
compensation? The Mugabes have a penchant for grabbing. They grabbed
farms
and now it is our land. We do not know where to go now because we left
our
original villages years ago.”
Last year some residents who bought stands
in 1998 were issued with eviction
letters and promised alternative
accommodation and compensation, but nothing
has materialised to date. Even
Justice Ben Hlatshwayo has also been a victim
of eviction by
Grace.
Regis Chikowore, a director in the Media, Information and
Publicity
ministry, said his office is not aware of the
evictions.
“Our office is not aware of such evictions but if there is
anything going
on, the affected farmers have to seek advice from their
provincial
resettlement board,” said Chikowore. “I think they were issued
with notices
a long time ago,” he said.
Many resettled farmers are
now facing fresh evictions spearheaded by chiefs,
Zanu PF politicians and
senior government officials countrywide.
Last month Mugabe and the Zanu
PF politburo were forced to intervene after
senior party officials, war
veterans and army generals invaded the Save
Conservancy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
UPROAR in the
constitution-making process triggered by President Robert
Mugabe’s plot for
principals to hijack the exercise for personal political
agendas is fuelling
widespread conflict in the volatile situation.
Report by Faith Zaba/Owen
Gagare
Cross-party alliances are emerging between negotiators and Copac
members to
stop Zanu PF bigwigs in their tracks.
The explosive
emergency is already catching the attention of Sadc leaders
and facilitator,
South African President Jacob Zuma who sprung into action
on Monday after
MDC leader Welshman Ncube boycotted the opening session of
the Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference over deputy premier Arthur Mutambara’s
presence
in the programme.
Diplomats told the Zimbabwe Independent yesterday Sadc
was closely
monitoring the political and security situation in the country
as
implementation of the polls roadmap and preparations for free and fair
elections reach a critical stage.
Following his attempts to cajole
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and Deputy
Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara
to help him seize control of the
constitution-making process, Mugabe’s
actions have inadvertently triggered a
revolt within Copac by leaders of the
two MDC parties angered by covert
efforts to sabotage the process which has
taken more than three years and
gobbled about US$50 million.
More
than US$1 million was further spent this week alone at the
conference.
Ncube, still frozen out of discussions on the
constitution-making process
despite a Sadc resolution to include him and not
Mutambara, has been
hectically lobbying behind the scenes to form a broad
alliance to oppose the
original principals.
Sources say Ncube, who is
also the Industry and Commerce minister, has
managed to rope in MDC-T chief
negotiator Tendai Biti, who is also Finance
minister, Minister of
Parliamentary and Constitutional Affairs Eric
Matinenga and MDC-T
spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora, among others, to fight
Mugabe’s plot to
hijack the process.
MDC-T leaders are dismayed Tsvangirai could well be
part of plans by
principals to take over the Copac process, although the
premier has feebly
distanced himself from the initiative.
Efforts to
get comment from Tsvangirai to clarify his position were
unsuccessful as he
was out of the country. But senior MDC-T officials,
including Biti,
Matinenga and Mwonzora, have made it clear they are opposed
to the idea of
principals taking over the process to change or rewrite the
draft.
Ncube and his allies are arguing the constitution-making
process cannot be
taken over by government or cabinet like Mugabe wants
because it is a
parliamentary process under Article VI of the Global
Political Agreement
(GPA).
The article deals with the
constitution-making process and mandates Copac to
take charge of the process
until it is debated in parliament and subjected
to a
referendum.
Mugabe, hoping to effect wholesale amendments to the draft,
has been trying
to rope in Tsvangirai and Mutambara to assist him in his
agenda.
Mugabe wants to restore diluted presidential powers in a bid to
recover lost
influence through wholesale amendments to the draft ahead of
elections. Zanu
PF changes were fiercely resisted at the stakeholders’
conference this week.
Earlier this month Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara
summoned Matinenga —
whom they want to be the pointman in the process after
sidelining or
disbanding — to inform him of plans to form a cabinet
committee to oversee
the constitution-making exercise, but he rejected the
task, saying it
violated the GPA.
Matinenga this week confirmed being
summoned. He said principals must not
interfere with the process.
“I
am sure the principals will meet to discuss, but I hope they do not meet
to
interfere with the process,” he said.
“I sincerely hope when they do
meet, it will be within the parameters of
Article VI. We are simply saying
we should adhere to the constitution — we
have made rules and we must abide
by those rules in letter and spirit.”
However, an undeterred Mugabe this
week told delegates at the conference
that principals will have the final
say.
Mugabe’s plan has, however, caused further rifts within the
coalition
government with Ncube, Biti, Matinenga and others joining forces
to thwart
his plans.
Information at hand shows in fact the majority
of Copac members, MPs and
some senior officials within Zanu PF, MDC-T and
MDC are resisting attempts
to allow principals to rewrite the draft
constitution and have the final
say.
“We will fight them, the
principals. We will not allow the process to be
taken away from Copac,” one
MDC-T official said.
While none of the Zanu PF officials will be able to
stand up to Mugabe in
public, they are supporting MDC leaders behind the
scenes.
Biti told the Independent: “There is no one outside Copac that has
powers to
amend that draft. If there are any misgivings, let the people of
Zimbabwe be
the referees, let them decide. As far as we are concerned, let
us not
rewrite the GPA, let us not incorporate what is not there.”
He
added: “This process is bigger than the principals and Zanu PF’s chaos
faction, the clique of hardliners. As MDC, we have a resolution and we will
just go back to the national executive council. We are not going to
re-negotiate the draft.”
He said amendments would only be made on
clauses whose proposal was
unanimously agreed on.
Faced with
resistance, Mugabe is said to be now mooting plans to move the
constitution-making programme to the Attorney-General’s (AG) Office, thus
making it a government process.
Sources say Mugabe plans to assign AG
Johannes Tomana and top judges to take
over the re-drafting process. Names
suggested include Chief Justice Godfrey
Chidyausiku and Supreme Court Judge
Rita Makarau as they were involved in
the botched 1999-2000 constitutional
commission process.
After the stakeholders’ conference, Ncube remained
adamant Mugabe and his
fellow principals must not be allowed to unilaterally
overhaul the draft,
saying it must now go to parliament and then referendum
without amendments.
He said this was in line with the GPA and Sadc
resolutions on the issue.
“There is a Sadc Maputo resolution to that
effect,” Ncube said.
Part of the Sadc Maputo communique reads: “Summit
resolved that if there are
any difficulties with regard to the constitution
and implementation of
agreements, the facilitator should be called upon to
engage the parties and
assist them resolve such issues, bearing in mind the
timeframes and the
necessity to hold free and fair
elections.”
Sources said when Zuma spoke to Ncube on Monday to persuade
him to remain in
the constitution-making process, he also indicated Sadc was
closely
monitoring the situation and was ready to intervene in terms of the
GPA, its
facilitation mandate and resolutions and also as a guarantor of
Zimbabwe’s
political agreement.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
SENIOR cabinet ministers
are set to meet on Monday to discuss the 2013
national budget as part of
Finance minister Tendai Biti’s on-going budget
consultations.
Report
by Brian Chitemba
The ministers will discuss ways of mobilising resources
to fund the new
budget.
Biti will present the budget on November 5
and has been on a whirlwind tour
of provinces to get input from various
stakeholders.
This week, Biti visited Midlands, Bulawayo and Matabeleland
South.
He will also meet with bankers and economists in Harare next week
to discuss
issues raised by various stakeholders during his
consultations.
Biti told the Zimbabwe Independent yesterday the main
issues raised centred
on politics, the economy and elections.
He said
increasing elections talk has created a “great sense of anxiety”
among most
Zimbabweans.
“It is very clear there is a pervasive sense of anxiety
about politics and
elections across the country. People are anxious about
what will happen
next, particularly after elections.
People are
exhausted by predatory national politics. They say they want
peace and
stability so that they can move on with their lives,” said Biti.
He said
people in Matabeleland frequently raised the issue of devolution
even though
it is not a budgetary matter. Matabeleland residents believe
devolution of
power would address the much-talked about marginalisation.
Biti was
pleased though people in Matabeleland now showed a sense of unity
with other
Zimbabweans because he felt before, they exhibited serious
alienation and
marginalisation.
“I came here for similar consultations before and it
almost felt like you
were in another country when you arrived here (in
Bulawayo) because of the
way people felt about their situation,” he
said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Politics
ZANU PF’s
Global Political Agreement negotiators Patrick Chinamasa and
Nicholas Goche
are in hot soup for their role in the succession-inspired
running-mates
clause in the contested Copac draft constitution as it emerged
this week
they were the architects of the controversial provision which has
infuriated
President Robert Mugabe.
Report by Staff Writers
The running-mates
clause has intensified Mugabe’s succession battle after it
became evident
Zanu PF factions, led by Vice-President Joice Mujuru and
Defence minister
Emmerson Mnangagwa, are escalating the fight.
Fresh information gleaned
from Zanu PF insiders this week shows it was in
fact Goche –– and not MDC-T
chief negotiator Tendai Biti as initially
thought –– who proposed the
clause.
The latest information is also contrary to the generally-held
belief that
the proposal was part of Mnangagwa’s grand plan, working with
Chinamasa, to
force Mugabe to anoint a successor.
Sources said the
clause was proposed by Goche at the Copac retreat in Nyanga
in July and was
only endorsed after all negotiators, including Chinamasa,
consulted their
principals. The draft states if the president dies or
resigns, the first
vice-president takes over.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Politics
ZANU PF
hardliners have clandestinely embarked on a countrywide tour to meet
villagers and urge them to vote “No” in the referendum if the draft
constitution is adopted in its current form.
Report by Elias
Mambo
The hardliners are allegedly led by influential politburo members
and are
working closely with controversial Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation
analysts and Zanu PF apologists Claude Mararike, Tafataona Mahoso and Vimbai
Chivaura.
Chivaura is spearheading the rural outreach programme in
preparation for the
party’s “No” vote campaign if the draftis not
overhauled. His team has been
issued with vehicles acquired by Zanu PF for
its planned election campaign
roll-out.
Chivaura, Mararike and Mahoso
have constantly castigated the Copac draft
saying “no Zimbabwean, who has
known the suffering of what vana vevhu (sons
of the soil) went through in
rescuing this nation from servitude and
prostration to white subjugation and
humiliation, can read this document
without feeling scandalised and
outraged” by its contents.
The group has rejected the draft constitution,
claiming it is a “highly
personalised and politicised treacherous legal
document aimed at retiring
President Robert Mugabe”.
Sources who
attended one of the meetings in Masvingo said Chivaura’s team is
dismissing
the draft as an attack on the integrity of the people of Zimbabwe
whose
views they claim were mainly neglected.
They are also alleging Copac is a
“regime change weapon”.
However, Chivaura refuted the allegations when
contacted for comment, saying
he is a lecturer and his duties entail
educating and informing people.
Zanu PF secretary for administration
Didymus Mutasa could neither confirm
nor deny reports that party hardliners
had dispatched a group to rural areas
to campaign for a “No”
vote.
“There are so many groups we hear are doing a lot of things and
claim to be
part of Zanu PF and that group is not the party,” said Mutasa.
“Zanu PF will
go by what Mugabe, the only party leader, said to everyone at
the Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference.” he said.
At the conference
Mugabe warned delegates that principals, not Copac or the
people, would have
the final say in the constitution-making process, laying
bare his intention
of hijacking the exercise to advance his and party
interests.
Zanu PF
wants all of Mugabe’s imperial powers whittled down in the Copac
draft
restored in the new governance charter. However, the two MDC
formations
insist no amendments would be made by political parties since the
draft was
approved by all party representatives after in-depth negotiations
and
consultations between the management committee and party principals.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
FINANCE minister
Tendai Biti says government would soon send an SOS to
several Western
countries and other global donor organisations for money to
fund the
referendum and elections as the country was broke and could not go
it
alone.
Report by Staff Writer
Biti told a 2013 national budget
consultative meeting in Bulawayo yesterday
the country lacked the financial
resources to fund the crucial elections and
Western countries should help to
foot part of the bill.
The cash-strapped Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC) has already indicated
it needs about US$104 million to successfully
organise a referendum to test
the draft constitution which would pave the
way for make-or-break elections
next year.
“The 2013 budget is the
crucial one in the lifespan of the inclusive
government because it’s a
pre-election budget,” said Biti.
“However, we do not have adequate
resources to fund the elections on our
own…. countries such as the United
Kingdom, Norway and China as well as the
United Nations have an obligation
to fund the elections, in as much as they
fund our education and health
sector. We will soon approach them for
assistance,” he
said.
Biti to check on US$100m request
FINANCE minister
Tendai Biti travels to South Africa today to make a
follow-up on the South
African government’s US$100 million budgetary support
pledge to
Zimbabwe.
Biti is to engage his South African counterpart Pravin Gordhan
as a follow
up to their previous meeting in September.
“Tomorrow
(today) I will be travelling to South Africa and I will use the
opportunity
to make a follow up on that (budgetary support) issue,” said
Biti. “I will
phone my counterpart to check what is going on. I should have
done that by
now but I haven’t because of budget consultations.”
Sadc heads of state
and government pledged to provide support to Zimbabwe’s
Short-Term Economic
Recovery Programme at an extraordinary summit held at
the Lozitha Palace in
Swaziland in 2009.
At that summit South Africa pledged to explore a
number of possible support
measures for Zimbabwe, including budget support
grants, lines of credit and
export credit facilities.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
MDC-T Harare
supporters have warned the party of widespread voter apathy if
it fails to
uphold its resolution to subject all aspiring legislators to
primary
elections.
Report by Wongai Zhangazha
The supporters said current
councilors and most MPs should not be re-elected
because they had dismally
failed on the service delivery front.
“If the party imposes them
(councilors and MPs) on the people, there will be
apathy (and) it will cost
the party dearly in the next elections,” warned
the supporters in a letter
to the party.
In a bid to protect their current seats from internal
rivals, senior MDC-T
leaders had come up with a controversial confirmation
method to circumvent
open primaries ahead of general elections. Under the
confirmation process,
the party’s constituency structures would be asked to
affirm the incumbent
to be the party nominee by a majority vote, while
primary elections would
pit all aspiring candidates against each
other.
The supporters suggested aspiring candidates should be over 35
years old,
own property and be resident in the constituency they seek to
represent. The
candidates should also have five “O-Levels”, political
experience and be
credible.
The supporters demanded that Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai immediately
addresses their concerns because the
party’s current calibre of councillors
and MPs was completely out of touch
with their constituencies.
Read the letter: “The people in most
constituencies do not know their MPs,
councillors and senators because some
of them have not held report-back
meetings since 2008. The people are bitter
in rural areas, some were
injured, some lost relatives and property was
destroyed and not even their
MPs, senators or councillors have visited to
console them. We have observed
that they are busy with their personal
businesses.”
The supporters said the method used in 2008 whereby
prospective candidates
volunteered instead of being nominated after stating
their vision should
never be repeated.
The residents also pleaded
with Tsvangirai to visit grassroots branches,
wards and districts in person
and not listen to party structures which raise
issues of protocol each time
they demand a meeting with him.
MDC-T spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora
confirmed this week the party’s standing
committee had ruled that the
party’s heavyweights would be subjected to
primaries following a meeting at
the party’s headquarters in Harare last
week.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
THE Copac Second
All-Stakeholders’ conference held in Harare this week was
reduced to a mere
talk-shop with delegates failing to resolve the imbroglio
dogging the
controversial draft constitution, providing the clearest
evidence yet that
the constitution-making process is a charade.
Report by Brian
Chitemba
The two-day indaba, which gobbled up US$1,2 million on top of
the close to
US$50 million already spent, ended with a deadlock.
Zanu
PF stuck to its position in a bid shred the Copac draft by introducing
a
raft of alterations to maintain the constitutional status quo ahead of
crucial elections next year.
The two MDC formations also maintained
their positions, leaving the process
locked in stalemate, while creating an
opportunity for President Robert
Mugabe to intervene to hijack the
exercise.
Insiders say Sadc is also moving to
intervene.
Conference delegates compiled reports highlighting their
positions in 18
thematic chapters but the issues would only be resolved by
the principals.
The same contentious issues, including presidential
powers, judiciary,
devolution of power, dual citizenship, security sector
reforms, the proposed
National Prosecuting Authority, role of chiefs, and
independent commissions,
which dominated debate in the run-up to the
conference, remained unresolved.
Some observers have questioned the logic
of wasting close to US$50 million
in a moribund economy to write a new
so-called people-oriented constitution
when the principals, President Robert
Mugabe, Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai and Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara, intend to determine
the outcome in moves aimed at protecting
their narrow political interests.
Although Zimbabweans expressed their
views during the outreach programme,
most of what they raised has been
ignored by the three parties battling for
political space ahead of
elections.
Sources told the Zimbabwe Independent Mugabe and Tsvangirai
had already
agreed that all contentious issues would be negotiated by a
cabinet
technical committee to be chaired by Mutambara and comprising
ministers from
Zanu PF, MDC-T and MDC and other officials, a move which has
sparked outrage
among negotiators.
This is part of a wider plot by
Mugabe to hijack the constitution-making
process from Copac to push through
his party’s politburo amendments designed
to restore his executive powers
ahead of polls.
Last week, Mugabe met Tsvangirai and agreed to form a
cabinet committee to
spearhead an implementation mechanism for all agreed
Global Political
Agreement (GPA) issues. Although Mugabe has blatantly
declared principals
will have the final say, Tsvangirai has said party
leaders will only provide
guidance despite persistent claims of collusion at
the top.
But MDC leader Welshman Ncube, who is also Industry and Commerce
minister,
refused to endorse the proposed committee, arguing the
constitution-making
process is a wholly Copac-driven process and has nothing
to do with cabinet.
Ncube boycotted the official opening of the
stakeholders’ conference on
Monday after Mutambara was smuggled into the
programme as one of the
official speakers.
The Sadc facilitation team
led by South African President Jacob Zuma’s
international relations advisor
Lindiwe Zulu intervened and persuaded Ncube
to attend the thematic committee
debates.
Sources said Zulu phoned Zuma who had a conversation with Ncube
in which he
firmly emphasised the regional block would not tolerate efforts
to hijack or
collapse the process which is central to free and fair
elections next year.
Zuma, sources said, would ensure the writing of a
new constitution is not
hijacked by individuals while undermining the GPA
and elections
preparations.
Afetr speaking to Zuma, Ncube said he
would lodge a formal complaint with
Sadc highlighting the continued
violation of the GPA by Mugabe.
Although Mugabe declared the principals would
have the final say on the
draft constitution, Article VI of the GPA
stipulates that a parliamentary
select committee, in this case Copac, would
lead the process.
While Copac is celebrating successfully convening the
stakeholders’
conference, political pundits insist the constitution-making
process has
become a farce.
About 70% of the 1 200 conference
delegates were drawn from civil society
with the majority invited by
political parties, resulting in most of the
non-governmental organisations
boycotting the indaba. Civil society groups
are mere
window-dressers.
Copac co-chairperson Douglas Mwonzora however defended
the process.
“Delegates submitted their feedback on the draft in the form of
reports
which are now with Copac. The select committee shall soon be meeting
to
deliberate on the way forward for the process,” said
Mwonzora.
“Now that the draft has been presented to the stakeholders, the
next stage
will be the production of a report on the constitution-making
process, which
includes the draft constitution for debate in parliament.
After the debate
in parliament, Zimbabweans will be expected to vote in a
referendum to
decide,” he said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in
News
ZIMBABWE’S leading medical aid societies, Premier Services Medical
Aid
Society (Psmas) and Cimas have been accused of straying from their core
business of providing medical insurance and venturing into provision of
health services.
Report by Herbert Moyo
Doctors are
complaining that this venture is threatening the viability of
private
medical practitioners and short-changing clients.
Sources said the two
medical aid societies’ provision of hospital services
is not in keeping with
their mandate of simply providing health insurance to
members.
“They
have been using their financial muscle to acquire their own hospitals
and
laboratories resulting in competition with doctors. This has seen the
societies refusing or delaying to honour payments for members who choose to
visit facilities they don’t own,” said a doctor who requested
anonymity.
Some medical laboratories in Harare currently display notices
informing
Cimas and Psmas members to pay cash for all services due to the
on-going
wrangle.
Psmas reportedly bought the Medical Centre in
Harare for US$7 million last
month and immediately sought to hike rentals by
67% as a way of
consolidating its market position.
The move will
affect more than 40 doctors who have been renting the facility
where they
provide various services, including X-rays and tests for chronic
conditions
like cancer, diabetes and HIV/Aids.
Reads a letter written by Dr
Christopher Pasi who leads the tenants
occupying the premises: “The 67%
increase is an attempt to destroy the
viability of the medical profession.
It amounts to profiteering given that
inflation is at 5% per annum.” The
letter was addressed to the permanent
secretary in the ministry of health Dr
Gerald Gwinji and President Robert
Mugabe’s special health adviser Dr
Timothy Stamps.
Pasi dismissed claims medical aid societies were
providing medical services
to cushion their members against exorbitant
charges by doctors.
“That was just a convenient argument they made to
enter the fray but once
they were in they started to charge the same tariffs
we charge.
For example, West End hospital which is owned by Psmas will
charge the same
tariffs as any other similar grade hospital,” Pasi
said.
The doctors also argued that patients no longer have the freedom to
choose
specialists of their choice as they are forced to go to facilities
owned by
the medical societies knowing they would not make excess
payments.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in News
THE final session
of the current parliament will be officially opened on
Tuesday and is set to
be dominated by the 2013 national budget, conclusion
of the disputed
constitution-making process and the referendum ahead of
elections expected
next year.
Remove by Paidamoyo Muzulu
The official opening would
restore long-awaited activity in the House which
has been sitting on an
ad-hoc basis since July as the coalition government
partners continued to
haggle over implementation of outstanding Global
Political Agreement
reforms.
President Robert Mugabe has signalled that the country would
rush all
outstanding reforms so that elections be held in March next
year.
Mugabe said this at the official opening of the constitution-making
exercise’s
Second All-Stakeholders’ Conference in Harare on
Monday.
Senior MPs confirmed the delay in opening the final session leaves
little
room for concrete debate on issues except the executive’s agenda
likely to
be centred on elections.
An MDC-T member of parliament’s
Standing Rules and Ordinances Committee that
decides the House’s itinerary
said that MPs may not have much time to debate
issues such as the
constitution.
A Zanu PF MP concurred the legislature has been reduced to a
mere
rubber-stamp of the executive as political parties ready themselves for
make-or-break elections.
“Elections are now the number one issue on
the agenda and hence most of the
time available would be spent on passing
enabling legislation,” the MP said.
Parliament sat on an ad-hoc basis to
deal with urgent matters like
ratification of the US$150 million Chinese
loan to finance preparations for
hosting the United Nations World Tourism
Organisation General Assembly in
Victoria Falls in August next
year.
Only five bills were handled by the House in the previous
session
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Business
THE total
number of airlines flying in and out of Zimbabwe are expected to
reach 13 by
November this year as more regional and international carriers
scramble for
Zimbabwe’s runways.
Report by Staff Writer
With the country’s
national airline, Air Zimbabwe, struggling to recover
from a myriad of
operational problems, one of which is its US$150 million
debt which
continues to balloon, international airlines have seen an
opportunity to
grow their business in Zimbabwe.
According to statistics from the Civil
Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe
(CAAZ), 11 airlines are currently landing at
the Harare International
Airport while an additional two are expected by
November.
Air France-KLM is the latest expected to resume flights to
Zimbabwe on
October 29, after a 13-year absence. The airline will fly an
Airbus A330-200
from Amsterdam direct to Harare three times a
week.
From within the region, LAM Mozambique will introduce a
Harare-Beira and
Harare-Maputo flight on October 30.
The 11 airlines
currently touching down at Harare International Airport
include South
African Airways, Kenya Airways, Air Botswana, Ethiopian
Airways, BA Comair,
Air Namibia, South African Airlink, TAAG, Emirates and
Zambezi Airlines.
Emirates introduced the Harare route in February while
Zambezi Airlines
resumed in May.
Fresh Air, the Zimbabwe registered airline which recently
entered into a
joint venture (JV) agreement with South African low cost
carrier, 1time
Airline, is set to take to the skies on November 2, with its
first flight
departing OR Tambo International Airport en route to Victoria
Falls Airport,
Zimbabwe. South African Airways leads on frequency, with
almost 20 flights,
Kenya 11, South African Airlink 11, Emirates 5 and
Namibia 4 flights per
week.
A number of airlines have been applying
for operating licences to fly routes
that Air Zimbabwe has long been failing
to service.
Domestic tour operators have applied to service the local
routes but there
have been complaints the Zimbabwe Air Services Board has
been giving permits
for unprofitable routes, reserving lucrative routes such
as Harare-Victoria
Falls for the struggling national flag
carrier.
Some of the companies which applied for permits to service both
local and
international routes include Beks Safari, Wilderness Safaris
Zimbabwe and
Chinese firm Anjin. If the airlines are licensed they would
join Phoenix Air
and Fresh Air.
In February, Sol Air was licensed to
service the Harare– Kariba-Victoria
Falls–Kariba- Harare route, the Victoria
Falls –Buffalo Range-Victoria Falls
route as well as the Harare-Beira,
Harare-Maputo and Harare–Tete regional
routes.
Sol Air financiers and
advisors say the company faces collapse unless it
secures lucrative domestic
and regional routes, which are reserved for the
struggling Air
Zimbabwe.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Business
Prudent management
of finances for individuals, companies and even nations
demands that
reserves be held to provide a cushion against unexpected
changes in
circumstances.
Report by Collins Rudzuna
For individuals, one
would still need money for things like rent and food,
in the event of losing
a job. Companies would still need to pay salaries and
other costs even if
sales temporarily dry up.
For countries, foreign-exchange reserves are
held to protect against
external crises and assure lenders that the country
is able to meet its debt
obligations.
Although there is no standard
cast in stone on how much reserves a country
should hold, a common rule of
thumb is that reserves that can cover three
months’ worth of imports are
generally adequate.
Countries with export-based economies such as China,
Japan and Saudi Arabia
are able to maintain large reserves which would be
able to cover more than
two years’ worth of imports. These large stashes of
foreign currency usually
allow these countries to influence exchange rates
to keep their exports
attractive.
Other countries typically target to
maintain a few months’ cover. America,
the issuer of the world’s reserve
currency, the United States Dollar, does
not need as big a buffer as other
countries do. Its holdings can go as low
as a month’s cover without causing
concern.
In its Article IV consultation report on Zimbabwe released in
September, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) revealed that Zimbabwe was
holding
international reserves covering only 10 days of
imports.
Effectively, the country had no cushion against external shocks.
Not only
was the cover maintained inadequate, but there was no foreseeable
solution
to the situation. As it currently stands, government does not seem
to have
any feasible strategy to increase reserves over time.
To
build up reserves would require either sustained current account
surpluses
or substantial capital inflows.
So how dire is this situation and to what
does it translate?
Firstly, for a country which is highly dependent on
imports for critical
supplies such as food, medicines and fuel, it means
that in the event of any
interruption in foreign currency inflows, we are
only covered for 10 days!
That is a very vulnerable position to be
in.
As a nation we are surviving from hand to mouth.
Another
reason why it is not desirable to maintain such low reserves is that
this
affects the creditworthiness of the country. In the eyes of potential
lenders, a country with low reserves is highly likely to default on debt
repayments.
Zimbabwe is already US$10,7 billion in default on its
debts and the country’s
creditworthiness has been compromised. Increasing
our reserves and perhaps
making token repayments would signal to financiers
that the country is on a
path to recovery.
It is unrealistic to
expect Zimbabwe to achieve a reasonable balance of
payments surplus in the
short term as there are many structural adjustments
that need to be made for
this to be possible.
One of these is to improve the balance of trade by
boosting exports and
minimising imports. Exports can be boosted by
increasing productivity and,
therefore, output. This is especially so with
exporting sectors such as
mining.
To achieve this, a significant
amount of capital inflows is required, either
as debt or foreign direct
investment. This brings us back to the issue of
having policies which
attract investors. To date, most major mining houses
have not reached their
full operating capacity and lack of capital is their
number one impediment.
Mining products already constitute 66% of exports and
have potential to
contribute more if production is increased.
Another way to deal with low
reserves is to decrease imports. In doing so,
it should be borne in mind
that the country is heavily reliant on imports of
food, clothing, fuel and
other basic necessities which cannot be done away
with.
Decreasing
imports would therefore have to be done in a methodical way which
targets
those imports which are not essentials and which could be
substituted with
locally-produced goods. Increasing import duty on such
goods is one way of
discouraging their importation. Grey import motor
vehicles are perhaps the
most often cited example of undesirable imports.
Curtailing their
importation would need to be accompanied by the
establishment of a reliable
and safe public transport system.
In the long term, even food imports
could be substantially reduced through
increased agricultural production. In
fact, increasing agricultural
production would then feed into the
manufacturing sector, reducing input
costs and making them more competitive
relative to imported processed foods.
Zimbabwe has been self-sufficient
before in food production and adopting the
right policies can get us back
there. Agricultural technology has improved
greatly and there is potential
to surpass even the previous production highs
and have enough surpluses to
export.
Although not an immediate concern since the country is in default
anyway,
negotiating for debt amnesty is another way of avoiding future
obligations.
Applying for relief as a ‘Highly Indebted Poor Country’
under the IMF-World
Bank joint programme would be one way to do it but so
far government is
reluctant to take this route.
There is urgent need
to address the low levels of reserves in the country.
Hopefully it will not
take an unexpected event to wake up the responsible
authorities to this
fact. Given the current state of world economics it is
not inconceivable
that shocks may happen anytime and it is better to be
prepared in
advance.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Business
ZIMBABWE’s
agricultural production faces a costly slump next year as the
2012-2013
farming season lies in disarray due to failure by government to
disburse
funds for the timeous purchase of inputs, Commercial Farmers’ Union
(CFU)
president Charles Taffs told businessdigest this week.
Report by Gamma
Mudarikiri
In an interview, Taffs said the cash-strapped government
failed to
adequately fund agriculture in the past year while its debts to
seed and
fertiliser companies continue to soar.
“Seed houses are owed
significant amounts, principally by government and
this has a knock-on
effect on their ability to support growers for the
coming season,” Taffs
said.
He warned of an impending shortage of ammonium nitrate (AN) and
other
nitrogenous fertilisers, but added that the challenge was being
mitigated by
the importation of urea and other substitutes.
“However,
this will push prices up and therefore affect viability of
farmers,” Taffs
warned.
The shortage of AN locally is a direct result of the removal of
electricity
subsidies to Sable Chemicals who are the manufacturers of the
fertiliser,
resulting in significant scale-back of operations.
Taffs
said a serious maize shortage is looming in 2013 owing to the droughts
in
countries like Brazil and reduced production of grain in the United
States,
which he said will push global maize prices up as demand for grain
rises.
“It is a huge disaster that will worsen the humanitarian
situation in the
country as government will not sustain imports of maize at
such high
prices,” he said.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in
Business
CHISUMBANJE-based ethanol producer Green Fuel says it requires
US$20 million
in fresh capital to expand operations in the event government
approves an
impending mandatory 20% ethanol blending on
petrol.
Report by Taurai Mangudhla
Green Fuel general manager
Graeme Smith told businessdigest during a tour of
the US$600 million ethanol
plant there were indications government would
soon approve a 20% mandatory
blending policy.
If that happens, Billy Rautenbach’s company would have
to raise new capital
to bankroll a “minor” expansion exercise. The
Chisumbanje ethanol plant is
the biggest in Africa.
He said the
company has the human resource, equipment and enough cane at its
disposal to
support the 20% blending requirement.
“It’s basically what we have got
and just expanding it and we are talking
figures of around US$40 million,”
Smith said.
“We only need to increase the number of mills. We will
increase the number
of boilers so that we increase steam and we will be able
to put a second
generator and extend the distillery,” he added, saying every
vehicle in the
country can use E20 (petrol blended with 20% ethanol) without
any
modification.
Green Fuel currently has capacity to produce enough
ethanol to meet demand
for 10% mandatory blending which it has been pushing
for.
However, the company is awaiting legislation that compels fuel
dealers to
blend their petrol with 5% ethanol after government gave the nod
to the
arrangement in principle.
“As you reported yourselves they
(cabinet) have agreed to the 5 % mandatory
blending. However, that has not
been implemented as yet, so we have stock
that we are unable to move at the
moment,” said Smith.
In the company’s view, approval of the proposed
mandatory policy is dragging
on account of “misconceptions” of viability of
the product.
“In certain sectors of government they don’t have a clear
understanding of
the benefits of this to the country so the DPM (Deputy
Prime Minister Authur
Mutambara) is exposing this to the entire cabinet and
to the inclusive
government so they understand what the benefits of this
plant are and what
it can do for the country,” said Smith.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Business
ENVIRONMENT minister
Francis Nhema has dismissed allegations that the
construction of West
Properties’ US$100 million Mall of Zimbabwe in the
plush Borrowdale area is
threatened by environmental concerns.
Report by Staff Writer
This
comes as environmentalists, in partnership with Borrowdale West and
Dandaro
residents who live near the proposed construction site, as well as
the city
fathers, have raised concerns and are pushing to block the
multimillion-dollar property venture on environmental
grounds.
Earlier this week, businessdigest learnt the Zimbabwe
Environmental Law
Association (Zela) is seeking to block the construction
project.
Zela research consultant Allan Chaumba said the environmental
law group is
currently concluding internal consultations that will inform
the final
course of action.
In an interview with businessdigest this
week, Nhema said the project was
lawful as long as it satisfied the
Environmental Management Agency (Ema)
standards.
Nhema’s remarks
follow West Properties managing director Mike van Blerk’s
statement that
construction of the country’s biggest mall will start earlier
than the
initially planned June 2013 despite an outcry by “pseudo
environmentalists”
whom he says are ill-informed and are misrepresenting
facts.
West
Properties remains defiant, announcing plans to go ahead and build a
hospital, office park, and cluster houses on the open space.
Van Blerk
said the proposed development was approved by Harare City Council
in October
last year.
Van Blerk said the project would now be completed in October
2014 instead of
April 2014 due to delays in securing an environmental impact
assessment
clearance from Ema.
Ema is expected to certify the project
by end of month, said Van Blerk.When
completed, the 68 000sqm mall would be
the biggest mall complex in Africa
outside South Africa
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
ON September 21, 2012,
the Executive Board of the International Monetary
Fund (IMF) concluded
Article IV consultation with Zimbabwe. Find below an
abridged summary of its
findings.
AFTER a prolonged period of economic and political crisis,
Zimbabwe’s
economic stabilisation and recovery began with the end of
hyperinflation in
2009, supported by the formation of a coalition
government, a favourable
external environment, the adoption of a
multicurrency system and cash
budgeting, and the discontinuation of
quasi-fiscal activities by the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ).
The
economic rebound is moderating following a period of robust growth, with
real gross domestic product (GDP) growth averaging 9,5% during 2010–11,
sustained by strong external demand for key mineral exports and continued
recovery in domestic demand. Real GDP growth in 2012 is projected to slow to
5%, reflecting the impact of adverse weather conditions on agriculture,
erratic electricity supply, and tight liquidity conditions.
Mining
production is expected to benefit from the lifting of restrictions on
diamond exports from the Marange fields as a result of certification by the
Kimberley process. Inflation slowed to 4% in June 2012 from 4,9% in December
2011, reflecting in part some moderation in imported goods
inflation.
The external position remained precarious, albeit with some
recent
moderation in the current account deficit. Despite higher exports,
the
current account deficit widened to 36% of GDP in 2011 (from 29% of GDP
in
2010), due in part to a spike in imports associated with some one-off
factors.
The deficit was financed by debt-related flows, arrears, and
a drawdown of
special drawing rights (SDR) holdings, as uncertainties
regarding policy
implementation continued to affect foreign investment
flows. Usable
international reserves remained very low at 0,3 months of
imports at
end-2011, amplifying the country’s vulnerability to
shocks.
The current account deficit is projected to narrow to 20,5% of
GDP in 2012,
as the 2011 import spike is reversed and exports continue to
expand.
Zimbabwe remains in debt distress with total external debt estimated
at
US$10,7 billion (113,5% of GDP) at end-2011, of which 67% of GDP are in
arrears.
The large debt overhang remains a serious impediment to
medium-term fiscal
and external sustainability.
The public finances
came under pressure in 2011 and early-2012.
Despite better-than-expected
revenue performance, central government
operations recorded a cash deficit
of 0,6% of GDP in 2011 and domestic
arrears accumulation of about 1% of GDP,
due mainly to two salary increases
that raised employment costs by 22%,
crowding out social and capital
investment. The effect of the salary hikes
was compounded in early-2012 by
an increase in employee allowances and
unbudgeted recruitment.
Fiscal pressures were exacerbated by significant
underperformance of diamond
revenues during the first half of 2012. In
response to the fiscal slippages,
in July the government announced
expenditure and revenue measures, as well
as a reassessment of diamond
revenue flows. The measures include a hiring
freeze, suspension of a number
of diamond-revenue-financed projects,
increases in excises on fuel, and
enhanced monitoring of the mineral
resources.
The financial
regulatory framework is being enhanced after a long period of
forbearance,
but financial system vulnerabilities persist.
The banking system is
recovering from a recent liquidity crunch, following a
period of rapid
credit growth funded by unstable short-term deposits, but
liquidity remains
relatively low and unequally distributed across banks.
The RBZ raised the
prudential liquidity ratio from 25% to 30% by end-June
2012. Some banks,
particularly the small ones, show weak capitalisation,
insufficient
liquidity, and low asset quality, reflecting unsound lending
practices and
poor risk management. The situation of three troubled banks
came to a head
in mid-2012, with the RBZ placing one in recuperative
curatorship and two
surrendering their licenses.
In August 2012, the RBZ announced steep
increases in the minimum capital
requirements to be phased over a two-year
period.
The medium-term outlook, under an unchanged policy scenario, is for
growth
to moderate to average some 4%, although constraints on energy supply
and
weak competitiveness may pose a challenge to achieving these
rates.
Foreign investment is likely to be hampered by a poor business
climate,
uncertainties over the implementation of the indigenisation policy
and
political instability, while domestic investors may face difficulties
accessing long-term credit. A vigorous programme of structural reform and
strengthened macroeconomic management would allow the country to sustain
higher rates of growth.
Executive Board Assessment
Executive
directors welcomed Zimbabwe’s economic recovery and stabilisation
in recent
years. Progress has however been uneven, and the impact of adverse
weather
conditions on agriculture, an uncertain political situation ahead of
elections, and a difficult global environment pose further risks to the
outlook.
To achieve sustained and inclusive growth, directors
stressed the importance
of full commitment to policies focusing on
strengthening fiscal management,
reducing financial sector vulnerabilities,
and improving the business
climate.
Directors urged the authorities
to fully implement the measures announced in
the mid-year fiscal policy
review, and take additional measures if
necessary, to address earlier
slippages and close the financing gap. They
underscored the need to
rebalance the expenditure mix, especially by
containing growth of the wage
bill, to create the fiscal space needed for
increased social spending and
public investment. Improving public financial
management would help
reinforce expenditure control.
Directors emphasised that enhancing
transparency in the diamond sector,
including timely finalisation and
implementation of the Diamond Act, is key
to strengthening revenues and
reducing fiscal pressures. They noted that a
prudent medium-term fiscal
framework remains critical for restoring fiscal
sustainability.
Directors welcomed actions taken to strengthen the
financial regulatory
framework and address systemic liquidity. Noting recent
bank failures and
persistent vulnerabilities in the banking system, they
called for more
proactive banking supervision and enforcement of prudential
regulations,
focusing on banks with low liquidity buffers and high risk
exposures.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
AS the
media war hots up, the Herald’s editor is encouraging attacks on the
private
media claiming deception and falsehoods.
Report by
MuckRacker
“Read the private media and they never praise President Mugabe
regardless of
any good he does for the nation; that would be inimical to the
purpose they
were founded and funded for,” writes Herald columnist Panganai
Kahuni.
“People also find the attempt at agenda setting by the local
private press
nauseating.”
Do they Panganai? What about journalists
who are so brainwashed they can’t
criticise the president at all despite his
record of failure. He is not only
head of state but head of government who
sets policy for the nation as a
whole. But columnists in the Herald are not
allowed to point to his many
failings as a ruler.
The Herald itself is
not permitted to draw attention to these failings
except always putting
lipstick on a pig.
Lickspittle brigade
Instead we read lickspittle
accounts of his achievements by people like
Kahuni who don’t understand that
the duty of the public media is to perform
a watchdog role in society, not a
pathetic praising-singing role which any
fool can do.
The private
press on the other hand when performing its role has to face an
array of
repressive legislative measures designed to silence inconvenient
voices.
This is all OK with the public media which doesn’t have a
mind of its own.
The best they can do is refer to “national readership
surveys” by way of
justification.
But instead of serving the public,
the public media serves as a partisan
organ for the party that lost the last
elections.
They find nothing unethical about that. As for us never praising
the
president, Kahuni should find something praiseworthy Mugabe has done and
write to us.
We will then consider it for publication.
Zanu PF
fear formula
Then we had Patrick Chinamasa’s shocking comment that the
army would not
accept an electoral victory by Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai. It was
followed soon after by similar sentiments by Rugare Gumbo
and Douglas
Nyikayaramba.
Nyikayaramba was quoted in the Herald
saying the “interests of these
political parties are against Zimbabwe’s
sovereignty”.
“It is futile for a government to prepare and maintain a
military force for
physical defence only, but only to find the state
structure collapsing from
within because of subversion or economic failure
or an ideological
explosion.”
Nyikayaramba has made such remarks
before. But now we have the Minister of
Justice and Legal Affairs and Zanu
PF spokesman –– who by the way are
unelected –– saying the army would not
accept Tsvangirai.
Gumbo said the outcome of such a poll could be
“messy”.
In other words, whoever the people of this country choose as their
leader,
it would not make any difference. Nyikayaramba and his military
messengers
will repudiate it on the specious grounds that foreigners meddled
in the
electoral process or attempted to reverse land reform.
This is
a tried and tested Zanu PF tactic: invent a threat and then use it
as a
means to arrest people.
Gullible journos
Here again the gullible
state media assists by taking the non-existent
threat seriously.
We
recall the arrest of MDC MPs in 2000 who were incarcerated for a year in
Bulawayo on the spurious grounds that they were involved in the kidnapping
and murder of Cain Nkala.
In the witch-hunt that followed, David
Coltart’s election agent, Patrick
Nabanyama disappeared and was never seen
again.
Mugabe called those arrested “terrorists” and the Herald gave it front
page
treatment.
It was one of several episodes where a large group of
people were picked up
and held and accused of killing Zanu PF supporters and
the charges were
later dropped because they wouldn’t stand up in
court.
Justice Sandra Mangwira slammed the police for their clumsy
investigation.
‘High level’ summits
It seems no conference or
summit goes unattended by President Mugabe and
this week he was gracing the
World Energy Forum in Dubai.
The “high level” conference was expected to
“explore the roadmap towards a
cleaner, safer and sustainable global energy
system for the benefit of all
nations” crooned the Herald.
In June
Mugabe’s 92-strong entourage’s jaunt to the ironically named
Sustainable
Development summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil gobbled up US$7
million.
Last year Mugabe also took a bloated delegation to yet
another “high level”
conference on youth in New York.
Mugabe was
among only a handful of heads of states to the conference mostly
attended by
senior government officials.
Clearly the plea made by Finance minister
Tendai Biti for a reduction in
foreign travel by government officials, which
has blown a US$45 million hole
in the fiscus, fell on deaf ears.
The
Dubai visit was also juxtaposed with yet another visit to
Singapore.
Irony writ large
Zanu PF has urged its delegates to the
Copac second all stakeholders
conference to be “exemplary and disciplined”
in order to successfully
conclude the final phase of the constitution-making
process, ZBC reports.
Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo said the delegates
should remain calm even in
the face of “extreme provocation” as they know of
people who have been hired
to disrupt the process.
He said the
delegates have a national responsibility to craft a constitution
which will
be used by many generations to come.
Ironically the chaos which engulfed
the first all stakeholders conference in
2009 was caused by Zanu PF with the
party’s officials, including Saviour
Kasukuwere and Patrick Zhuwawo, being
accused of leading the disturbances.
Speaker of Parliament Lovemore
Moyo’s opening address was drowned-out by
Zanu PF activists who chanted
party slogans and danced into the centre of
the auditorium, egged on by war
veterans leader Joseph Chinotimba.
The Zanu PF officials threw missiles
at delegates while Chinotimba danced on
a table, rendering the conference a
farce.
Now Gumbo would have us believe the other parties might hire
people to
disrupt the constitution-making process when it is clear they
emanate from
Zanu PF.
The High Court dismissed a last-minute attempt
by a Danny Musukuma who,
despite being a Zanu PF delegate in the all
stakeholders conference, wanted
to block it claiming Copac had acted in
contempt of court after it failed to
furnish him with a hard copy of the
national statistical report.
Not so civil servants
Meanwhile
registrar-general Tobaiwa Mudede and three top police officers
were also
registered as Zanu PF delegates at the conference.
NewsDay reports Mudede
was listed as delegate number 200 while Police
Assistant Commissioner Wayne
Bvudzijena and Assistant Commissioner Edmore
Veterai were delegate number
346 and 347 respectively.
The other senior cop set to attend the
conference on a Zanu PF ticket is
Officer Commanding Harare Province
Assistant Commissioner Plaxedes Gezha,
registered as delegate 345. There you
have it.
No work ethic
One of South Africa’s most distinguished
business leaders, Russell Loubser,
JSE CEO and former SAA board member, has
said South African business leaders
are ignoring the crisis unfolding around
them.
In a public lecture at Wits University Loubser had withering
criticism for
former ANC youth leader Julius Malema who he called “an
arrogant racist with
no work ethic”, according to Business
Day.
Malema, who is facing money laundering charges, is a leading
proponent of
nationalisation of mines. Loubser lambasted “brainless talk
about
nationalisation”. He singled out Malema when he spoke about a general
dropping of standards and the rise of a poor work ethic that hinged on
redistribution rather than value creation. This was not in the tradition of
Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, he said.
Asked to
reply, Malema said he was not going to respond to people “trying to
be
important”.
In the wake of ratings downgrades by Standard & Poor’s,
Loubser said
confidence in South Africa could not be built in a climate of
corruption,
violent industrial action and undermining of the
judiciary.
Reborn again
Former Zifa CEO Henrietta Rushwaya, who
was slapped with a life ban by the
football mother body over her role in the
Asiagate scandal, has said the
verdict was “sexist” because the match-fixing
was taking place well before
she assumed the position in March
2007.
Without an inkling of remorse Rushwaya told the Sunday Mail: “I
feel like
they have made me an easy target because I am a woman, but this
began way
before I was in office and I just fell into the trap.
What
a pathetic excuse that is. It is similar to Herald Sports Editor Robson
Sharuko’s puerile attempt to hide behind retired Justice Ahmed Ebrahim’s
association with Alpha Media Holdings as a public
ombudsman.
“However, I accepted being the scapegoat and I have dusted
myself while
moving on with my life,” Rushwaya continued.
Rushwaya
has since renewed her threat to become a politician.
“I am back to square
one,” she said. “I no longer harbour any political
ambitions, whether in
Gutu East or South, or anywhere,” Rushwaya had said.
“I am turning to God
and becoming a born-again. I intend to go for pastoral
training at a
Theological College.”
It seems her pastoral ambitions have not borne
fruit judging by her decision
to once again try her luck in the murky world
of politics.
If her record at Zifa is anything to go by, all we can say to
the electorate
is be afraid, be very afraid!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in
Opinion
AFTER having passed the test of legitimacy by fulfilling the
Global
Political Agreement (GPA) Clause VI obligation which requires that it
be
tabled at a stakeholders’ conference the time has come for the rest of
Zimbabwean citizens to have the final say on the draft
constitution.
Report by Qhubani Moyo
The time for politicians in
whatever capacity to peddle any form of
influence in the process is over.
Politicians have had their time and the
principals had their time as
well.
It is on public record the draft constitution that was signed by
the
management committee and later the Parliamentary Select Committee
(Copac)
was approved after wide consultations and agreement by the three
principals
Professor Welshman Ncube, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
President
Robert Mugabe.
It is further known that the Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference was part of
the process of ensuring
stakeholders are appraised on what is contained in
the draft
constitution.
It is now time for the rest of the citizenry to have their
own bite of the
cherry. This is why it is important to fulfil all the
parliamentary and
legal processes before proclamation of a
referendum.
It is against this background the people of Zimbabwe should
understand that
national processes cannot be left to a select
few.
Leaving three individuals to make a final decision on the supreme
law of the
land, which is supposed to stay for posterity is
dangerous.
I find it retrogressive there are people who want the final
product of a
national process to be determined by three individuals, among
them a
well-known dictator who is guilty of ruining the country and the
livelihoods
of so many Zimbabweans through misrule.
The
pronouncements by Mugabe during the opening of the conference clearly
confirm reports during the past few weeks that principals want to subvert
the role of parliament and in the process usurp its powers.
This is
not only a blatant violation of the GPA, but a serious mutilation of
the
doctrine of separation of powers because Copac is a parliamentary
process
and the executive should let it run its course under the direction
of
parliament.
Most importantly, it is a serious and blatant violation of
the Sadc Maputo
resolution on the matter around settlement of the Zimbabwean
political
question and the role leaders of political
parties.
Mugabe’s thinking, which unfortunately seems to have found
purchase from
Tsvangirai, is that the draft should be concluded by
principals. It is
strange some people see this as a workable solution
because our continued
relegation of national processes to a few individuals,
kills the spirit of
collectivism and democratic decision-making.
When you
suggest that let the millions of Zimbabweans decide on what is best
for the
country, some prefer that one or two individuals can decide their
destiny on
their behalf. This is the situation that has become a culture in
this
country and Mugabe has studied the thinking process of Zimbabweans and
is
using our docility to dupe and outmanoeuvre the nation.
This is why he keeps
Arthur Mutambara as his poodle so that at all times he
parrots what Mugabe
says as he sings for his supper. Mutambara is just an
imposter, nothing
more!
Mugabe is also trying to manipulate Tsvangirai to be a passive but
willing
participant in his grand scheme of things.
The main reason why
Mugabe will insist on the principals approach — with
principals defined as
those individuals who signed the GPA thereby excluding
Ncube from the
process — is because he has defined a political constituency
he does not
want compromised.
Mutambara has no constituency and whatever he does he does
it for his
personal interests, hence Mugabe knows that and continues to
manipulate him
this way. Mugabe’s strategy is to have a decision-making
forum that excludes
Ncube, but has his poodle and Tsvangirai whom he is also
trying to recruit.
In that forum of principals, Mugabe and Mutambara will
undoubtedly gang up
against Tsvangirai.
That is why Mugabe does not want
Ncube .
Most importantly, however, it should be the people of Zimbabwe who
should be
the final arbiters because no single group or a few individuals
can claim to
represent millions of Zimbabweans in collectivity and
diversity. The next
stages of the process should be about the power of the
people to make
decisions through their representatives in parliament and
later through
their vote in the referendum.
The draft constitution
produced by Copac remains the only meaningful and
credible compromise that
the country could produce under the circumstances
and the deadlock at the
conference proves beyond any doubt that there is no
substitute to the Copac
draft.
Attempts by some of the delegates at the conference to use the forum
as a
drafting platform could not work as it was met with resistance since as
it
was signed by all the parties in government under the instruction of
their
party presidents. The stalemate literally at all thematic committees
reflected without doubt that we have to put the Copac draft to the people
through a referendum and let them decide.
Moyo is director of policy and
research in the MDC led by Professor Welshman
Ncube. He is contactable on mdcpolicyguru@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
SINCE Zimbabwe
embarked on its ill-conceived land reform programme in 2000,
its
agricultural activity has been semi-moribund.
Report by Eric
Bloch
Farmers endowed with great expertise and necessary capital
resources to fund
their operations generated immense productivity, making
Zimbabwe the
“breadbasket of the region”.
So great was the crop
output that Zimbabwe was able to satisfy national
needs for maize, wheat,
sorghum and many other agricultural outputs, as well
as export surplus to
neighbouring countries.
The bountiful production provided employment for
more than 300 000
agricultural workers, and created downstream employment in
those
manufacturing operations that value-added the crops
produced.
However, with the pursuit of the land reform programme, the
majority of the
experienced and financially-secure farmers were evicted from
the land.
The land was then allocated to so-called “new farmers”, most of
whom lacked
the necessary in-depth expertise, and financial resources.
Consequently they
could not timeously fund the purchase of essential inputs
ranging from seeds
to fertilisers and chemicals; neither could they afford
energy supplies nor
maintain irrigation systems.
As a result,
agricultural productivity declined and Zimbabwe became
dependent on
importation of essential foodstuffs.
At the same time most of the
much-experienced farm workers lost their
employment, becoming
poverty-stricken. Admittedly, in the last few years
there has been an
increase in agricultural output, but it still falls far
short of the levels
of production that prevailed prior to the disastrous
land reform
programme.
Key to productivity decline is the inadequacy of funding
available to new
farmers. Whilst their predecessors could supplement such
funding in addition
to borrowing from banks and other financial
institutions, the new farmers
cannot do so.
That inability to access
funds for productive, farming operations is due to
lack of collateral
security, a world-wide prerequisite to support
borrowings. The previous
farmers were able to encumber their farms in favour
of lenders, thereby
giving the lenders the security necessary to assure
recovery of monies lent.
The ability of the pre-2000 farmers to provide
security was founded upon
title to the ownership of their farms.
In contrast, with effect from 2000
all right and title in and to the land
was vested in the state. New farmers
who settled on the land were not
accorded any ownership rights, only being
entitled to occupy and work the
farms by virtue of 99-year leases (although
government reserved the right,
in many of the leases, to terminate them on
three months’ notice!).
Belatedly, and with great reluctance, government
eventually recognised that
monumental constraint upon agricultural
productivity. When opening
parliament in late 2011, President Robert Mugabe
stated legislation would
shortly be tabled before parliamentarians to
restructure the farm leases in
a manner as would accord new farmers leases
with collateral security to
extend to lenders.
However, nearly a year
later, no such legislation has been enacted. Only a
few weeks ago, Mugabe
said reversion to the issuance of title deeds, or
modification of leases
would under no circumstances be considered, hence new
farmers are facing the
2012/2013 agricultural season with the same appalling
illiquidity constraint
that has impaired agricultural production for many
years.
Last week
the Zimbabwe Farmers’ Union (ZFU), whose membership comprises new
farmers,
issued a statement urging that under no circumstances should
government
change its policy on the 99-year leases. The ZFU emphatically
stated that
doing so would be prejudicial to new farmers, for they would
then use the
lands, or the leases, as collateral to access funds from the
financial
sector, whereupon the lenders would undoubtedly dispossess the
borrowing
farmers of their occupancy and operational rights.
The ZFU was in fact
implying new farmers would not productively use their
borrowings, and
therefore fail to service their repayment obligations and
lose the land they
occupy. One inevitably draws the conclusion that by so
doing, ZFU believes
that even if accorded necessary funding, members would
not use the funds
procured in any productive manner, and would fail to meet
repayment
obligations.
Such scepticism of the fiscal morality and probity of its
members is
shocking, and seeks to discourage government from pursuing a key
initiative
necessary to ensure the recovery of agriculture.
If
agriculture is to be restored to its former glory, it is essential Mugabe
and government disregard ZFU’s death wish, and take swift action to enable
new farmers to source funding essential for their
operations.
Ideally, Zimbabwe should reinstate title deeds for rural
land, albeit
possibly with a constraint that transfers can only be effected
in favour of
those who are alluded to as “new farmers”, and barring transfer
to anyone
already possessing title deed vested rights of land usage ( One
Man, One
Farm.) Nevertheless, many politicians and their associates already
have
usage rights on several farms.
In the alternative, if reversion
to title deeds is unpalatable to
government, the leases should be modified
to assure their continuity for 99
years, and to accord them ready
transferability to alternative lessees,
whilst again entrenching the “One
Man, One Farm” restriction.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
SINCE
the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in September 2008
and
the setting in place of the inclusive government in February 2009,
Zimbabwe
has been stuck with the inevitable consequences of a dysfunctional
peace
agreement.
Report by Tony Reeler
An early civil society discussion
of the GPA and the coalition government
made forthright comment how well the
arrangement was “working” one year on,
noting “working” may mean all sorts
of things.
These observations are as true today as they were in
2009.
But whether political parties pay attention to civil society or
not, it was
increasingly evident through 2009 and 2010 that the inclusive
government was
becoming increasingly dysfunctional and unable to develop
policies to move
the country out of the political stalemate.
Thus, in
2010, two independent civil society organisations undertook
analyses of the
deadlock and came up with different (but not markedly
different) sets of
conclusions.
The first, by the Solidarity Peace Trust (SPT), argued there
were three
plausible scenarios that might be considered: withdrawal from the
GPA, early
elections, or an extended power-sharing period preceding a new
election.
SPT argued that only the third scenario — an extended
power-sharing period
preceding fresh elections — could have any value for
developing stability in
Zimbabwe.
The second report, by the Research
and Advocacy Unit (RAU), took a slightly
different approach in its analysis,
but concluded in agreement with SPT,
that the problem was the opposition by
Zanu PF to real reforms and its
determination to hold onto political
power.
In retrospect, the SPT view has come to pass: Zimbabwe has come
through an
extended power-sharing period, but it is not evident that much
power has
been shared nor whether there have been any appreciable reforms,
and most
evidently the constitutional process has been bogged down
seriously.
The Sadc Troika on Politics, Defence and Security
Co-operation, held in
Zambia on March 31 2011, strongly stated the need to
move the process more
determinedly, stating the need for the constitutional
process to be
completed and a road map for elections to be set in
place.
This decision was endorsed later the same year by the Sadc summit
in
Sandton, South Africa, despite trivial arguments by Zanu PF that “noting”
is
not the same as “endorsing”, a claim quickly dismissed by Tomaz Salomao,
the
executive secretary of Sadc.
There has been little compliance
with the troika’s decisions, either from
Sadc or the Zimbabwean political
parties.
Zanu PF kept pushing for early elections, the MDC parties kept
trying to
push the Sadc reform agenda, and the constitutional process kept
stalling
and re-starting, but there was little attempt at the kinds of
reforms that
are needed for decent elections.
Nonetheless, Sadc has
continued to press for constitutional reform and the
development of a clear
roadmap towards elections, while Zanu PF has
continued to press for early
polls without any commitment to the kinds of
reforms.
The latter’s
attempts hit the hard road of reality in Luanda in June, when
it became
clear to all just how much support Zanu PF has now lost in Sadc.
However,
as a number of Zimbabwean civil society groups have continuously
pointed
out, the obsession with the constitution by everyone, except Zanu
PF, has
been missing a central issue: constitutions do not guarantee
reforms,
reforms guarantee constitutions.
The concern for the restoration of
national institutions was first expressed
by RAU in August 2011, with the
point being strongly made that priority must
be accorded to security sector
governance (and not security sector reform,
which is a much longer and
involved process), reforms of the Zimbabwe
Republic Police, local
government, traditional leadership, the justice
system, and the opening of
the media before any effective roadmap for
elections can be considered to be
in place.
So, with the fixed constitutional deadline for the dissolution
of parliament
in June 2013, the implications of the lack of reform and
impasse over the
constitution, it is perhaps time to think more creatively
about how to
unblock the Zimbabwe crisis. The latest date for election to be
completed
will be October 2013.
Recent discussions between Zimbabwean
civic society and Kenyan colleagues
examined the processes in both our
countries since 2008, and, in the light
of comparisons of the two countries,
it seems that a number of steps should
now be considered in respect of
Zimbabwe.
Firstly, it is apparent that “personalised “politics” (and
mainly about the
persons of President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai)
dominate the political landscape in an unhelpful fashion,
but the major
problem is not personalities, but the “political culture” in
Zimbabwe and
not merely the actors.
Personalities are not
unimportant, but it is the “commandism”,
“winner-takes-all”, and “elitism”
that bedevil Zimbabwean politics.
Secondly, it is not clear that this is the
“constitutional moment” that can
move Zimbabwe into a process that will
deliver the kind of “constitution as
a national autobiography” which will
reflect both the history and the
aspirations of Zimbabwean
citizens.
Constitutions should come from a national desire to codify the
values and
vision of a society, whereas we currently have a process in which
constitution-making is rather a process for gaining political space among
parties.
Thirdly, since it is increasingly evident that the best that
can be hoped
for is an interim constitution, the question must shift to
elections and
what will be the “organising question” for elections.
Is
the question for elections in 2013 the resolution of who will hold
political
power, or is it what will be the next steps in ensuring Zimbabwe
moves
decisively towards a real transition?
Fourthly, the issue of reforms ahead of
elections, and the desperate need to
restore national institutions to being
law-abiding and politically
impartial, needs to be given very serious
attention.
Unless there is a determined effort to bring the army, police
and a wide
number of state institutions under full civilian control, no
elections can
be made safe.
So, perhaps it is time to bite the bullet
and shelve the matter of a new
constitution until we can resolve the
problems of our political culture,
discuss widely what a new political
culture might look like, and decide upon
what process we need in order to
move towards a proper “constitutional
moment”.
In this, we might draw
lessons from South Africa in the 1990s and Kenya
since 2008, and learn from
both our own mistakes and those of other
countries, for Zimbabwe is
certainly not the first African country to
struggle with the transition from
the politics of liberation to the politics
of a citizen-empowering
democracy.
Reeler is director at the RAU, an independent research
organisation.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
AS widely
expected the Second All-Stakeholders’ Conference on the
constitution-making
process held in Harare this week turned out to be a
theatre of political
battles between rival parties in the inclusive
government.
Report by
Owen Gagare/Elias Mambo
Although there was no violence and intimidation
as happened during the first
conference held in July 2009, there was
political drama of a different
nature, showing heightening tensions between
the main players.
The first meeting brought together representatives of
political parties,
civil society organisations and other groups to identify
issues which should
be covered in the new constitution.
However, the
2009 conference was rocked by confrontations and violence
mainly between
Zanu PF and MDC-T supporters.
It took principals at the time, President
Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and deputy premier Arthur
Mutambara, to address the nation
on state television to cool down
tempers.
The conference this week did not have those scenes of violence,
but took
South African President Jacob Zuma’s facilitation team stepping in
to help
break an impasse over the involvement of Mutambara as a principal
and by
insinuation a political leader.
MDC leader Welshman Ncube
boycotted the opening ceremony in protest over the
inclusion of Mutambara
who, with the aid of Mugabe, has clung onto his
position in government
despite losing to Ncube at the party’s congress in
January last year after
withdrawing and conceding defeat in public.
The Mutambara saga ––
particularly Mugabe’s cryptic position on it –– is
open to various
interpretations.
Mutambara is a pawn in Mugabe’s political chess game
which involves
maintaining the original principals team and running rings
around
Tsvangirai, while keeping Ncube, a difficult customer, at
bay.
Professor Eldred Masunungure of the University of Zimbabwe said
Mugabe is
sceptical of Ncube given the MDC leader has strongly stood up to
him.
“Mugabe does not trust Ncube because he has always stood up to him
on a
number of issues, including embarrassing him at international
gatherings.
Besides that, Mugabe never really warmed up to Zuma’s mediation
and given
Ncube’s family links to Zuma, he suspects if he attends these
principals’
meetings, chances are he will divulge something to Zuma,”
Masunungure said.
“Mugabe took advantage of the power struggle and
decided to stick with
Mutambara who is moderate and has nothing to lose in
the GPA.”
Whatever Mugabe’s calculation on Mutambra, he is getting
entangled in what
could end up as a costly affair for him come elections,
especially in the
southwestern region of the country and some parts of
Midlands province.
Ncube is reaping the dividend of apparent victimisation
and that has given
him momentum in his strongholds.
It is not known
though whether he will keep the wind in his sail.
While the issue
initially appeared like a storm in a teacup, it has now
developed into a
huge crisis, not just for the party involved, but also for
other Global
Political Agreement (GPA) parties, government, principals and
even the
Southern African Development Community (Sadc) and Zuma.
Although the
Mutambara saga exposes Ncube’s strategic and tactical
shortcomings as he
could have averted a crisis by allowing his predecessor
to finish his term
as deputy prime minister, it also betrays a plot between
the original
principals who seem to have a hidden agenda.
While Mugabe has come out in
the open to block Ncube, Tsvangirai has
remained silent, perhaps
understandably so given their deep political
differences and mutual
hostility.
What has now complicated the situation is Sadc’s move to
recognise Ncube as
the legitimate principal ahead of Mutambara and directing
Mugabe and
Tsvangirai to involve him in all issues to do with the
GPA.
Although Mugabe and Tsvangirai have resorted to splitting hairs on
the
issue, they have largely sidelined Ncube for as yet unclear reasons.
Against
this backdrop, several questions arise, not least why Mugabe and
seemingly
Tsvangirai prefer Mutambara over Ncube, and who is ultimately
benefiting
from all this.
Some suggest Mugabe, who thrives on
divide-and-rule tactics, is the
immediate beneficiary as Ncube could cause
serious problems for principals.
So to avoid problems, principals closed
ranks and shut Ncube out.
However, in the bigger scheme of things,
Tsvangirai might be the ultimate
loser as alienating Ncube earns him the
sympathy vote in Matabeleland, a
move which erodes the premier’s original
power base.
This indirectly benefits Mugabe, an also-ran and no-hoper in
those regions.
But Mugabe could have benefitted more by embracing Ncube
who could checkmate
Tsvangirai for him in Matabeleland, which, together with
Masvingo and
Manicaland, are likely to be the battlegrounds in the next
elections.
Ironically, he has alienated Ncube but without deriving
serious political
capital from protecting Mutambara who has no constituency
to talk of.
Jabusile Shumba the programme manager (public policy) at the
Institute of
Democratic Alternative for Zimbabwe said Mugabe had
successfully widened
divisions among his rivals.
“The Mugabe regime
thrives and survives on divide-and-rule strategies. The
man created factions
within his own party so that his subordinates keep on
fighting while he
remains in power while he claims stepping down would
create chaos,” said
Shumba. “He is doing the same here.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
How many times
do we have to remind each other of some of these self-evident
facts and
realities?
Report by Dingilizwe Ntuli
But given Zimbabwe’s senior
officials and military commanders’ brazen
contempt for the country’s
constitution, laws, and indeed the rule of law,
it has to be done even ad
infinitum.
The traditional role of the armed forces the world
over is primarily to
defend their country’s territorial integrity from
foreign aggressors.
On certain but rare occasions, the military can also
serve as backup for the
police in maintaining internal security as well as
protecting citizens and
their property.
It is critical the military
leaves the remit of democracy to an elected
government and also respects the
rules of the democratic game, and its own
role in it.
Not so in
Zimbabwe.
Our defence forces have long abdicated that role by openly
dabbling in party
politics in support of Zanu PF and this has severely
damaged the prestige of
the security institutions and that of our men and
women in uniform.
Although our military has slowly been losing its
bearings since Independence
in 1980, the past decade will go down in
Zimbabwe’s history as the period
the armed forces openly transferred their
allegiance from the country’s flag
to their commander-in-chief President
Robert Mugabe and his party, while
undermining national
interest.
Senior military commanders have shown brazen disrespect for
servicemen and
women and their families by ignoring the importance of
political neutrality
in their quest to defend Mugabe and their personal
interests.
The military has been used to campaign for Zanu PF,
intimidate, harass and
even beat up opposition party supporters in
furtherance of a vile
dictatorship.
Our senior military commanders
have been tempted by the endless
possibilities of lining their pockets
through patronage provided by Zanu PF
to continue supporting the party. Some
of them are now filthy rich but can’t
honestly account for their ill-gotten
wealth.
Although the rank and file may have largely remained disciplined,
their
commanders’ loyalty has become deeply-entrenched in Zanu PF to the
extent of
making constant unlawful statements bordering on treason,
threatening to
reverse election outcomes that do not retain Mugabe and Zanu
PF in power.
We know that senior commanders fear possible prosecution for
human rights
violations and also want to protect their riches acquired
mainly through
Zanu PF patronage, but they have now gone too
far.
Major-Generals Douglas Nyikayaramba, Martin Chedondo and Trust
Mugoba have
publicly vowed to defend Mugabe and Zanu PF and the military
hierarchy has
remained silent when the constitution, Defence Act and other
laws are being
violated with impunity.
Those who don’t want to abide
by their professional codes of conduct must
simply resign and became
politicians if they so wish.
They must not abuse tour security
institutions and public resources to
always intimidate and threaten
citizens. It’s wrong and it must be condemned
by all serious, right-thinking
and responsible citizens.
Which brings me to the reckless remarks
attributed to two senior Zanu PF
officials, Justice minister Patrick
Chinamasa and party spokesperson Rugare
Gumbo who warned of a bloodbath
should Mugabe lose elections.
What on earth do Chinamasa and Gumbo think
they are doing? How irresponsible
can leaders get? Besides, why waste money
and time holding elections in the
first place if Mugabe is not allowed to
lose?
Why not just declare Mugabe president for life and allow citizens
to react
accordingly?
While Chinamasa and Gumbo have exposed
themselves, the main point remains
that armed forces and intelligence
services must stay out of politics and
elections. We are tired of their
illegal interferences and pathetic
justifications.
They have no role
whatsoever to play in partisan politics. If they doubt
this they must go
back and read the constitution, Defence Act and relevant
rules and
regulations. No more excuses please!
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
THE Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference held in Harare this week ended in a
predictable
deadlock, with the three main political parties involved in the
Global
Political Agreement simply maintaining their positions and digging
in.
There was no agreement or movement, except an understanding that
the process
must now go to the next step –– which is
parliament.
However, the principals, particularly President Robert
Mugabe, want the
process to go to their level for them to resolve disputed
issues to suit
their political designs.
The impasse is now mainly on
Zanu PF’s proposed amendments to the draft
constitution calculated to
restore curtailed presidential powers and assist
Mugabe in his problematic
re-election bid next year.
Over the years, Mugabe has largely remained in
power partly because of the
imperial powers he wields. Without sweeping
controls, he would be gone by
now. The Zanu PF politburo, after a series of
day and night meetings lasting
close to 50 hours, recently overhauled the
signed draft and demanded
far-reaching changes.
The main objective is
to restore presidential powers, not improve the draft’s
quality.
So
after Mugabe failed to convince his fellow principals to meet and resolve
the impasse before the second stakeholders’ conference, the politburo
resolved the draft would be taken to this week’s meeting where Zanu PF was
to push for changes even though everybody knew that was going to
fail.
Realising this would not work in a conference situation with
thousands of
delegates, Zanu PF negotiators, Patrick Chinamasa and Nicholas
Goche,
basically duped their counterparts from other parties at a recent
management
committee meeting, telling them they also didn’t want the draft
to be
changed at the conference but without saying why.
It then
transpired later the reason Zanu PF negotiators took that position
was part
of Mugabe’s grand strategy of ensuring the deadlock remained to
allow
principals to intervene to overhaul the draft to suit their political
and
elections agendas.
That is why Mugabe has of late been holding meetings
with Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and deputy premier Arthur Mutambara,
cajoling them to
agree to a strategy to take away the constitution-making
process from Copac,
a parliamentary body, to government or cabinet to
sideline MPs, negotiators
and MDC leader Welshman Ncube, among others. Zanu
PF had before the
conference tried to destabilise the situation by
positioning its surrogates
to challenge the process in the courts, although
that dismally failed.
The plot was to assist the party to push through
its amendments using the
contentious Copac national report.
When the
conference met amid a rising tide of problems and controversy, it
became
impossible to resolve the deadlock. Even the format of the conference
was
designed to ensure it becomes a mere talk-shop. The idea is that this
will
then be taken to the principals –– precisely Mugabe’s plan.
In the end
the conference predictably became a sheer waste of time and
resources, just
like the whole Copac charade through which parties are
fighting for
political space and leverage ahead of crucial elections next
year.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 26, 2012 in Opinion
THE last part of
Africa to be decolonised, the Southern African Development
Community (Sadc),
remains one of the most peaceful.
Report by the International Crisis
Group
Yet, despite comprehensive protocols and agreements, Sadc faces
acute
challenges characterised by tensions between member states, resource
deficits, citizens’ exclusion, social discontent and limited internal and
external co-ordination.
Regional security co-operation requires adept
infrastructures underwritten
by political commitment; but the organisation’s
secretariat appears
powerless to ensure policy implementation.
It
must develop an effective common security policy framework, improve
coordination with international partners, harmonise and clarify its role
with other Sadc structures, broaden engagement with civil society, ensure
member-states commitment to African Union (AU) efforts on human and people’s
rights and build capacity for evaluation and monitoring.
As long as
national sovereignty prevails over regional interests, however,
the success
of Sadc mechanisms, notably in conflict resolution, will remain
limited.
The region faces a range of evolving peace and security
threats, cyber and
technology-driven security threats, and socio-economic
unrest.
Beyond efforts to respond to these challenges, policy
implementation
capacity and information and response mechanisms are urgently
required. Sadc’s
intervention in Madagascar and Zimbabwe has exposed the
region’s limited
capacity to enforce agreements it has brokered.
Ad
hoc and under-resourced mediation imposes additional burdens and
responsibilities on the mediators.
Civil society engagement in Sadc
processes in the two countries has been at
best tangential, confirming the
gulf between the regional body and its
citizens.
Madagascar and
Zimbabwe cases also highlight that structural governance
deficits and
politicised security sectors exacerbate conflict. Sadc’s
mediation efforts
reveal the complexities and challenges of dealing with
unconstitutional
changes in government, contested elections and violations
of the region’s
electoral code.
A fragmented approach to crisis and the absence of a
common policy hinder
security co-operation. Member states pursue detached
objectives without a
consistent set of principles and policies in this area
co-ordinated at the
regional level.
This reinforces their reluctance
to cede authority to a Sadc centralised
structure.
Regional
commitment to the rule of law suffered from the decision of the
Sadc heads
of state and government to confine the jurisdiction of its
tribunal to
interpretations of treaties and protocols relating to disputes
between
member states. The decision removes the right to individual
petition, and
without an alternate explanation from Sadc’s leadership, can
be considered a
reversal of previous gains in human security and people’s
rights.
Sadc is keen to establish a mediation unit led by “elders”
appointed by
consensus between member states and supported by a credible and
efficient
resource team. Though the framework and operational methodology
were
approved in 2010, the organisation is yet to implement
them.
Regional conflict resolution efforts must incorporate military
diplomacy
options to address growing security sector influence in conflicts
and their
potential resolution. The establishment of national committees in
each
member state will buttress civil society participation in Sadc policy
formulation and implementation, as mandated by the treaty.
A culture
of political solidarity among member states remains, fostered by a
common
liberation struggle history and a stated commitment to
non-interference in
the internal politics of others. This has inhibited
effective preventive
diplomacy and provided justification for non-engagement
in cases of
potential conflict and security threats.
Despite the establishment of an
early warning system in 2010, it is not
clear if and how Sadc utilises the
conflict signals arising in the region
and how best this infrastructure
could be enhanced.
Decision-making is consensual and rests solely with
the heads of state and
government and ministerial committees. The
secretariat is expected to
function as Sadc’s implementing arm, but lacks
capacity and the authority to
enforce decisions and is not empowered to
engage in independent diplomatic
action to address conflict
situations.
The Sadc Standby Force has demonstrated its readiness for
deployment,
successfully conducting joint exercises, though it needs further
strengthening to expand its humanitarian and disaster management roles. It
has not fully incorporated a civilian component, which is necessary to
provide for human security as specified by the AU.
Sadc has no
post-conflict reconstruction programme or security sector reform
policy
framework to underpin sustainable peace. This reflects the prominence
of
bilateral over multilateral security co-operation, as well as varying
geopolitical interests, the exclusive alliance of countries with liberation
struggle history and sensitivities regarding possible hegemonic
domination.
South Africa’s role and potential in this regard are
particularly pertinent,
as are its relations with Angola, the second most
influential Sadc member.
Foreign partnerships around peace and security
are disjointed and are not
tied to a coherent strategy to build
infrastructure and capacity. This
manifests in the misapplication of
resources and competing interests among
Sadc’s international co-operating
partners. The organisation should support
the implementation of the regional
coordination platform for international
partners, and consider how best to
broaden engagement beyond traditional
donors and partners.
The
inter-governmental status of Sadc limits the enforcement and monitoring
of
member states’ compliance to its peace and security framework. Although
political solidarity exists, relations between some of the regional leaders
are fragile, even fraught, which has negatively affected sustainable
regional security co-operation.
However, compared to other challenges
on the continent, Southern Africa is
regarded as relatively peaceful. This
affords it an important opportunity to
build and consolidate its peace and
security capacity.
