http://www.boston.com
By Angus Shaw
Associated Press Writer
/ October 29, 2008
HARARE, Zimbabwe-The political crisis in Zimbabwe has
lasted far too long
and President Robert Mugabe must resolve the
power-sharing impasse, U.N.
Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said
Wednesday.
Also Wednesday, a prominent Zimbabwean women's activist group
said its
jailed leaders will join a nationwide prayer vigil for an end to
the crisis.
The U.N. chief has been discussing Zimbabwe's crisis with
other leaders and
dispatched his senior adviser to Harare. On Wednesday he
told reporters in
the Philippines that the crisis "has been taking too
long."
"I sincerely hope that President Mugabe will no longer disappoint
the
international community," Ban said. "He should meet the expectations of
the
international community."
Zimbabweans themselves were showing
increasing impatience -- and willingness
to say so despite the Mugabe
regime's record of cracking down violently on
dissent. They want their
leaders to come to a political agreement and turn
their attention to the
economic crisis. Zimbabweans face the world's highest
official inflation
rate, and the U.N. predicts half of them will need food
aid by next
year.
Ban said he hoped a planned regional summit could break the impasse
over the
allocation of Cabinet posts among Mugabe's party, Morgan
Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change and a smaller opposition
group.
Tsvangirai accuses Mugabe, who has led Zimbabwe since independence
from
Britain in 1980, of trying to hold on to too many of the most powerful
posts, despite agreeing Sept. 15 to share power.
Meanwhile, women of
Zimbabwe Arise said its members across the country would
pray Wednesday
evening "for a speedy resolution to the crisis in Zimbabwe
and for change
for the better in the justice system in Zimbabwe, within both
the courts and
the prisons."
The group said its leaders Jenni Williams and Magodonga
Mahlangu would be
praying in the notorious Mlondolozi Prison in southern
Zimbabwe where they
have been jailed since holding a peaceful protest Oct.
16.
Other protesters calling on politicians to resolve their
power-sharing
impasse were arrested and assaulted earlier this
week.
Human Rights Watch, in a statement Tuesday, called on Zimbabwean
authorities
to immediately release Williams and Mahlangu and allow peaceful
demonstrations.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona Sibanda
29 October
2008
The SADC Troika that met in Harare on Monday felt that the proposal
put
across by the MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai, for all parties to share
cabinet
portfolios equitably, was 'reasonable' but they failed to convince
Robert
Mugabe to accept it.
The three party principals, including
Arthur Mutambara, were allocated
exclusive time to brief the Troika on how
they thought the stalemate could
be ended. But Mugabe remained defiant as
ever, refusing to cede control of
the Home Affairs Ministry. 10 other
ministries are also up for discussion.
A senior aide to Tsvangirai said
that Mutambara told the Troika he favoured
the Home Affairs portfolio being
given to the mainstream Tsvangirai MDC.
The regional leaders present at the
summit included Mozambican President
Armando Guebuza, Swaziland's Prime
Minister Sibusiso Dlamini, Angolan
Foreign Minister Asuncion dos Anjos,
South African President Kgalema
Motlanthe and his predecessor and regional
mediator on the crisis Thabo
Mbeki.
The MDC official told us that
Guebuza, Motlanthe and surprisingly, King
Mswati III who was represented by
his premier, were of the opinion that
Tsvangirai's proposal that there be an
equitable distribution of portfolio
ministries was very reasonable. Only the
Angolan Foreign Minister was
against it, a position presumably communicated
to him by his President Jose
Eduardo Dos Santos.
This proposal
envisaged the pairing of ministries in the orders of
importance and relative
equality. The MDC identified ten key ministries
which they said should be
shared equitably.
This is how their proposal works out. They paired Home
Affairs (MDC) to
Defence (ZANU PF), Justice and Legal Affairs (ZANU PF) to
Constitutional and
Parliamentary Affairs (MDC), Mines and Minerals
Development (ZANU PF) to
Environment and Youth to Women (MDC).
It's
believed Motlanthe and Guebuza tried in vain to convince Mugabe to
accept
this deal. Mugabe is said to have told the two leaders he would only
consider surrendering control of Home Affairs if that suggestion was coming
from all SADC leaders, not just from the two of them.
There was no
elaboration on this extraordinary statement, but it remains
unlikely that
Mugabe would agree no matter who was speaking to him.
Eddie Cross, the MDC MP
for Bulawayo South, told us that when ZANU PF signed
the power-sharing deal,
they did not fully understand the implications of
it. This was in reference
to the panic and uncertainty among most civil
servants. The majority of them
are set to lose their jobs in a new inclusive
government. Almost all top
positions in the government were awarded on
patronage, meaning close to 300
senior government posts should be shared
equally as well.
'Now that
they appreciate how much they had conceded to the MDC, there is
panic all
over the party. What they didn't realise was that this deal meant
sharing
the positions of ambassadors, their deputies, permanent secretaries,
governors, provincial administrators the public service commission,
principal directors. There is going to be virtually a 50-50 sharing in all
government institutions,' Cross said.
The MDC MP said ZANU PF were
now trying to delay the power-sharing deal by
regrouping and
restrategising.
'But by allowing the talks to move a step higher, from
the Troika to a full
SADC summit and possibly to the AU, Mugabe is losing
friends and allies
along the way,' Cross added.
Mugabe still has
traditional SADC allies in Angola, Namibia and the DRC. But
the majority of
them, such as Zambia, Mauritius and lately South Africa,
Mozambique, Lesotho
and Swaziland, are turning their backs on him while
Botswana has been
relentless in criticising him.
SADC executive secretary Tomaz Salomao has
meanwhile carried the brunt of
criticism from the MDC who accuse him of
deliberately omitting crucial
information from the communiqué issued after
the Harare summit.
Apart from failing to raise the issue of Tsvangirai's
passport, Salomao is
accused by the MDC of leaving out the fact that SADC
had deliberated on the
fraudulent alteration of the agreement of the 11th
September and the one
that was signed on the 15th September.
'It was
their understanding that the Troika in fact made a resolution that
it is the
agreement of the 11th September 2008 that should be binding and we
are
indeed surprised that it was not captured in the communiqué,' the MDC
said
in a statement.
A full SADC meeting is expected to be convened soon, possibly
next week in
Johannesburg, where South Africa holds the chairmanship of the
regional
bloc.
http://www.nation.co.ke
Posted Wednesday, October 29 2008
at 13:02
Zimbabwe's main opposition has contradicted the 15 nation
Southern African
Development Community on the reasons for the country's
power sharing
deadlock.
This has fuelled pessimism that the regional
block will succeed in forcing
the political rivals to form a government of
national unity.
On Monday, a SADC troika meeting made of leaders from
South Africa,
Swaziland, Angola and Mozambique called for a full summit of
the regional
body to deal with the Zimbabwean crisis after a 13 hour meeting
failed to
break the impasse.
A communiqué issued at the end of the
summit said the only dispute delaying
the implementation of the agreement
signed on 15 September was the
allocation of the Ministry of Home Affairs,
which is in charge of the
police.
But two days after the meeting, the
MDC issued a statement saying the
parties were at loggerheads on almost all
the key ministries.
The opposition party led by Mr Morgan Tsvangirai,
said President Robert
Mugabe also appeared unwilling to share the posts of
provincial governors,
permanent secretaries and diplomats.
The
statement said Mugabe unwillingness to share the positions undermined
genuine power sharing.
Mr Tsvangirai will become Prime Minister if
the deal brokered by for South
African President Thabo Mbeki is finally
implemented.
"There is an attempt to ignore or over look fundamental
principles and hence
the claim in some circles that only the portfolio of
Home Affairs is
outstanding," the MDC said. "Nothing can be further from the
truth."
Analysts said instead of calling a SADC summit, which is unlikely
to deliver
a final solution to the complex crisis, the matter should have
been referred
to the African Union.
SADC and AU are the guarantors of
the agreement that calls for the formation
of a unity government between
President Mugabe's ruling Zanu PF and the two
formations of the
MDC.
"SADC has struggled with the Zimbabwe problem since the disputed
presidential elections in 2002 and there is not much that it can do now,"
said Mr Joseph Mhishi, an analyst. "After the troika failed to narrow the
gap between the parties, SADC should have thrown in the towel."
The
SADC intervention has always been clouded by the MDC's lack of
confidence in
Mr Mbeki's mediation as it accuses him of siding with Mr
Mugabe.
Mr
Mbeki was appointed by SADC in 2002 to lead the mediation effort and was
re-assigned this year following the disputed June 27 presidential
election.
"Although there are few SADC leaders who are prepared to stand
up to Mugabe
like Botswana, the rest don't seem ready to prevail on Zanu PF
to genuinely
share power." Mr Mhishi said. "They hold Mugabe in so much
awe."
The deal that is seen as the best opportunity for ending Zimbabwe's
unprecedented economic and political crisis has stalled over the control of
the most powerful ministries.
The MDC accuses Mr Mugabe of wanting to
grab all the powerful posts, while
Zanu PF accuses the opposition of
deliberately stalling the process of
setting up the government to invite
Western intervention.
"They just wanted a full SADC summit and they got
it," the state controlled
Chronicle said in an editorial on Wednesday. "They
didn't want to be seen as
being disrespectful of African structures given
the notion that they are
Western puppets.
"Ultimately, if you follow
what is turning out to be a sequence of well
choreographed events as far as
the opposition is concerned, even a full SADC
summit won't be good
enough."
Another political analyst, Mr Michael Mhike told Zimonline that
it was not
impossible to find a way out of the impasse saying much depended
on Mr
Mugabe and Mr Tsvangirai's willingness to work together in a spirit of
trust
and confidence.
"Sadly, these crucial elements are lacking and
I cannot see them
germinating, let alone growing and flowering in the near
future," he said.
"It all looks pretty pessimistic."
Others suggested
SADC needed to get tougher with both sides to force them to
compromise, to
halt Zimbabwe's quickening slide into economic ruin and mass
starvation.
The implementation of the power sharing agreement has to
be fast tracked to
deal with the economic crisis that is seen in the world's
highest rate of
inflation of 231 million percent, acute shortages of food,
fuel,
electricity, hard cash and every basic commodity.
http://www.upi.com
Published: Oct. 29, 2008 at 2:55 PM
HARARE,
Zimbabwe, Oct. 29 (UPI) -- The latest attempt by former South
African
President Thabo Mbeki to broker a Zimbabwe deal has failed because
he won't
confront Robert Mugabe, sources say.
Mugabe, 84, Zimbabwe's longtime
president and chief of the ruling ZANU-PF
Party, is engaged in power-sharing
talks with the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change party and its Prime
Minister-Designate Morgan Tsvangirai.
But after reaching a tentative accord,
the deal now seems on the verge of
collapse despite Mbeki's close
involvement in the negotiations.
Mbeki has been trying to forge a
compromise on Tsvangirai's demand that the
MDC be given control of
Zimbabwe's Home Ministry, which controls the
country's police apparatus, but
Mugabe won't budge. Unnamed sources told the
British newspaper the Daily
Telegraph that Mbeki is distracted by his own
political problems in South
Africa, where he was forced by the African
National Congress to resign the
country's presidency.
"Mbeki will not stand up to Mugabe," a source
described as very close to the
negotiations told the Telegraph. "If you
can't force Mugabe to give Morgan
Tsvangirai, who is the prime minister
designate, a passport, then you can't
force him to do anything."
http://www.apanews.net
APA-Harare (Zimbabwe) Zimbabwe's
protracted post-election crisis poses wider
diplomatic and financial
challenges for the 14 states of the Southern
African Development Community
(SADC) ahead of this month's extraordinary
summit on Harare's problems,
political observers said on Wednesday.
The observers said SADC has found
itself caught between a rock and a hard
place, with regards to resolving an
impasse over cabinet positions between
President Robert Mugabe and
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
"Much as SADC would want to endorse
Mugabe's position on the allocation of
cabinet posts, they realise that
alienating Tsvangirai means alienating the
donor community on whose
resources the regional bloc relies for its
day-to-day programmes,"
University of Zimbabwe political scientist who spoke
conditions of anonymity
said here.
SADC receives the bulk of its funding from the European Union
and the United
States, while less than 20 percent comes from member
states.
The regional grouping would, therefore, try to avoid alienating
its donors
for the sake of maintaining political solidarity with
Mugabe.
"SADC will have to make tough choices between ensuring there is a
real
sharing of power between the MDC and ZANU PF or siding with Mugabe and
lose
international financial support which is key to the implementation of
regional programmes and projects," the political scientist
said.
Mugabe and Tsvangirai are locked in a dispute over the sharing of
cabinet
positions between their respective parties following the signing of
a
historic power-sharing agreement in September.
Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) accuses Mugabe of trying
to retain all
key ministries and relegating the less influential portfolios
to the
opposition.
The remaining dispute is over control of the Ministry of Home
Affairs, which
is in charge of the police, immigration and passport
departments.
A meeting of the SADC troika on politics, defence and
security cooperation
ended in stalemate on Monday after failing to break the
impasse between the
two Zimbabwean rivals.
A summit of the full SADC
membership is expected in the next two weeks to
resolve the
impasse.
JN/nm/APA 2008-10-29
http://www.hararetribune.com
Wednesday, 29 October 2008 00:11
Fellow
Zimbabweans, members of the media fraternity, the Extra-Ordinary
Summit of
the SADC Organ on Politics Defence and Security Cooperation Troika
concluded
in the early hours of the 28th of October 2008. In the communiqué
released
by the Troika, pursuant to this summit, the Troika has decided to
refer the
Zimbabwe issue to a
full summit of SADC which should be held as soon as
possible.
On our part, we thank the Troika for yet again sacrificing
their
time,patience and experience on the issue of Zimbabwe, more
particularly,President Monthlante of South Africa and President Guebuzza of
Mozambique and every other leader who attended the summit. Zimbabwe is
privileged that it can count as friends, countries in the region and
distinguished African statesmen such as President Guebuzza and President
Monthlante.It is regrettable that the Troika could not narrow the gaps
between the Zimbabwe parties. In our view, an urgent summit towards the
resolution of the Zimbabwe crisis is paramount. Zimbabweans are suffering
and dying. The State has dismally failed to provide the least basic social
amenities and our people have been reduced to a primitive mode of production
in depths that have not been known even in many warring
situations.
At the core of our differences, in our view, is the lack of
sincerity and
good faith on the part of Zanu PF. The fact that contrary to
the Global
Political Agenda (GPA), Zanu PF is still interfering with the
distribution
of humanitarian assistance, and the fact that it is still
emasculating basic
freedoms is equally unacceptable. We condemn in the
strongest language the
recent assaults of the members of the Zimbabwe
Students Union (ZINASU) and
the continued incarceration of the members of
the Women of Zimbabwe Arise
(WOZA).Even yesterday as the dialogue process
was in progress, Zanu PF had
the audacity of insulting and assaulting civic
society and MDC activists who
were merely expressing their freedom of
expression. That lack of sincerity
is demonstrated in the total disrespect
of the MDC and its leader Mr. Morgan
Tsvangirai and the attempt to reduce
the same to disinterested bystanders in
the cooperative government despite
the fact that it is the MDC that has the
legitimate peoples' mandate
following its victory on the 29th of March 2008.
It is our hope that the
SADC Summit will be convened with utmost urgency to
deliberate on the
outstanding issues;
1. The first critical outstanding issue is the
allocation of portfolio
ministries as enshrined in Article 20.1.6 (5) of the
GPA. On this issue, the
firm position of the MDC is that there are
fundamental principles that are
key, not just to the MDC, but to the people
of Zimbabwe.
1.1. There cannot be responsibility without authority
and,
1.2. There has to be equitable distribution of portfolio
ministries.In
this regard the MDC has suggested a methodology in respect of
which the key
ministries are paired in the orders of importance and relative
equality. We
identified 10 (ten) key ministries which we believe are
supposed to be
shared equitably. For instance, we have paired Home Affairs
to Defence,
Justice and Legal Affairs to Constitutional and Parliamentary
Affairs, Mines
and Minerals Development to Environment and Youth to Women.
In our view
equity and responsibility with authority can be achieved if the
ministries
are therefore allocated on the basis of the above
methodology.
However, there is an attempt to ignore or overlook these
fundamental
principles and hence the claim in some circles that only the
Portfolio
Ministry of Home Affairs is outstanding. Nothing can be further
from the
truth.
2. The second outstanding issue is the appointment of
the ten Provincial
Governors in line with the outcome of the 29th of March
elections.
3. The third outstanding issue is the question of the
composition, functions
and constitution of the National Security Council.
This is a critical issue
in view of the dangerous and partisan role that has
been displayed by the
intelligence services in this country.
4. The
fourth outstanding issue pertains to the appointment of Permanent
Secretaries and Ambassadors.
5. The fifth outstanding issue is the
question of Constitutional Amendment
No. 19 which is the legal document that
is necessary and conditional in
bringing the GPA into life.
6. The
last point is the morally irreprehensible fact that the fraudulent
alteration of the agreement of the 11th of September 2008 and the one that
was signed on the 15th of September 2008. It is our understanding that the
Troika in fact made a resolution that it is the agreement of the 11th of
September 2008 that should be binding and we are indeed surprised that it
was not captured in the communiqué. From the above, it is clear that there
is so much that still has to be done and a lot of goodwill, patience and
wisdom, which so far has not been evident or has not been
exercised.
On our part, we are fully alive to the historical obligations
on our
shoulders and the expectations of Zimbabweans. However, the one
instruction
that those suffering and abused people have been telling us at
our massive
rallies at Zimbabwe Grounds, Mkoba Stadium,Mutungagore Primary
School, White
City Stadium , Mamutse Stadium and all over Zimbabwe is a bold
but simple
one, A BAD DEAL IS NO DEAL
ATALL.
-------------------------
TENDAI BITI, MP
MDC SECRETARY
GENERAL
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=6554
October 29, 2008
By Mxolisi
Ncube
JOHANNESBURG - Even if the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
gets any of
the security ministries under the power-sharing deal, it will be
very
difficult for the party to erase President Robert Mugabe's legacy, a
senior
intelligence source has said.
He said Mugabe had fully
entrenched himself within the security forces over
the past eight years, the
MDC would face problems running the security
ministries which are staffed
with Mugabe's staunch loyalists.
The country's security ministries are
some of the key cabinet posts that
have been at the centre of continuous
haggling since the signing of a
power-sharing agreement by Mugabe and MDC
leaders, Morgan Tsvangirai and
Arthur Mutambara of the splinter
MDC.
The deadlock, which will now be dragged to a full summit of the
regional
Southern African Development Community (SADC) bloc, has delayed the
implementation of the government of national unity, which has been
prescribed by the region as the only way to immediately solve Zimbabwe's
political and economic crisis, which began in 2000.
Mugabe has stuck
to his guns that he will not hand over any of the security
ministries of
Home Affairs, Defence and also Justice, while the MDC leaders
have demanded
that these should be shared if the party is to assume
relevance in the
day-to-day-running of the all-inclusive government.
While it now looks
highly unlikely that the current impasse will be
resolved, a senior member
of the country's secret service - the Central
Intelligence Organisation
(CIO), told The Zimbabwe Times Wednesday that even
in the unlikely event
that a security ministry was handed over, the MDC
would not be able to
control the allocated ministry.
"It would have been better if President
Mugabe was completely out of the
picture because then the MDC would have the
full authority to get rid of
those security chiefs that are
counter-productive and implement new policies
without any undue influence
from anyone, like what the President (Mugabe)
did after independence," said
the source.
"However, with him still in power, any such attempts will be
met with
resistance because he is still the overall in charge of the
country."
He added that, with the Joint Operations Command (JOC) set to
sit secretly
to review the country's security situation, the security chiefs
would
over-rule any opposition efforts.
He also revealed that, to be
able to get rid of the security forces' current
reputation of being partisan
towards Mugabe, the opposition should first get
rid of the top security
personnel, something that will not be tolerated by
Mugabe and former freedom
fighters.
"The security chiefs and war veterans wield a lot of power in
the country
right now and President Mugabe depends on them to remain in
charge," said
the security source. "Already these have shown that they do
not trust
Tsvangirai and if the opposition tries to get rid of them, they
will raise
security alarms and charges like those of treason will be raised,
resulting
in possible arrests and a repeat of political chaos."
The
source added that it would be impossible for the opposition to work with
the
current security set-up, as more than three quarters of commissioned
officers were former freedom fighters.
All of them went through
re-orientation training during which they were
taught to be loyal to
Mugabe's Zanu-PF and to be brutal towards the MDC
"Most of the junior
officers, especially those that were recruited during
the past five years,
were only recruited after a thorough check of their
political background,
with those deemed to be supporters of the MDC
disqualified from joining the
security forces," he said.
"Most of those that are in the junior ranks
now are graduates from the
National Youth Training Service (NYTS), who are
used to assaulting members
of the opposition and it might be very difficult
to change their hardliner
stance."
He, however, said that the juniors
would easily be reoriented if Mugabe was
not in charge and most of the
security chiefs were dismissed, as the lower
ranking officers were also
suffering under the current government.
However, MDC secretary-general,
Tendai Biti, is optimistic that the MDC will
manage to handle the situation
if handed any key ministry.
"We have faith in the professionalism of our
security forces, and believe
that we will be able to work with them," said
Biti. "Remember that our
police force was once the best in the world and
this can still be achieved."
Security chiefs have been singled out as the
main reason why Mugabe has
remained in power despite falling out of favour
with ordinary Zimbabweans,
now bearing the brunt of his failed
policies.
The security chiefs have been used to suppress dissent through
brutal
assaults of the MDC leaders, supporters and civil society
leaders.
VOA
By Tendai Maphosa
Harare
29 October
2008
The March 29 general election saw Zimbabweans choosing a
president, members
of the two houses of parliament and local councilors. But
unlike the
national government, still to be formed due to the deadlock over
the
allocation of vital cabinet portfolios to the ruling party and the
opposition, local councils are busy at work. Tendai Maphosa has more in this
report from Harare.
While the presidential election was inconclusive
and the lower house
election produced a hung parliament, the local
government poll handed most
of the main urban centers to the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change
led by Morgan Tsvangirai. MDC candidates were
chosen in all but one of
Harare's 46 wards.
The last time the MDC
controlled the city was after the 2002 presidential
elections. The then MDC
mayor and his council were dismissed by the
government.
A
government-appointed commission was running Harare until the current
councilors were sworn in on July 1. They have reported no serious problems
working with the Zanu-PF local government minister.
But the delay in
agreeing on cabinet portfolios is impacting negatively on
the Harare City
Council's planning. VOA spoke to Harare's deputy mayor
Emmanuel Chiroto at
his City Hall office.
"At all levels people are rather hesitant to make
decisions," he said. "We
are having our committee meetings, we are making
resolutions, but all these
need financial support to sustain whatever plans
we have and we cannot get
it when the situation is like this. We need a
government like yesterday so
as to alleviate the suffering of the people of
this country."
But things have not been as smooth for some councils.
Chiroto says his party
controls the majority of councils across Zimbabwe and
that does not appear
to be sitting well with the Zanu-PF.
The local
government minister is allowed by law to appoint a quarter of the
total
number of councilors in a given council as special interest
representatives.
Some councils have been complaining that the minister is
appointing losing
Zanu-PF candidates to councils. In some cases, they say,
these appointments
actually overturn MDC majorities.
Chiroto says the local minister has not
tried to tamper with the Harare city
council because of the MDC's
overwhelming majority at City Hall.
"It did not happen in Harare, we
never have those that actually lost the
elections being appointed," he said.
"I was going to find it very difficult
to be working with the person that I
defeated in Hatcliffe now coming here
as an appointed councilor. In the
rural areas these [appointed] councilors
do have voting powers. They can
actually change certain decisions that
elected officials will have
made."
But at the moment, Chiroto - like other Zimbabweans - is hoping
the
appointment of a new power-sharing government as agreed by the opposing
parties last month, will at least bring about some clarity and an
improvement for Zimbabweans.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
29
October 2008
Zimbabwe cannot move forward as long as there are vigilante
terror groups
operating in the rural areas and blocking people from
expressing their vote
freely in elections. According to Luke Zunga, a
Zimbabwean businessman
exiled in South Africa, the current discussions over
cabinet allocations
have to address this problem or will be completely
meaningless. He believes
that for the deal to work, the MDC has to continue
campaigning vigorously
for the Home Affairs, Information and Finance
Ministries as a buffer against
the continued use of state
terror.
Only through the control of finance will the MDC be able to stop
state
sponsorship of militants in the rural areas. By controlling Home
Affairs,
and with it the police, all perpetrators of violence will be
arrested. He
also added that because of the divisive propaganda churned out
by the state
media, control of Information is going to be vital in order to
change things
around.
Zunga, who is also a treasurer for the Zimbabwe
Diaspora Development
Chamber, even suggested, 'the appointment of a SADC
police commissioner,
'whose tasks will be to eliminate rural terror
structures and clean the
police,' if the deadlock persisted. He argues that
at independence Zimbabwe
turned to a Pakistani army general to help with the
integration of the
various armed forces from the guerrilla groups, 'so it's
not new.' Any calls
for a re-run of elections supervised by the UN, 'will
not necessarily
neutralize the rural terror gangs,' he argued.
Zunga
feels the current SADC mediation team has over-simplified the
Zimbabwean
problem into a conflict between two parties that need to work
together. He
believes the problem lies deeper in the ZANU PF culture of
violence and
intolerance. 'Our view is that President Mbeki is aware of the
rural
control. If so, his support or recommendation for Mugabe to take
control of
these ministries transfers the liability for the death and
starvation of
these people to the doorstep of South Africa,' he added.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
29 October
2008
The country's dire economic crisis is plunging the country to new
depths of
desperation as the local currency, day by day, becomes completely
valueless.
The Zimbabwe dollar, already revalued by the government to
cope with
rocketing hyper inflation, sets daily record lows as the country's
political
nightmare and global cash crisis take it's toll. Zimbabweans queue
for hours
to withdraw their daily limit, but despite the Reserve Bank
increasing the
daily withdrawal limit to Z$50,000, the cash barely covers
transport costs.
The economy has spiralled out of control, to the point
where shops are now
refusing to accept local currency, after the Zimbabwe
dollar depreciated at
its fastest rate ever over the
weekend.
Professor John Makumbe from the University of Zimbabwe explained
on
Wednesday that "only 50% of households get periodic support from the
diaspora." He added: "These people have access to critical foreign currency,
but the people who don't are literally starving - and that is an
understatement."
The RBZ's decision to suspend the online money
transfer system earlier this
month has also taken a significant toll on the
country, with Makumbe
explaining that many companies have been ruined. He
added that people cannot
even pay their bills because the daily withdrawal
limit is so low,
emphasising that "the collapse is multi
dimensional."
At the same time as people in their millions are beginning
to succumb to
hunger and malnutrition as a result of the food shortages
across the
country, the cash crisis is also taking its toll on critically
needed
humanitarian aid. Reports from relief agencies indicate that the
suspension
of the inter-bank transfer system is hindering humanitarian
operations for
NGOs, as money cannot be accessed to start crucial food
distribution.
Makumbe explained that the country's humanitarian crisis
will become worse
as the economy continues to collapse. He expressed anger
that talks for a
power sharing government have continued against the
backdrop of suffering,
and echoed that the nation is being held hostage as
political bickering
continues.
"The MDC is being forced into a corner
by ZANU PF, and they have no room to
back out because the people are at
risk," Makumbe said. "It is clear that
the international community will not
pump much needed funds into the country
if real power sharing is not
established, and in the mean time, people are
starving."
In fact 5
million people are starving, as the world sits back and
watches.
.................
Analyst says breaking 'rural
terror' key to success of deal
By Lance Guma
29 October
2008
Zimbabwe cannot move forward as long as there are vigilante terror
groups
operating in the rural areas and blocking people from expressing
their vote
freely in elections. According to Luke Zunga, a Zimbabwean
businessman
exiled in South Africa, the current discussions over cabinet
allocations
have to address this problem or will be completely meaningless.
He believes
that for the deal to work, the MDC has to continue campaigning
vigorously
for the Home Affairs, Information and Finance Ministries as a
buffer against
the continued use of state terror.
Only through the
control of finance will the MDC be able to stop state
sponsorship of
militants in the rural areas. By controlling Home Affairs,
and with it the
police, all perpetrators of violence will be arrested. He
also added that
because of the divisive propaganda churned out by the state
media, control
of Information is going to be vital in order to change things
around.
Zunga, who is also a treasurer for the Zimbabwe Diaspora
Development
Chamber, even suggested, 'the appointment of a SADC police
commissioner,
'whose tasks will be to eliminate rural terror structures and
clean the
police,' if the deadlock persisted. He argues that at independence
Zimbabwe
turned to a Pakistani army general to help with the integration of
the
various armed forces from the guerrilla groups, 'so it's not new.' Any
calls
for a re-run of elections supervised by the UN, 'will not necessarily
neutralize the rural terror gangs,' he argued.
Zunga feels the
current SADC mediation team has over-simplified the
Zimbabwean problem into
a conflict between two parties that need to work
together. He believes the
problem lies deeper in the ZANU PF culture of
violence and intolerance. 'Our
view is that President Mbeki is aware of the
rural control. If so, his
support or recommendation for Mugabe to take
control of these ministries
transfers the liability for the death and
starvation of these people to the
doorstep of South Africa,' he added.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Violet Gonda
29 October
2008
Repression is increasing in Zimbabwe as the power sharing deal
stalls. The
offices of the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) in
Gokwe were
forced to close on Tuesday by state security agents, for
allegedly causing
"confusion and disharmony" in the area. The Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition
reports that the union's Secretary General, Raymond
Majongwe, is under
threat by state agents for allegedly encouraging boycotts
of examinations.
The Crisis Coalition said in a statement that Moses
Mhaka, the Gokwe office
coordinator, was threatened with death if he
continued operations.
The PTUZ has been at the forefront of a teachers'
strike calling for
salaries that counter the hyper inflationary environment,
and for better
working conditions. The critical nature of the education
sector has led the
teachers' union to call on the authorities to postpone
exams, as there has
not been a conducive learning environment in government
schools.
There is growing concern that the Mugabe regime is returning to
business as
usual and is reverting to its normal tactics of suppressing
dissent, as the
political deadlock continues with no end in
sight.
Scores of activists were violently silenced in Harare on Monday
during
demonstrations demanding a quick resolution of the political impasse;
and in
Bulawayo Jenni Williams and Magodonga Mahlangu continue to be held at
the
Mlondolozi Female Prison. The leaders of Women of Zimbabwe Arise were
arrested two weeks ago for leading a peaceful protest demanding food and the
formation of a new government.
Meanwhile South African civil society
groups gathered in Johannesburg on
Tuesday to mobilise support for the
detained WOZA leaders and also to
condemn the rights abuses taking place in
Zimbabwe. Carrie Shelves, the
programmes coordinator of a South African NGO,
People Opposing Women Abuse
(POWA), said the groups gathered to raise voices
of alarm to their
President, about what is happening against the human
rights defenders,
especially during what is supposed to be the middle of a
peace-deal.
She said: "There was an immediate statement calling for the
release of the
two WOZA leaders, but also a cease to the kind of violence
that we have seen
meted out against other women activists there."
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Lance Guma
29 October
2008.
Six activists from the Restoration of Human Rights in Zimbabwe
(ROHR) were
released Tuesday evening after being arrested Monday for
demonstrating
against the delay in forming an inclusive cabinet. Mercy
Ncube, Simbarashe
Sibanda, Joseph Mutizi, Adam Muchiriri, Tonderai Moyo and
Clever Nyoni spent
the night at Harare Central police station, only to be
released without
charge.
Joshua Mwale, the 7th arrested ROHR
activist, was released the same day on
Monday. The group says Adam
Muchiriri, who they had earlier feared was
abducted on the same day of the
demonstration, was actually also in police
custody. ROHR said in a statement
the detention of their activists, 'was
kept secret by sympathetic (police)
officers who wanted to protect the
detainees from the Central Intelligence
Organisation.'
CIO agents are said to have visited the station 3 times
between Monday and
Tuesday demanding the ROHR activists be handed over.
'They were not beaten
or tortured during detention, except for Clever Nyoni
who was beaten by
police during his arrest,' ROHR said. Around 47 women from
the Women's
Coalition, who were also arrested during their own Monday
demonstration,
were released the same day around 9pm.
Meanwhile ROHR
say they still have not been able to positively identify the
body of one of
their members, Osborne Kachuru, from Mbare. Kachuru was
allegedly beaten to
death at ZANU PF's offices in Fourth Street, Harare soon
after ROHR's
demonstration. On Wednesday Edgar Chikuvire the Information
Director said
they are still looking for a family member to go and identify
the body at
Parirenyatwa Hospital mortuary.
Chikuvire also told Newsreel that of the
4 ROHR members abducted by ZANU PF
youths Monday, only 2 have been accounted
for. Those released confirmed that
there were many other people being
detained unlawfully at the ZANU PF
offices in Fourth Street, an indicator
the number of people abducted could
be much higher than reported.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=6547
October 29, 2008
By
Tendai Dumbutshena
IF the communique released by the SADC secretariat
after the failed meeting
to resolve the political impasse in Zimbabwe is to
be believed, 15 regional
heads of state and government are to meet to decide
who controls the
ministry of Home Affairs in the proposed inclusive
government.
Taxpayers and donors in the SADC region will fund a summit to
get Zimbabwe's
warring factions to agree on who runs the Home Affairs
portfolio. How
farcical can things get?
Desperate people clutch at
straws. This is what is happening in Zimbabwe as
people wait expectantly for
SADC to provide the solution.
It is forgotten that for eight years this
body has let the people of
Zimbabwe down. It turned a blind eye to Robert
Mugabe's violation of its own
protocols on governance and human rights. It
endorsed elections which were
condemned even by its own observers. It
cynically embraced the lie that the
land issue was at the core of the crisis
in Zimbabwe to absolve itself of
the responsibility to take a principled
stand against Harare's aberrant
behaviour. It was only jolted into
half-hearted action when it appointed
Thabo Mbeki last year to mediate
following brutal assaults on political and
civic leaders including MDC
president, Morgan Tsvangirai. Images of the
savage attacks and the resultant
international outcry forced the hand of
SADC leaders.
Also central to
the problem has been Mbeki's treacherous role which began in
2000.
Masquerading as a mediator, Mbeki has done everything within his
powers to
protect Mugabe and prolong his rule. Even now he continues to bat
for Mugabe
seeking at every turn to undermine the MDC. His hidden hand was
visible in
SADC's communiqué which took the position of Zanu-PF that only
the ministry
of Home Affairs was the outstanding issue.
The MDC has set the record
straight. Differences go beyond the home affairs
ministry to include the
posts of provincial governors, diplomats, permanent
secretaries and the
composition and functions of the proposed national
security council. Mbeki
and the SADC secretariat want the full SADC summit
to only discuss the Home
Affairs ministry leaving other issues of concern to
the MDC off the
agenda.
It will be interesting to see where the summit is held. Normally
it is held
in the country of the current chair which is South Africa. The
MDC has
threatened that Tsvangirai will not attend if he is not issued with
a
passport. It may well be decided to hold the summit in Zimbabwe so that
SADC
leaders do not have to put pressure on Mugabe to issue a passport. The
policy of appeasement is still very much alive.
Nothing positive
should be expected from the SADC summit. Mugabe has no
intention of sharing
power with the MDC. At long last the MDC has officially
acknowledged this.
Regional leaders with the notable exception of Botswana's
Ian Khama are
unwilling to get Mugabe to do the right thing. There is great
resentment
among African leaders when Western powers involve themselves in
the Zimbabwe
issue They are told this is a matter for Africans to resolve
among
themselves.
But what if Africans cannot bring themselves to seriously
address the issue?
What if their feeble efforts are rendered useless by an
insatiable desire to
protect and appease Mugabe? What will a full SADC
summit achieve that a
smaller group more suited to resolving such a matter
failed to do? For as
long as SADC leaders are not prepared to show some
spine and address the
issue squarely these summits and troika meetings are a
waste of time and
money.
Some analysts suggest that the matter be
referred to the AU - another
guarantor of the agreement. What makes them
think AU can do better than
SADC? The AU usually defers to regional bodies
on such matters. The
continental body is full of leaders with a peripheral
interest in Zimbabwe.
Many of them lack the moral stature to pronounce on
Zimbabwe. If an African
solution is to be found it has to be in the region.
Unless there is a
paradigm shift in their thinking and approach SADC leaders
will not be able
to offer a solution to Zimbabwe's crisis. If they fail to
author an
acceptable solution there is no point in running to Addis
Ababa.
The inescapable conclusion to draw is that the September 15
agreement is
worthless. No one including the two major protagonists, Zanu-PF
and MDC,
believes it is a workable solution. Given Mugabe's visceral
loathing of
Tsvangirai and his party, is it not naïve optimism to believe
that somehow
the agreement will work? The fact that seven weeks after the
signing of the
agreement nothing has been achieved says it all.
The
solution offered by Botswana is the only realistic option. Mugabe must
be
put under pressure to accept a short transitional arrangement leading to
the
adoption of a new constitution and elections. This process must be
driven by
the international community because the regime in Harare cannot be
trusted
to behave properly. Mugabe is vulnerable to pressure. What is
lacking among
his peers in Africa is the will and courage to apply the
pressure. The
people of Zimbabwe must be given an opportunity to settle this
matter once
and for all. They must freely decide who governs them.
Therein lies the
solution. But the international community must play its
part. If Africa is
unwilling to do the right thing for Zimbabwe, others
should.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 29 October 2008
12:28
by Eddie Cross
Nothing could illustrate the
failure of African leadership more
clearly than the farce that took place in
Harare this weekend. Following the
debacle last week when Morgan Tsvangirai
refused to travel on an emergency
travel document restricted to Swaziland,
the SADC organ on politics and
security convened in Harare this Monday. It
was attended by the Presidents
of South Africa and Mozambique as well as the
Prime Minister of Swaziland
and an official from Angola.
They
know exactly what the problem is - in March the MDC beat Zanu PF
in a
closely contested election and its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai beat
Mugabe by
a wide margin. These leaders know that Morgan got more than 50 per
cent of
the vote - I understand his actual vote was 54 per cent but after
five weeks
of procrastination and desperate efforts to falsify the poll the
Junta was
forced to admit that Mugabe had been beaten but that Tsvangirai
had received
less than 50 per cent and would have to face a run off.
The South
Africans know full well that the real result was a clear
victory for MDC and
a humiliation for Mugabe, but went along with the
charade and allowed the
run off to take place. What followed was three
months of intense political
violence unleashed on the population by 100 000
youth militia under military
leadership in over 2000 camps spread throughout
the country.
When finally it became apparent that any attempt by the MDC to monitor
the
election would be faced with violence and even the murder of MDC polling
agents, the MDC decided to pull out of the contest. Zanu PF went ahead and
in complete contrast to the March election, Mugabe was declared the winner
in 48 hours and sworn in, in unseemly haste.
The African
observer missions then turned Zanu's world upside down by
declaring that the
election had "not been a reflection of the people's will"
and stating
that Mugabe had not been elected President. Battered and
bruised, the MDC
and the hapless electorate picked themselves up and were
then faced with a
demand by SADC leaders that they "resume" the talks with
Zanu PF under the
mediation of Thabo Mbeki.
Mbeki picked up from where his previous
mediation had left off, as if
nothing had happened in the interim. We are
now 4 months down the road on
that new initiative and having agreed and
signed a power sharing agreement
on the 15th September; we are still trying
to get the deal implemented. In
signing the deal, the MDC massively
compromised its rights as the Party that
had won the elections outright in
March.
Mugabe, who by all accounts lost the election in March and
certainly
has no legal or democratic justification to call himself
President,
continues to act as if he had won the election and Hansard still
lists all
Zanu PF ministers and Deputy Ministers as Ministers of Government.
No doubt
they are still on their full salaries and perks even though a
number of them
were defeated by MDC in the election in March and all of them
were stood
down as Ministers when Parliament was sworn in a few weeks
ago.
Just to compound this situation Mugabe is treated as a State
President
by SADC and given full political and diplomatic recognition. The
so called
"Global Agreement" provides for a clear separation of powers
between the
Prime Minister and the President and also sets out in precise
terms how the
different arms of government are expected to work
together.
Only an idiot could interpret the agreement as meaning
that Zanu PF is
still in charge and MDC is the junior partner, It is self
evident that the
allocation of ministerial portfolios should be divided
equitably, So when,
after weeks of pointless argument Zanu PF published an
allocation of
Ministerial portfolios that gave Zanu PF complete control of
the security
machinery of the state as well as all resource ministries and
left the rest
to the MDC, it was a step too far.
That brought
the region back into the process and gave us the hope
that the regional
leadership would recognise the illogical and unacceptable
nature os such an
allocation and impose a solution on the local players that
made sense. First
it was Mbeki and he made a hash of things - actually
endorsing the Zanu PF
allocation of posts! Then came the Troika and the
aborted meeting in
Swaziland.
Morgan had raised the issue of his passport with the
negotiators and
when he was issued with a Emergency Travel Document with a
single
destination restriction he refused to travel. In fact the issue goes
far
beyond just the question of withholding his travel documents (the
passport
has been ready for weeks and is sitting in the desk of the
Registrar
General) it was just the latest of a series of incidents that show
that the
Junta in Harare has no intention of allowing the new government to
be
formed.
They are continuing to restrict and interfere with
food distribution
by the international community. They have retained tight
control over
commercial food distribution. The security forces continue to
attack any
attempts by civil society to support the negotiation process and
the media
is as warped and restricted as ever. There has been no attempt to
implement
the "Global Agreement" in any form up to now.
When
Morgan Tsvangirai failed to attend the Troika meeting it was
aborted and
reorganised for Harare a week later. In Harare the key player
was always
going to be the new President of South Africa, Mr. Motlanthe.
This was his
first real test when it comes to foreign affairs and for most
of us it
seemed completely logical that he would step up to the plate and
smash a
home run.
But no - after 13 hours of intense "negotiations" they
came out of the
closet and issued a statement that did not change one single
element in the
situation. The issue would go a full meeting of SADC Heads of
State in two
weeks time. What an even larger group of hopeless leaders will
do is
difficult to imagine. The key player remains Motlanthe, he alone has
the
power and influence to force a resolution and it just that that is
required.
The Junta will never give up power without the use of force
in
whatever form and if that is not going to come from the streets, it has
to
come diplomatically behind closed doors.
In 1976 that
pressure came from the South Africans in support of an
initiative by the
American Secretary of State, in 1979 it was pressure from
Mozambique, Zambia
and Tanzania. The only question now is who will do the
necessary in
2008?
While this charade is being played out, southern Africa
burns. In the
midst of the global financial crisis, we look indecisive and
ineffective. By
failing to take crucial decisions on issues such as inter
Party violence in
South Africa and the resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe
- all within our
own clear competence, we are failing our respective
countries, the region
and our people's best interests.
It was
up to the Secretary General of the United Nations to spell out
what was
needed. He called for an equitable allocation of Ministerial
portfolios and
the formation of a new government in Harare as soon as
possible. He said
that only such a move would bring the political and
economic crisis under
control. He is right, are our leaders up to it this
time? Failure is just
that would be "too ghastly to contemplate".
South African
Institute of International Affairs (Johannesburg)
ANALYSIS
29 October
2008
Posted to the web 29 October 2008
Steven Gruzd
Last
weekend, the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was in the spotlight
in
Benin.
From 25-26 October 2008, participating African Heads of State and
Government
gathered in Cotonou for the first Extraordinary African Peer
Review Forum.
Most Forum meetings are traditionally held on the margins of
busy African
Union Summits, where other business frequently intervenes. In
Egypt in
June-July, Zimbabwe dominated. This time, the APRM was squarely the
focus.
But do the benefits of a longer, more in-depth stand-alone meeting
outweigh
notoriously poor attendance?
The first big news in Benin
was that the APRM lost its first member, at
least for now. The President of
the Forum, Ethiopia's Prime Minister Meles
Zenawi, announced that because
Mauritania was suspended from the AU due to
the coup in Nouakchott earlier
in the year - defying the AU prohibition on
unconstitutional changes of
government - the state would also be suspended
from the APRM (having just
joined, in January 2008).
Does this perhaps signal more willingness by
the presidents to hold one
another accountable? When faced with the
post-election turmoil rising
directly from deeply flawed polls in Kenya in
December 2007, it was
surprising that President Mwai Kibaki was not put on
the spot by his peers
at the Addis Ababa APR Forum the following month. He
did not attend, and
although Kenya's progress report was merely tabled and
not discussed, this
was more due to time pressure than a strategic
sanction.
This meeting completed the 'peer review' discussion of Nigeria
that ran out
of time in June. According to a statement by special advisor to
the
president on Nepad, Ambassador Tunji Olagunju, the meeting encouraged
other
heads of state to emulate 'best practices' from Nigeria identified by
the
Country Review Mission, including setting up a non-partisan presidential
advisory body akin to Nigeria's Council of State; as well as declaring and
publishing their personal assets as Nigerian President Umaru Yar'Adua had
done in the interests of transparency.
Burkina Faso's report was also
presented, which now brings to nine the total
number of states reviewed,
joining Ghana, Rwanda, Kenya, Algeria, South
Africa, Benin and Uganda. That
makes almost one-third of the acceding
states - notable progress from a slow
start.
But a quorum at Forums decoupled from AU Summits is always
problematic. In
Abuja in mid-2005, over forty presidents chose to travel to
China for a
meeting; just six went to Nigeria. This time, there were more
no-shows.
Disappointingly, of the 28 leaders expected, apart from the host
President
Yayi Boni of Benin, and Meles of Ethiopia, only the presidents of
South
Africa and Benin's neighbours Togo and Burkina Faso pitched up, plus
the
Rwandan prime minister and Gabonese deputy president.
Others
appeared to rather choose recent events such as the UN General
Assembly, the
Francophone Summit in Quebec, or the joint conference of the
Southern
African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community
(EAC).
What does this say about priorities?
A two-day meeting allowed, in
theory, more time to reflect on lessons from
early 'pioneer' countries. The
following cross-cutting issues (to use APR
parlance) were slated for
discussion: management of resources (particularly
land); African elections;
corruption; managing diversity and preventing
xenophobia; and the
indigenisation of judicial courts (Rwanda's gacaca court
system).
But
the poor attendance by the top dogs meant that South Africa's new
President
Kgalema Motlanthe, the newest member of the Forum, was the only
President to
make a speech on the land issue. The Kenyan Focal Point, the
Minister of
Planning, read another paper on land on behalf of President
Kibaki (absent
once again).
Motlanthe argued that unresolved land questions set back
developmental
efforts, land is heavily tied to food security and trade
issues, cautioned
about biofuels displacing food production, and said that
bold new thinking
was needed. But he said, 'We also have to accept that
measures aimed at land
reform are likely to encounter resistance from groups
that have historically
benefited from the status quo. For this reason, land
reform measures can
only succeed on the back of a comprehensive and popular
democratic
programme.'
In addition, Algeria and Angola sent papers on
elections. The Forum decided
that in future, only heads of state present in
person should make formal
inputs - a diplomatic carrot (or is it a stick?) -
to boost attendance.
Two other vital administrative issues were up for
discussion in the
closed-session meeting: the audit report of the APRM for
the 2003-2006
period, and the long-overdue reconstitution of the APRM Panel
of Eminent
Persons. At this point, no official communiqué has been issued,
but
attendees confirmed that Dr Chris Stals from South Africa has retired
(in
June 2008), and Madame Marie-Angelique Savané from Senegal - the Panel's
feisty first chairperson - will also not continue serving.
According
to the Benin meeting's website, the tenure of Professor Adebayo
Adedeji as
chairperson was also meant to have come to an end. The website
stated that
Forum members would select a committee at the upcoming 10th
Forum meeting in
Addis in January 2009 'in order to outline the election
methods in July
2009, of the newest members of the Panel.' This suggests
that the process
will continue to drag on for another eight months at least.
How will this
affect countries like Mozambique that have been awaiting their
Country
Review Mission for several months? These delays cause public and
media
interest to flag as the momentum of the process is dissipated.
It was
previously agreed that the reports on implementation of National
Programmes
of Action for Ghana, Rwanda, Kenya, Algeria and South Africa
would be
deferred to January 2009, so as not to be prejudiced by a crowded
agenda.
While this is sensible, further delays stress the need for the
mechanism to
develop a robust, ongoing NPOA monitoring and evaluation
system, as more
countries move deeper into the process. If not, the
mechanism risks becoming
a victim of its own success. Tracking progress and
highlighting achievements
is currently almost entirely left to the national
level. Transparency would
be enhanced if these reports were routinely lodged
on APRM websites and
distributed in hard copy as well, including to national
and regional
parliaments, and to the media.
Overall, the idea of a longer, stand-alone
Forum is a good one, but not if
presidents don't play ball. Like everything
in this remarkable process, it
needs political will, belief and personal
commitment to make it really work.
Steven Gruzd is the Head of the
Governance and APRM Programme at the South
African Institute of
International Affairs.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=6539#more-6539
October 29, 2008
HARARE - The
family of murdered Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) official
Ignatius
Mushangwe was "at a loss of words" Wednesday as they narrated the
events
surrounding his burial last weekend.
Mushangwe's body was removed from
his Waterfalls home by the Central
Intelligence Organisation (CIO) on Friday
and transported to Mukumba Village
in Chihota for a hastily arranged burial
the following day.
These startling developments occurred as fresh
evidence emerged to suggest
Mushangwe was murdered by a hit-squad from the
military intelligence
allegedly led by one Staff Sergeant Makwande to
silence him in an operation
that was approved by the Joint Operations
Command (JOC).
A senior intelligence source described his murder as "a
dry operation, a dry
disposal," which he described as an assassination
carried out in a hurry.
Mushangwe was kidnapped on June 17 by unknown
gunmen 10 days before the
tense June run off election, after being
identified as the mole who revealed
planned vote- rigging. His strangled and
partially charred body was dumped
in Norton last week
Thursday.
Mushangwe, the ZEC's director of training and development, was
assassinated,
preliminary investigations have revealed, for exposing that
government had
printed surplus ballot papers ahead of the June run off
vote.
He is also alleged to have leaked documents showing nine million
papers had
been ordered for the country's 5.9 million voters and that ZEC
had ordered
600 000 postal ballots for a few thousand policemen and
soldiers.
Intelligence sources say he was killed to stop him making
further
revelations about electoral manipulation aimed at ensuring President
Robert
Mugabe won the crucial runoff election.
A family source who
requested to remain anonymous has also told The Zimbabwe
Times that the CIO
descended on Mushangwe's family home in Waterfalls on
Friday where his body
was lying in State awaiting burial at the Granville
Cemetery.
Intelligence operatives were said to have forced
Mushangwe's wife and the
eldest of the deceased's four children to sign a
letter of consent.
The wife tried to protest saying there was a burial
order for Mushangwe to
be laid to rest at Granville cemetery, but the CIO
would have none of that
and cited "security concerns" if the burial took
place in Harare.
A family member was then force-marched to the Registrar
of Births and Deaths
to change the burial order so the burial would now take
place in Chihota.
Sources say Mushangwe's burial order was hastily altered
after the CIO
officers said that they had orders from the President's Office
to remove the
body immediately.
Our source said the CIO literally
took over the funeral and stated that the
State would foot the bills and
transportation of Mushangwe's body to his
rural home.
That same
Friday evening, the body was seized from the Waterfalls home and
driven
overnight to Chihota. Mushangwe's funeral was teeming with
intelligence
operatives, said a source.
On Saturday morning, Mushangwe was hastily
buried in Mukumba village in
Chihota at a funeral where body viewing was
only confined only to very close
family members.
"By the time many
people arrived in the village, he had already been
buried," said our
source. "He was buried by strangers, with very few of his
family members
there to witness the burial. We are completely at a loss of
words."
A
secret service contact told The Zimbabwe Times that colleagues in military
intelligence had "named people who claimed involvement in Mushangwe's death
and say the team leader was Staff Sergeant Makwande".
The informant
said Mushangwe's body was stored in a military mortuary near
the Harare
airport and was later dumped in Norton, where it was taken into
the Norton
mortuary by police, who subsequently informed the wife.
Mushangwe's wife
was overwhelmed with grief when The Zimbabwe Times tried to
speak to her but
sources said she was demanding an inquest.
The secret service informant,
who ruled out the opening of the case by the
police, alleges that Mushangwe
had developed "powerful enemies" because of
his unyielding stance on vote
rigging.
"He was on the provincial JOC's hit list," he said.
The
Zimbabwe Times heard that the so-called powerful enemies feared
Mushangwe
would discredit the ZEC by revealing misinformation they had
deliberately
planted to bolster the electoral prospects for Mugabe, whose
popularity
ratings had slipped dramatically given his loss to MDC leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai in the first round of voting in March.
"Mushangwe's integrity
might have signed his own death warrant," our family
source said.
An
elderly family member said: "Kutopondwa uku hapana chimwe (This is
murder,
it can't be anything else.) We don't know what happened to Gina
(short for
Ignatius). We may find out, or we may never know. He was a
fighter, a war
veteran. He was an independent and wonderful person, a man of
integrity. He
was a forthright man before God and country."
He said despite the
disruptions to the funeral by the CIO, the family had
been moved by the
generous support and solidarity from Zimbabweans in the
days after news of
Mushangwe's murder came to light.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=6551
October 29, 2008
By Lance
Mambondiani
OVER the past weeks, a debate has been raging on whether the
Zimbabwean
economy is now dollarised following the widespread preference of
the
greenback as a form of payment for most transactions. Stratospheric
inflation and unstable exchange rates have caused the Zimbabwe dollar to
lose credibility and value as a trading currency.
Nationals and
foreigners alike have become less willing to transact in local
currency due
to its instability resulting in the use of foreign denominated
currencies.
In order to attract foreign currency into the official market,
the central
bank has also licensed some retailers to charge for services in
foreign
currency but have been quick to add that the economy has, however,
not been
dollarised. While authorities and analysts argue on whether or not
the
economy has been dollarised, this article will briefly analyse what
exactly
is "dollarisation," what the evidence on the ground suggests and the
implications of dollarisation on the people if indeed the economy is now
dollarised.
Dollarisation in its simplest form is the process in
which a local currency
loses its function as a medium of exchange and is
instead replaced by a
foreign currency, usually the United States dollar,
hence the term
dollarisation (it can, however, be used to refer to the use
of any other
currency such as the South African Rand which is now also
widely used in
Zimbabwe, this could also be described as Randisation). There
are basically
three types of dollarisation, official, unofficial and partial
dollarisation.
Official or full dollarisation occurs when a foreign
currency is adopted by
a country as its main or exclusive legal tender. A
number of Latin American
countries have adopted dollarisation after
financial crises in Mexico and
Brazil in the 1990s. Ecuador, El Salvador,
Panama and Guatemala are examples
of Latin American countries to adopt
dollarisation. Some of these countries
have been at conflict with the US for
many years. In most of these countries
though, dollarisation was adopted in
an attempt to address rampant
inflation. Officially, the Zimbabwean dollar
remains the de jure legal
tender of the country and based on that
perspective, there is no official
dollarisation.
Unofficial
dollarisation occurs when individuals and companies alike shun
the local
currency and demand foreign currency as a form of payment to hedge
against
local currency instability. Indications are that most trades in the
country
are now unofficially consummated in foreign currency. Evidence on
the ground
suggests that transactions such as grocery purchases, property
sales and
rentals, legal fees and fuel sales among other officially or
unofficially
now require settlement in foreign currency. The instability of
the Zimbabwe
dollar and the problems often incurred in withdrawing cash at
most banks
have also resulted in money transfers from the diaspora being
completed in
foreign currency.
Not so long ago, my mother, deep in the middle of rural
Hurungwe, requested
that when next I send money to her, she would prefer
that I send US dollars
than Zimbabwe dollars. In a sense, the rural areas
are equally aware of the
instability of the Zimbabwe dollar.
The Law
Society of Zimbabwe recently announced that lawyers were to start
charging
for their services in foreign currency. One of the country's most
successful
football team, DeMbare is also believed to have lodged an
application with
the central bank to charge their gate fees in foreign
currency. A close
friend was recounting a story of being stopped by traffic
police on the
Masvingo- Beitbridge road who requested for bribes in foreign
currency. When
he mentioned that after clearing his vehicle at the boarder
he didn't have
any left foreign currency left, the police officers preferred
that he part
with a portion of his imported groceries than pay the bribe in
Zim dollars
for them to allow him to proceed with his journey.
Fact or fictions,
indications are that people are increasingly abandoning
the Zimbabwe dollar
as a medium of exchange preferring the US dollar or
South African
Rands.
Partial dollarisation occurs when a country keeps its own local
currency in
circulation, but also allows payments and transactions to be
carried out
freely in dollars. Officially, the central bank announced in
September the
introduction of Foreign Currency Licensed Warehouses and
Retail Shops
(FOLIWARS) in terms of which 1,000 retailers and 200
wholesalers will be
allowed to sell goods in foreign currency.
Under
the scheme, fuel retailers and airlines will also be allowed to charge
in
foreign currency. The central bank governor insisted, however, that this
did
not mean that the economy has now been dollarised. Theoretically, the
introduction of FOLIWARS is the very definition of partial dollarisation
regardless of what the central bank authorities may have us
believe.
However, the critical question is why the authorities would deny
partial
dollarisation when the policies suggest the same? Why is it
important to
understand whether the economy is dollarised or not and what
are the
implications of this?
The general economic advantages of
dollarisation are clear. In the case of
the central bank, the overriding
reason could have been the need to attract
foreign currency from the black
market into official channels and the need
to reign in inflation. Other
standard economic benefits include financial
and monetary integration and
stability and reduced transaction costs.
Properly implemented, it is
possible that the foreign currency measures
could assist in reigning
inflation and contribute to foreign currency
inflows. As with many other
previous policy prescriptions, the 'devil is
often in the detail' the
strategy may backfire in the same way that the
floatation of exchange rates
back in May accelerated the collapse of the
Zimbabwe dollar.
However,
dollarisation could have serious negative political and economic
implications for the Zimbabwean economy. Politically, the main reason for
the failure to admit dollarisation or partial dollarisation is because the
policy is difficult to reconcile with the government's 'sovereignty'
argument and the occasional imperialist rants. Such a declaration would be
an embarrassment to a government which professes hatred to the US
governments. At a symbolic level, one of the most important national symbols
is money, which serves to enhance a unique sense of national identity. Since
it is issued by the government or its central bank, currency acts as a daily
reminder to citizens of their connection to the state and the oneness within
it. The currency underscores the fact that everyone is part of the same
social entity. These effects are lost when money of a foreign state is
adopted. Dollarisation is therefore a greater threat to national sovereignty
than any perceived threat of recolonisation by the
British.
Economically, dollarisation or partial dollarisation of the
Zimbabwean
economy could have negative implications. Firstly, dollarisation
may result
in a rapid rise in the price of commodities which in turn may
result in an
increase in poverty levels. The most visible example of this is
an unnatural
phenomenon such as accelerated inflation of the US dollar which
is now
estimated at more than 50 percent in Zimbabwe compared to 5.3 percent
in the
US. The prices of most commodities sold in US dollars in Zimbabwe are
said
to be three to four times higher than it is in South Africa or other
countries with convertible currencies. Some houses in Harare are costing
more than a house in the United Kingdom which is economically
unjustifiable.
Secondly, the economic benefits of dollarisation to the
general population
remain empirically questionable. With an estimated 80
percent unemployment,
foreign earnings capacity is less than 5 percent of
the population. Besides
remittances from the diaspora, there is no evidence
to suggest that the
majority of Zimbabweans have access to foreign currency.
The effect will be
a natural and legitimate demand by employees to be paid
in foreign currency.
Thirdly, partial dollarisation may create a bigger
unintended problem; it
can make financial systems more vulnerable to
liquidity and solvency risks.
Since the banking system itself is largely not
a US dollar depository, the
foreign currency circulation will be outside the
banking system which
results in inadequate backing for dollar liabilities
and complicates the
assessment of liquidity and solvency risks. When these
risks cannot be
adequately assessed by financial institutions and other
market participants,
they can create or exacerbate a financial crisis or
ignite another banking
crisis. Lastly, partial dollarisation often has a
contagion effect. Many
other shops will attempt to sell their goods and
services in US dollars.
This will be difficult and costly to monitor which
may become the breeding
ground for corruption and bribery.
The
unofficial dollarisation or at least partial dollarisation of the
Zimbabwean
economy appears to be fait accomplis due to the collapsed state
of the
Zimbabwe dollar. In my opinion, FOLIWARS and Dollarisation are the
same side
of the coin. However, the problem of definition is not as
important as
putting in place economic mechanisms to ensure that some of the
problems
generally associated with dollarisation do not result in increased
poverty
to the majority of Zimbabweans already crippled by the current
economic
nightmare or financial disequilibrium which may result in another
banking
crisis.
(Lance Mambondiani is an Investment Executive at Coronation
Financial. The
view expressed in this articles are personal and do not
necessarily reflect
the position of Coronation Financial. To join the
discussion on this article
visit Lance's blog or his facebook discussion
forum. He can also be reached
on coronation.uk@btinternet.com)
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 29 October
2008 08:56
At 0930hrs yesterday (Tuesday 28-10-08) more than 100 people
participated in a demonstration organised by ROHR Zimbabwe in Masvingo. The
protest is a continuation of the peaceful demonstration that was heavily
crushed by Police in Harare during a meeting of SADC heads of State on
Monday (27-10-08), which left 23 people with injuries, seven arrests (7) and
four people abducted by Zanu PF extremists.
ROHR Zimbabwe is
organising protests all over Zimbabwe in different
provinces separately to
prepare the ground for a more pronounced and
sustained national day of
protest. To date, ROHR has staged demonstrations
in Harare, Manicaland and
Masvingo since 10 October 2008.
We notice the negotiations for an
inclusive government are a direct
result of a failed democratic process,
owing to the violence and
intimidation that preceded the June 27 elections
which forced the Movement
for Democratic change candidate Mr Morgan
Tsvangirai to pullout. .
We believe the people of Zimbabwe have a
right to a legitimate
government. That right remains sacrosanct in any
progressive democratic
establishment and is protected in regional and
international conventions
such as Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(UDHR), African Charter on
Human and People's Rights (ACPHR), to which
Zimbabwe is party.
The banner of the campaign is Demand for
Democracy and Justice, which
is to calling for free and fair elections to be
held in the shortest period
possible.
http://www.channel4.com
Print this page
Last Modified: 29 Oct
2008
By: Guest blogger
Zimbabwe blogger Helen speaks to one man about
the new diets in rural areas.
"People are living like animals," a man
from a rural area said when I met
him this week.
When I asked Joseph
to explain what he meant, his description was of a
primitive, desperate
existence where people are digging up roots, collecting
leaves and boiling
beetles just to stay alive.
"Everyone's hungry," he said. "The word you
hear all the time is NZARA, it
means hunger, and it's
everywhere."
All of last year's stored maize crop has now completely run
out and Joseph
said that despite the government's lifting of the ban on food
aid, nothing
has arrived in his village yet.
He said that three weeks
ago some NGOs had come to the village and taken the
names, family details
and numbers of people in each village but so far they
hadn't come back with
food.
"Everything that we had to sell has been sold," Joseph said.
"There's
nothing left to trade with."
Goats, chickens, items of
furniture, spare clothes, and radios - all sold in
order to buy
food.
"People are digging for roots," Joseph said, "from plants that our
grandparents used to talk about, things we've never had to eat in all our
lifetime."
Joseph described the back breaking toil of digging in the
baked ground for
dry, hard roots with thick skins. He said that lots of
people were getting
sick with stomach cramps and diarrhoea from eating roots
that hadn't been
cooked for long enough or which came from unknown trees and
shrubs.
"Some are eating leaves that they boil and then mash up, if they
can't find
any wild fruits. We were surviving on Muhacha berries," he said,
"raw,
cooked, dried and used as sort of porridge." The season for these
fruits is
almost over and even they weren't all good because many people got
diarrhoea
from eating too many of them.
"Now its Mandere that we are
searching for," Joseph said and described the
frenzied swatting, jumping and
running of villagers that could be witnessed
every evening after
sunset.
Mandere are coffee coloured brown beetles, about an inch long,
that only
come out at night and make a distinct screeching/swizzing noise -
like the
ringing in your ears.
The beetles feed on the leaves of
Msasa trees after sunset and are caught in
flight. For many starving
villagers these beetles are the only protein they
can get but they require
prolonged boiling before they are safe to eat.
The heads and wings are
removed before cooking and some of the older
villagers insist that the water
must be changed and the beetles boiled twice
to get rid of a
poison.
Joseph looked tired and dragged a hand over his gaunt face,
telling me he
wasn't getting much sleep lately, worrying about how to keep
his family
alive and trying not to think about his own hunger.
Joseph
has seven acres of land and is exhausted from the labour of trying to
get
some maize seed planted in time for the coming rains. It's not proper
maize
seed, just good looking pips that he saved from last year's crop.
His
wife wanted to eat it because the family are already hungry but Joseph
insisted it be kept for seed. He thinks he's got enough for about two acres
and he's tilling the rock hard soil by hand as there are no government
tractors to hire for ploughing and his oxen that used to pull the plough
have been sold for food.
Joseph's other five acres will remain barren
this coming season as there's
still no seed maize to be found, not for love
nor money.
http://www.eni.ch
28 October
2008
Geneva (ENI). The leader of Zimbabwe's largest functioning
alliance of
Christians says the country's main grouping of traditional
Protestant
churches and the African and global umbrella church organizations
with which
it is affiliated have been notable for their silence on what is
happening in
his country.
"The Zimbabwe Council of Churches has done
nothing. The churches should have
been speaking without fear of favour, just
speaking on behalf of suffering
masses of Zimbabwe. Their absenteeism is so
pronounced," said Methodist
Bishop Levee Kadenge, the convenor of the
Zimbabwe Christian Alliance.
Kadenge was speaking on 28 October after a
meeting held at the Geneva
Ecumenical Centre, which houses the headquarters
of the World Council of
Churches. The ZCC is affiliated with the global
church grouping as well as
with the Nairobi-based All African Conference of
Churches.
The Methodist bishop said it was difficult for the WCC and the
African
church grouping to speak up for Zimbabweans due to the stance of the
ZCC,
but that they could have done so if they had chosen to. He noted that
11
million Zimbabweans are suffering under an inflation rate in excess of
200
million percent, and that unemployment exceeds 80 percent, while
millions of
Zimbabweans live in exile.
The head of Zimbabwe's Zanu-PF
party, Robert Mugabe who became leader of his
country in 1980, is refusing
to budge from power or to fully share it with
the Movement for Democratic
Change which won a parliamentary election in
March, say Zimbabwean
opposition leaders.
Asked why he thought so many church leaders had
remained silent while
Zimbabweans had suffered, Kadenge said, "I think it is
a question of fear."
"If that means they are silent and they choose to
be, that is their choice,"
Kadenge told Ecumenical News International. "But
they can go for it. Truth
bearers are not often welcome. The scriptures say
so. If the ZCC wants it
can stand persecution by talking the truth. If they
don't want that
persecution, that is their choice."
The bishop, who
has been detained without trial five times by security
officials and is
scheduled to return home, was asked if he was not afraid to
speak
out.
"Yes I fear. God yes, I fear, I am a human being. I'm afraid. That
does not
stop me doing what I have to do," Kadenge told ENI. "That is the
difference.
If I say I'm not afraid, I'm dead. But I'm convinced there is a
bigger force
beyond me that takes care of those things."
Still he
said, "Churches at grassroots level are very active and that is why
the
church continues to be there. But I don't think that is enough."
The
Christian alliance of church leaders emerged in 2005 to provide
humanitarian
services to the homeless following the government's Operation
Murambatsvina
("drive out rubbish" in the local Shona language), a forced
eviction and
demolition campaign that affected hundreds of thousands of
Zimbabweans.
Today the ZCA, a grouping that includes Roman Catholic,
Protestants,
Anglicans Evangelicals and Pentecostals, says on its Web site,
"The mission
of the organization is to bring about social transformation in
Zimbabwe
through prophetic action."
Bishop Kadenge said the Zimbabwe
people should be praised for never turning
on one another and engaging in
massive killings.
On 28 October, the MDC secretary-general, Tendai Biti.
said Mugabe's party
was not sincerely committed to entering into a genuine
cooperative
government under a power-sharing deal in September brokered by
then South
African president Thabo Mbeki.
The agreement to institute
a power-sharing unity government has since
stalled in a dispute about the
allocation of ministerial portfolios.
Bishop Kadenge said the Zanu-PF
party, which had been ruling Zimbabwe since
1980, should be making the most
concessions in the negotiations since it
lost the March parliamentary
elections.
Kadenge said, "We were expecting that yesterday there would be
an agreement
signed.. We hoped people of Zimbabwe would be able to breathe
fresh air .
There is no trust."
29 October
2008
The Combined Harare Residents Association (CHRA) condemns ZANU PF’s continued infliction of violence on defenseless and innocent residents. Two members of CHRA were arrested, frivolously charged with inciting public violence and later released yesterday. The two women, whose names have been withheld for security reasons, are the Association’s coordinators in their respective wards. They were arrested on Monday the 27th of October 2008 during a demonstration against the delay in the talks on the formation of a Cabinet at the Harare International Conference Centre (HICC).
Scores of civic and political activists thronged the HICC on Monday demonstrating their discontent at the continued political stalemate that has worsened the already ailing economy and plunged many residents into a state of abject poverty. Over 50 activists were arrested and hundreds more were beaten by the police and the ZANU PF militia. Four activists were abducted by alleged ZANU PF militia who were moving around in one of the party’s single cab Nissan Hard body vehicle, among the four, two were released after they had been heavily beaten and tortured; the other two are still missing.
ZANU PF is in power sharing talks with the
MDC formations but still tortures and kill with impunity. This is a clear
statement of bad faith and disrespect to fellow political parties and
Zimbabweans in general. The Mugabe defacto government and ZANU PF are pushing
so hard towards a power sharing arrangement in which they retain everything
while expecting the other parties to give everything. The September 15 power
sharing agreement was reached as a compromise to give the people of
Residents should be given room to freely express themselves and voice their grievances without fear of political victimization. The tenets of democracy should be respected by everyone at all times and ZANU PF is not an exception. CHRA remains committed to demanding quality and accessible service delivery, good local governance and social justice.
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=6544
October 29, 2008
Tanonoka Whande
SADC's
so-called Troika has failed to resolve the Zimbabwean crisis. But is
it true
that leaders of Angola, Mozambique and South Africa "failed" to
resolve the
crisis?
The most painful and embarrassing thing to me is not the implied
failure of
the Troika to resolve the issue; the embarrassment is the fact
that these
honourable men were in Zimbabwe to defeat the people's wishes and
save, not
Zimbabwe, but Robert Mugabe. They were in Zimbabwe to defeat
democracy.They
are having problems because they are trying to cheat the
masses of Zimbabwe.
This so-called Troika should have congregated to tell
Mugabe that he lost
the elections and that he should step aside. Simple. But
they have the
audacity to congregate to try to renegotiate an issue the
Zimbabwean
electorate decided upon on March 29. They congregated to insult
the
Zimbabwean people. They congregated to force us to reward a loser at the
expense of the winner.
They were a trio of democracy killers. And I
am glad they failed; yet I weep
that these men are the ones responsible for
our continued suffering.
Had they not been propping up Mugabe,
Zimbabweans could have resolved the
crisis a decade ago but we could not
because we were not fighting Mugabe
alone. Zimbabweans were fighting and
still continue to fight the African
Union in addition to SADC, his principle
protectors.
African leaders are ganging up on Zimbabweans.
As if
that were not enough, I almost crawled under the kitchen table when I
watched Arthur Mutambara humiliating himself on BBC's Hardtalk. Apparently
tired of creating robots, Mutambara thought it a better adventure to become
a robot himself.
"Who do I speak for in Zimbabwe?" Mutambara asked
himself on Hardtalk and
immediately went on to answer himself saying, "I
speak for the suffering
people in Zimbabwe." And he was referring to the
very people who rejected
him and all his leadership several months
ago.
"Mugabe cannot go it alone," he roared in a pathetically inadequate
theatrical effort for emphasis. "Tsvangirai can't walk away," then he added
the biggest lie, "I can't walk away."
But you can, Arthur, and you
should. Please walk away, Arthur. We are in
this mess precisely because of
people like you and your cohorts who try to
force themselves on the people.
Please walk away, Mutambara, because you are
delaying the resolution of this
crisis.
Mutambara went on to say that "the three political parties are
putting
national interest before self interest." We are watching and we see
what is
happening.
No political party, let alone three, that
Mutambara mentioned, is putting
national interest before self interest.
None, including the MDC.
From where I sit, I see only Tsvangirai, as an
individual, putting national
interest before self interest because he was
advised to sign that agreement
by those with self interest only to find out
that the agreement does not
cover what the people wanted.
Mugabe is
looking for personal security and survival and has shown, over the
years
that the nation is not worthy his time. If Mugabe had national
interest at
heart, he would have resigned a long time ago.
As for Mutambara, what
sacrifice has he made for Zimbabwe? His presence in
the ring is out of self
interest because there is no justification for his
presence. And don't tell
me about the food riots that he apparently
masterminded at the University of
Zimbabwe; we are talking more than
dormitory life here.
As for
Tsvangirai, he has gone through hell at the hands of Mugabe and I do
not
need to recount his trials and tribulations. Tsvangirai, unlike Mugabe,
has
a constituency. His followers sent him and he has to report back to
them.
Mugabe, on the other hand, tells his followers to jump and they will
leap up
faster than you can say Kumbaya!
If Tsvangirai wanted to gain,
personally, he could have accepted all that's
been put before him and sat
back to enjoy himself and his family while his
scars heal.
Mutambara
just wants to reap where he did not sow. I wonder why someone of
such high
academic achievement is fighting so desperately to be accommodated
in a
profession that hardly requires his academic qualifications.
However, do
SADC and the AU understand that the only crisis in Zimbabwe is
Mugabe? Do
people understand that whatever ails Zimbabwe is nothing more
than dictator
Robert Mugabe, the man SADC, in all its collective splendour
of
inefficiency, wants to force on the Zimbabwean people?
The problem in
Zimbabwe is Mugabe and if SADC were to recognise that, the
Zimbabwean fiasco
would be history.
Mutambara believes that he can just come out of nowhere
and become 'Deputy
Prime Minister-designate'. It takes hardworking,
well-meaning compatriots a
lifetime to achieve anything close to that. Yet
Mutambara aches for that
title which he does not deserve by a long shot.
Welshman Ncube, Mutambara's
puppet master, with all his turncoat colours of
betrayal, would be more
deserving of this title than Mutambara. Ncube, at
least, went through the
process as he learned treachery.
On Hardtalk,
Mutambara failed to articulate issues and reminded me of Simba
Makoni's
disastrous incoherence and impatience on South Africa's 702 Talk
Radio
during Zimbabwe elections early this year.
Mutambara blasted two
political parties who are "bickering over ministries".
That is exactly the
point, Mr Mutambara. The MDC does not want just
ministries, it wants
particular ministries so as to carry out their mandate
from the people and
Mutambara, who is representing no one, does not see that
as long as he is
accommodated in that arrangement.
In a gesture of pure immaturity and
simplicity, Mutambara declared that in
this government that refuses to be
formed "there won't be an MDC minister or
a ZANU-PF minister."
But,
of course, there will be Zanu-PF and MDC ministers in this government
of
national unity. They are not going to lose their identities because
elections loom ahead. That is why some of us, including the MDC, have
always wondered about how the participants are going to handle something
called collective responsibility in cabinet.
Imagine Mugabe defending
an MDC minister who he did not want to be part of
his government in the
first place. And Tsvangirai staunchly defending
Didymus Mutasa or any
Zanu-PF minister who continues to carry out old orders
from the old
man.
It is too soon for this exercise to be attempted. The wounds are
still too
raw yet.
"The issue around cabinet positions is important
but it is not sufficient to
destroy the agreement," said Mutambara. But it
just did.
Hardtalk host, Stephen Sackur, asked Mutambara a simple
question: "With the
country in economic chaos with a vast percentage of your
population facing
hunger, starvation, is it not the time for the opposition
to be coherent and
to be united with one leader?"
"No, that is not
necessary," answered Mutambara. "What is important is to
have convergence of
agenda, what is required is to have the purpose and
mission."
Say
that again Professor Mutambara, please.
Whose agenda and whose purpose
and mission? Have you, by any chance, heard
of a people called
Zimbabweans?
MARANGE, 29 October 2008 (IRIN) -
Armed informal diamond miners in Zimbabwe's eastern Manicaland Province,
scraping a living in desperate times, are resisting attempts by police to remove
them in increasingly violent clashes.
Photo:
IRIN
Ready to
die for diamonds
According to police spokesperson
Andrew Phiri, as quoted by the state-owned The Herald newspaper, several police
officers were killed about two weeks ago in a shoot-out with diamond miners,
known as "makorokoza" in the local Shona language. Local residents claimed a
miner was killed by the police last week.
The diamond fields in the
Chiadzwa area of Marange District, some 90km southwest of Mutare, the biggest
city in the province, have attracted thousands of informal miners in the past
two years; Gideon Gono, governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ), said
diamond smuggling had cost the country around US$400 million in 2007.
John Sakarombe, 24, walks with a limp after
being shot in the leg by police during a running battle about three months ago.
"There is war at Chiadzwa. The police and soldiers who patrol the area warn us
that they were given an explicit order to shoot once a situation turns violent,"
he said.
There is war at Chiadzwa. The police and soldiers
who patrol the area warn us that they were given an explicit order to shoot once
a situation turns violent
"True to their word, we buried one of our colleagues in Marange
recently; another is battling for his life at home," he told an IRIN
correspondent who visited the area recently.
"You see, one would rather
die at home than under guard by the police in a hospital, because the moment you
visit a hospital they want to know how you sustained your injuries before
treating you, and that is when they call in the Babylons [local slang for
police]."
Despite the possibility of violent death, the allure of
overnight riches keeps Sakarombe and many others in Marange. More than 80
percent of Zimbabweans are unemployed in an economy marked by the highest
inflation rate in the world — now officially at 231 million percent, but
unofficially thought to be many times higher.
Much money
Informal miners sell their rough diamonds to middlemen who, in
turn, smuggle them out of the country for sale at higher prices. Many of them,
like Sakarombe, who trades in foreign currency, are not short of money. When not
digging for diamonds at Chiadzwa, he lives in a hotel in Mutare, and this year
alone imported two used cars from Durban in South Africa.
He can afford
to buy food for his ageing mother in rural Chipinge, in Manicaland, ensuring
that she does not starve at a time when about three million people are in need
of food aid countrywide.
He can also afford private
medical care. "The doctors can do anything if you have the foreign currency to
pay them and, after all, the referral hospitals or clinics here are not well
equipped in any case."
I don't care if some of those who have died are my
victims, because they would not hesitate to kill me either
Armed and here to stay
James Dauramanzi, 35, a member of a syndicate comprising six informal
diamond miners, used to live in Harare, the Zimbabwean capital, about 400km from
Marange. "I am here to stay and will have to fight it out with these military
guys," he told IRIN. He smuggled a revolver out of South Africa when he came
home after finding survival on the streets of Johannesburg "too tough".
"I spend most of the day in the shafts digging for the diamonds and
sneak out during the night; that is when my colleagues and I have confrontations
with the soldiers and the armed police on horseback. They are becoming more
vicious every day because some of them get killed or are injured."
Dauramanzi confessed that he had been involved in several shootouts with
the security personnel, "and I don't care if some of those who have died are my
victims, because they would not hesitate to kill me either."
He said the
"less sophisticated" illegal miners carried machetes and spears that were
"mostly handy when dealing with the dogs that the police set on us".
View from the other side
A police officer at a
roadblock set up to search for diamonds, who did want to be identified, told
IRIN: "The makorokoza are becoming more and more daring. If you don't injure or
kill them, they will get at you first. They are behaving like warlords, and I
guess it's because a lot of money is involved in this dangerous venture."
He said the informal miners had organised themselves into groups that
ambushed and attacked security personnel on patrol using home made bombs, and
the police had received reinforcements from the headquarters in Mutare after two
officers had died in a clash. "There should not be too much restraint when
dealing with the makorokoza, otherwise you will be carried home in a coffin," he
commented.
However, Dauramanzi accused the patrolmen of stealing from
them. "Being assigned to carry out duties here is actually a blessing in
disguise for them, because it gives them the opportunity to make money.
Sometimes they arrest and torture us to force us to surrender our loot to them,"
he said.
Syndicates of informal miners also often have internal
confrontations. "The syndicates accuse each other of encroaching onto exclusive
territory belonging to a certain group or of 'stealing' clients," Dauramanzi
said.
"Fights that emerge out of this have also resulted in death, and
often occur after heavy drinking bouts in the city or other places. I know of
cases where rivals have buried each other alive in the [mine]
tunnels."
BULAWAYO, 29 October 2008 (IRIN) - Rural
Zimbabweans have always turned to an emergency larder of wild foods to see them
through hard times, but in this year of shortages and dizzying prices for all
basic foodstuffs, the fruits and roots foraged from the bush are keeping many
alive.
Photo:
IRIN
Dinner's
ready - 'umkhemeswana', a wild hard-shelled sweet
fruit
In the southern province of Matabeleland North, villagers are relying on a variety of wild fruits, tubers and
okra-like vegetables, which become more abundant as the rainy season progresses.
"Everyday we eat the wild fruit that are available in the bush, but the
fruits are not good to eat every day. And school children are no longer going to
school but spend the whole day looking for the wild fruits," Samuel Ndlovu, from
Dakamela village, told IRIN.
The World Food Programme (WFP) said in a recent
statement: "A large number of farmers harvested little – if anything – this
year, and have now exhausted their meagre stocks. Many hungry families are
reportedly living on one meal a day, exchanging precious livestock for buckets
of maize or eating wild foods such as baobab and amarula." About 28 percent of
children under five are already chronically malnourished.
Esnath Nyoni,
in the Lupane area of Matabeleland North, said her family had last eaten a
decent meal in the previous week. They are now surviving on a bland porridge
made from ground roots of the cassava tree, into which she squeezes the sweet
juice of the brown plumb-sized cork fruit for flavour.
Households that
still have maize-meal can stretch it by mixing it with the ground cassava tree
roots. "The porridge doesn't taste good, but it gives people energy throughout
the day when there is no food available; and for families with livestock, they
then mix the meal with sour or fresh milk," said Nyoni.
Dried bean
leaves (umfushwa in the Ndebele language) were a useful emergency ration when
boiled, Nyoni said. "The advantage with dried umfushwa is that you can keep it
for a long time from the last harvest, and it will still be fine until the next
harvest, and it has a high nutritional value compared to some of the foods that
people eat during droughts."
An alternative cookbook
The survivor's cookbook also includes, in
the Shona language, the potato-like madhumbe and mufarinya, and several other
edible and reputedly medicinal tubers, a range of berries, and wild vegetables
such as derere - a type of okra - and nyeve, a bitter-tasting plant that can be
boiled in a soup or eaten dried.
This is now the time when the elderly, who have survived in previous
droughts, play a crucial role, as the young people have no idea which trees have
edible roots
Care needs to be taken when foraging
for wild foods: there have already been reported cases of accidental poisoning
due to people picking the wrong plants, or preparing them incorrectly.
"This is now the time when the elderly, who have survived in previous
droughts, play a crucial role, as the young people have no idea which trees have
edible roots and which ones do not," said Themba Dlomo, another Lupane area
villager.
A lack of inputs – seeds and fertiliser – drastically cut last
season's harvest. The UN estimates that more than five million Zimbabweans -
nearly half the population - will require emergency food assistance in the first
quarter of 2009.
The hardship is exacerbated by an inflation rate of 231
million percent, which has pushed even price-controlled maize - in theory
available from the state-run Grain Marketing Board (GMB) - way beyond the reach
of rural Zimbabweans.
Villagers in Lupane alleged that maize delivered
to the local GMB depot was finding its way onto the parallel market. "The maize
arrives on a weekly basis but we do not get any, as it is transported to as far
as Victoria Falls [on the border with Zambia], where it is sold in foreign
currency, and we are left to scavenge for wild fruits with the wild animals,"
said Laiza Ncube.
For most Zimbabweans, eating wild plant foods is an
indication of crisis, but since last year the University of Zimbabwe has tried
to promote consumption as a sensible food security option.
"The nutritional properties and traditional knowledge of wild foods have
been dismissed as 'old wives tales' or 'poor man's food'. Little is known about
their health and nutritional benefits," Dr Maud Muchuweti of the Department of
Biochemistry has maintained.
"We want to create more awareness of the
value of indigenous wild plant foods and promote their effective
utilisation."
Oct 29, 2008 (DVB)–Zimbabwean opposition MP Trudy Stevenson said
in an interview with DVB yesterday that Burmese and Zimbabwean activists
could benefit from closer links in their struggles for democracy.
http://www.mmegi.bw
Wednesday, 29
October 2008
Under normal political rule,
Zimbabwe is no doubt one of the richest
countries in the Southern African
Development Community (SADC). It is a
country of scenic beauty in our
region.
The region around the Victoria Falls, to cite just one
example, is one of
the most beautiful attractions in the world. Thus placing
Zimbabwe among the
top tourism attraction centres in the SADC region. It is
also endowed with
literate human resource in the region, but it is now
severely hit by
brain-drain because of political mismanagement.
One
wonders why SADC has been watching Zimbabwe going down the drain for too
long without taking the necessary action to help. I am fully aware of the
fact that Zimbabwe is a sovereign state, but this does not mean that if a
sister country in the region drifts into political chaos other countries
should sit back and tell the world that it is a sovereign state. SADC is to
blame for the political crisis in Zimbabwe. Why should they fear to tell
Mugabe at round tables that he is leading his country into
chaos?
Although the late appointment of a mediator, Thabo Mbeki has
brought a ray
of hope in a seemingly gloomy scenario, one wonders why it has
taken so long
for SADC to appoint such a mediator. Things have now gone from
bad to worse
in Zimbabwe and because Mugabe is not pressurised by all SADC
states, he has
become the monarch of all he surveys. The so called
government of national
unity is in fact in the palm of his hand. He is
singing a political solo,
but with a discord because he is singing his own
tune.
Why should SADC sit back and allow Mugabe to allocate himself key
ministerial positions in a government of National Unity? Who drew up the
agreement? If it was Mugabe himself, that was the referee/player
arrangement. The referee cannot be the player at the same time, and that is
exactly what is happening in Zimbabwe. It is therefore incumbent upon SADC
to regularise this position.
The people of Zimbabwe are starving to
death, they need food. They are
dehumanised. Crying daily at the borders of
the neighbouring countries. They
have lost morals because a hungry person
has no morals. Crime is rampant in
Botswana because of the political crisis
in Zimbabwe. SADC cannot sit back
in the face of all these miseries. "Put
friendships aside comrades and face
realities to save the people of
Zimbabwe". Zimbabwe is supposed to be a
democratic country. In a democratic
country, the will of the people is
supreme, the leader respects the will of
the people.
We can draw wisdom from the words of wisdom by Sir Seretse
Khama, first
president of the Republic of Botswana when he was honoured by
the Government
of Botswana on September 17th, 1976.
"History has
shown that a leadership which divorces itself from the people
is a
leadership devoid of wisdom. Dictatorships and tyrannical systems of
government are hatched and nurtured in the minds of men who appoint
themselves philosopher kings and possessors of absolute truth"
.
These words of wisdom were said long before Zimbabwe attained
independence
but you can see that they suit the current political situation
in Zimbabwe.
SADC has a big task on their table. Unless and until they
speak with one
voice the crisis in Zimbabwe cannot be resolved.
The
Zimbabwean leader, Robert Mugabe, is undoubtedly one of the most
educated
leaders in our region. Education can get one to the top but in
politics it
takes character, discipline, respect for the rule of law and the
national
interest to keep one there. I believe that a leader cannot be made.
A leader
is born.
May SADC, through the help of God, bring peace and stability to
Zimbabwe so
that we can also have a rest in Botswana and the entire SADC
region.
BMS Letsididi
SEROWE