By Peta Thornycroft in
Harare
(Filed: 31/10/2005)
Wild animals in Zimbabwe are suffering and dying as the sun beats down during the year's hottest season.
Like so many humans, they are victims of President Robert Mugabe.
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In Africa's most densely populated game park water from underground bores is now available only intermittently because there is no money to fix engines pumping it to the surface.
Plains animals, in particular buffalo, are dying of thirst in Hwange National Park, 8,000 square miles of protected wilderness including the eastern edge of the Kalahari desert.
According to Johnny Rodrigues, the chairman of the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force, as many as half the animals, except elephants, are at risk because the government has failed to finance the repair of borehole pumps.
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For the first time since the park was established in dry Matabeleland 76 years ago the pumps were not serviced in April or May, when last summer's below-average rains ended.
"This is mismanagement, nothing more. It's not a natural disaster," Mr Rodrigues said after a heartbreaking trip last week delivering fuel donated by well-wishers to keep a few pumps working. Although the country's economic collapse ensures there is no foreign currency for imports such as fuel, Mr Mugabe does have cash to spend on luxury vehicles.
Parked outside the headquarters of the Parks and Wildlife Management Authority in Harare are 10 new 4x4's for executives, costing far more than repairs and service for the engines that pump water to the pans.
"Most of the water in the pans is on the surface and too shallow for animals to drink," Mr Rodrigues said. "It is terrible to see them fighting each other for water and extraordinary to see multiple species gathering to drink.
"We know that 33 buffalos died near one water hole last week from dehydration."
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Barry Wolhuter, who runs a safari camp in Hwange, said he had seen "nothing to compare" with conditions in the park in the past 20 years.
"It is grim," he said. "We try not to tell the few tourists who come here how bad it is as we don't want to upset them."
Margie Pearce, the chairman of the Matabeleland branch of Wildlife and Environment Zimbabwe, WEZ, a long-standing voluntary organisation, said the situation in Hwange was "worrying."
"The pumps should be uplifted each dry season and that hasn't happened," she said. "There was little rain in Hwange last year; it was as dry as in 1998. But then the pumps were working."
Mrs Pearce said that if no repairs were carried out then private companies, safari operators and big game hunters would try to keep some water flowing, especially around their areas at the southern end of the park.
Mr Rodrigues warned that animal carcasses had started showing up near dry water pans in the last week or so.
One factor aggravating the water shortage is the size of the park's elephant population, now about 30,000 when conservationists estimate that it should be no more than 12,000. Culls were abandoned several years ago following pressure from abroad, leading to huge degradation of the park's forests and thorn bushes.
The vast wilderness was always too dry for agriculture and far-sighted early settlers had it set aside as one of Africa's first great conservation areas. Boreholes were sunk that fed new water pans, attracting hordes of animals and then tourists.
Today the park has deteriorated and tourists are missing, except at private safari camps adjoining the park for hunters.
According to Mrs Pearce, most wild animals outside protected areas have been eaten by hungry Zimbabweans over the past six years. The economy has shrunk every year since Mr Mugabe began evicting white farmers in 2000. Their export crops previously provided as much as 40 per cent of foreign currency earnings.
The environment minister, Frances Nhema, declined last week to answer questions about the national park.
Business Day
Dianna
Games
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
SOUTH
African Reserve Bank governor Tito Mboweni would not want to swap jobs
with
his struggling counterpart across the border for all the money in.
well,
Zimbabwe anyway.
Gideon Gono, Zimbabwe's central bank boss, is on a weird
roller coaster
ride, which, if he survives it, is not likely to be over
until at least
2008 - the earliest anyone can expect President Robert Mugabe
to step down.
As point man on the economy, who has to keep the wheels
turning so the
ruling party can keep the wolf from its door, Gono must
sometimes wonder
whether he will be able to restore his integrity when it is
all over.
Desperate times call for desperate measures, and he has a
considerable bag
of tricks - which is commonly known as a monetary policy
statement.
Business awaits Gono's policy statements with bated breath.
Companies now
know that such pronouncements, usually coming with little
warning and having
immediate effect, usually herald turbulent waters of the
kind that can make
or break a company.
And so it was with the latest
one just over a week ago in which he announced
a brand new foreign-exchange
regime. This effectively opened up the ailing
currency, tightly controlled
by the government for many years, to market
forces. Within hours, the
currency started heading from Z$26000 to $1
towards the Z$90000:$1 that the
black market had been offering lately.
Many people thought Gono's
previous policy statement, issued in July, was a
bold move. In it, he
devalued the currency from about Z$6000 to the dollar
to Z$17500 for a range
of transactions. Within weeks it had sunk to Z$26000,
where it remained
until the recent liberalisation.
And even with this new wind of change
blowing through the currency market,
the story is that the Reserve Bank,
alarmed by the speed of devaluation into
the Z$90000 zone, has instructed
banks to maintain the currency at around
Z$60000 to the dollar.
It
will obviously take a while for government officials to get the hang of
this
liberalisation thing. After all, it was not that long ago that the
president
considered any suggestion of devaluing the currency a treasonable
offence.
The rumour mill has attributed the change of heart to
interventions by
Mboweni and Finance Minister Trevor Manuel, which, relative
to some loan
conditions the SA government allegedly put on the table, seemed
quite
palatable to Mugabe.
The liberalisation is a desperate move to
bring hard currency into the
formal economy from the more lucrative informal
trading market. There are
those who will gain, such as exporters who are now
allowed to keep 70% of
their foreign exchange earnings in hard currency for
30 days, up from 50%.
But the effect on inflation is likely to be
dramatic.
Gono's statement acknowledged this. He climbed down from his
official
prediction of year-end inflation of 80% and single digits by 2007,
conceding
that it was more likely to be around 300% by December. Given that
it doubled
from 164% in June to 360% in September, and that the year end is
almost upon
us, he doesn't have a choice but to concede the
point.
While Gono battles it out, trying to juggle reality and Zanu (PF)
fiction
for his countrymen's consumption, the president has other fish to
fry. And
no, those fish are not the country's fuel shortage, the fact that
millions
face starvation, the plight of the hundreds of thousands he has
made
homeless, massive unemployment and a sinking economy.
The far
more pressing issue for Mugabe is the elections for his new
66-member senate
- for which he forced the hapless finance ministry to find
funding in the
midst of the economic misery.
Preparations for November's elections are
in full swing. The central bank is
busy printing money for campaigning and
electoral officials are tinkering
with the constituencies to ensure they
reflect a positive Zanu (PF) result.
Of course, a lot of money could be
saved if the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change followed its leader
Morgan Tsvangirai in boycotting the
election.
With three years (at
least) to go before there is any prospect of a change
of leadership, Mugabe,
faced with the possibility that the fallout of the
crumbling economy might
somehow topple him from power, needs another bulwark
against dissenters in
his midst. The senate is his vehicle of choice and he
even gets to appoint
15 of its members, including 10 chiefs.
As in Malawi, where politicians
have been focused on opposition attempts to
impeach the president rather
than on how to feed an estimated five million
Malawians facing starvation,
it is a case of fiddling while
Rome/Lilongwe/Harare burns.
Games
is director of Africa @ Work, a publishing and research company
New Zimbabwe
By
Staff Reporter
Last updated: 10/31/2005 10:43:13
OVER $10 billion worth of
carpentry equipment and empty plastic crates went
up in smoke Sunday at
Delta Beverages manufacturing plant in Southerton,
Harare, under unclear
circumstances.
Although Delta's corporate affairs executive George
Mutendadzamera said the
cause of the fire was yet to be established, sources
at the plant claimed
the inferno could have been a result of carelessness by
those manning and
using the premises.
An employee, who refused to be
named for fear of breaking protocol, said an
unattended fire could have
caused the inferno.
"We suspect that somebody cooking in the yard left a
fire unattended and
that could have been the cause of the fire," the
employee said.
Other members of staff suspected that a burning cigarette
could also have
been the cause of the blaze.
Mutendadzemera said at
least 200 000 empty crates, including new arrivals,
were destroyed in the
inferno.
"We don't know the cause of the fire yet. A security guard saw
flames and
alerted the fire brigade whose reaction was wonderful. We do not
know how
many crates have been affected, but they could be in the region of
200 000
or so. We will carry out thorough investigations to ascertain the
cause," he
said.
Mutendadzemera said there were no fatalities or
injuries and that the only
hitch faced by the fire brigade was the shortage
of ash to extinguish the
fire.
Some of the company's employees were
busy removing cases not affected by the
fire on Sunday afternoon
.
Meanwhile beer prices went up 27 percent last week. Beer is now selling
for
between $5 000 and $15 000.
A pint of the green (Bohlingers,
Zambezi etc) or brown bottle (Lion, Castle,
Black Label etc) is now selling
at an average wholesale price of $25 000 in
leading supermarkets, up from
$20 000. The price is exclusive of a $4 000
deposit.
At a number of
outlets in Harare, patrons were paying between $27 000 and
$34 000 for a
pint, and between $55 000 and $60 000 for a quart, up from $45
000.
At leading hotels across the country, the price of a pint
averaged $100
000 -- Daily Mirror
A very lively Vigil this week
right from the start, with a sizeable crowd from Leicester swelling our ranks.
For the last few weeks the Vigil seems to have been getting bigger and bigger.
We were treated to the usual colourful spectacle that is London's West End: a
silver statue walking past, the unicyclist on his way to Covent Garden and a
drinking party dressed as angels and demons (some of the angels joined in as we
danced around the circle, but for some reason the demons didn't want to join
in). We were privileged to see a rare piece of London tradition as a Pearly King
and Queen walked past, stepping in time to the drums of Africa. For those who
don't know, the Pearly King and Queens are an old working class tradition from
the traditional Cockney culture, now a rare breed in London. They wear
traditional suits covered in patterns of mother-of-pearl buttons.
We had a
new song this week, which was taught to us by a supporter from Leicester who
learnt it from a video of a rally in Zimbabwe. It starts with "Peep peep peep"
and is about someone sounding their horn outside Tsvangirai's gate because they
want to talk to him. It has a very lively beat and gets us dancing!
The
Vigil's influence is expanding to China. Since our demonstration outside the
Chinese Embassy against Mugabe's begging visit to Beijing, we have had a warm
relationship with the Falun Gong who maintain a daily protest outside the
Chinese Embassy against human rights abuses in China. They have now expanded
their activities into our area and today they mounted a very graphic
demonstration just around the corner from us fronting Trafalgar Square,
depicting the brutal torture inflicted on opponents by the Chinese regime. So we
are becoming quite a protest area running from Zimbabwe House to South Africa
House on Trafalgar Square.
We were pleased to have Pastor Peter from
Bulawayo with us, who is on a trip to Europe and America to seek help for our
people. He paid tribute to the work the vigil was doing. We were touched that
one of supporters, Tapiwa Elisha, gave the Vigil £20 to feed other Vigil
supporters, many of whom are very short of money.
Julius Mutyambizi-Dewa was
happy to have received a letter from the Prime Minister's Office in response to
our petition calling on the British Government to bring the Zimbabwe issue to
the UN Security Council. Julius who presented the petition on behalf of the
Vigil was told that a full reply would be sent to him from the Foreign Office.
More than 50 people signed the register, including people from as far away
as Manchester, Stockton, Doncaster, Leeds, Newcastle, Leicester and Southampton.
We sold out of the Vigil t-shirts and are having to order Vigil sweatshirts for
the winter. The well-attended Vigil, when we linked hands at the end we made a
circle well beyond the four maple trees outside the Embassy - was the last of
British Summer Time. For some peculiar reason the English rush into winter and
next week we will end in the dark. Let's hope this is the only way that we turn
the clock back this year.
For your Diary: at the Forum on Monday, 31st
October, Tor Hugne Olsen of Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum will this week be
presenting the recently released Solidarity Peace Trust video "Crime of
Poverty".
Vigil co-ordinator
The Vigil, outside the Zimbabwe Embassy,
429 Strand, London, takes place every Saturday from 14.00 to 18.00 to protest
against gross violations of human rights by the current regime in Zimbabwe. The
Vigil which started in October 2002 will continue until
internationally-monitored, free and fair elections are held in Zimbabwe.
http://www.zimvigil.co.uk
New Zimbabwe
By Staff
Reporter
Last updated: 10/31/2005 11:13:01
MORGAN Tsvangirai threatened
the uneasy calm that appeared to return to the
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) when he claimed that
colleagues who have defied his
call for a senate boycott were working with
the ruling Zanu PF.
It
took extraordinary efforts to get the MDC leader to meet his senior
colleagues in talks aimed at healing a widening rift caused by Tsvangirai's
refusal to endorse a majority decision supporting participation in senate
elections later next month.
Senior officials, including Tsvangirai's
deputy Gibson Sibanda, secretary
general Welshman Ncube and party spokesman
Paul Themba Nyathi have openly
rebuked Tsvangirai for defying a decision of
the party's national council to
contest the senate elections.
Several
churchmen and a political analyst (Brian Raftopoulos) respected by
both
factions brought the warring parties together towards the end of last
week,
following which Tsvangirai and Sibanda addressed reporters. In a brief
statement, they said it had been agreed that both factions would stop making
"acrimonious comments".
But on Friday, Tsvangirai relaunched a series
of rallies intended to
persuade party members to follow his election boycott
call.
He addressed MDC supporters in Silobela, a town in Midlands North
province
where three candidates defied him by registering to contest the
November 26
elections in which 50 of 66 upper house seats will be
filled.
The Voice of America quoted him telling supporters that the
debate on the
senate was not the real issue in the intra-party dispute,
because a truly
united party would never have come to the brink of a schism
over the
question of whether to participate in the elections or boycott
them.
On Saturday, Tsvangirai returned to the capital, Harare, where he
launched a
severe attack on the pro-senate group, claiming they were working
with Zanu
PF in order to form a unity government.
Addressing
supporters in Kuwadzana, he said: "The issue that is there is not
about the
senate only. It is about whether you want to confront (President
Robert)
Mugabe or you want to compromise with Mugabe. Some of us are now
working
towards a unity accord. We are saying 'no' to unity accord number
two. With
us there is no unity accord. we will not do what (the late
vice-president
Joshua) Nkomo did."
Although no names were mentioned, it was clear who
was the target of
Tsvangirai's attack. The clues were written all over his
message as he
claimed his political opponents had "retreated to Bulawayo" --
reference to
Ncube, Nyathi and Sibanda's home city.
According to the
Daily Mirror, Tsvangirai told his supporters that they
(pro-senate MDC
leaders) could not hide in Bulawayo for long and that he
would soon be
visiting the region to entrench the "No to Senate message".
MDC spokesman
Paul Themba Nyathi immediately hit back at Tsvangirai -- all
but confirming
a solution to the crisis is further away.
"I am not aware of any member
of the MDC doing that (advocating a unity
government)," Nyathi
said.
"It's fiction. It is unfortunate that part of the disagreements
within the
party over the senate issue have seen some resorting to the
tendency of
demonising others. Insulting those that hold a different view
point is very
unMDC. We can debate this issue of the senate without casting
aspersions. If
you have strong points, you have to raise your flag and not
insult other
people."
Reports say several songs attacking the
pro-senate group were sung at the
Kuwadzana rally.
"Vamwe vedu voita
mutserendende parazor" (Some among us are sliding on razor
blades) and
"Mupanduki chera mwena (traitor dig a hole)", Tsvangirai's
supporters
sang.
Asked whether his party had any talks with MDC officials towards
the
establishment of a unity government, Zanu PF spokesman Nathan
Shamuyarira
said: "The MDC leader is always dreaming about things that are
not true."
Reports on Sunday had suggested that a compromise deal was in
the offing. A
South African newspaper on reported that one of the
compromises was that
Tsvangirai would dispense with his "kitchen cabinet" of
paid and volunteer
advisors "who have become more important to him than
elected officials."
"In return, those who believed and still do, that
adherence to the MDC
constitution is a bottom line may quietly try and
persuade candidates now
registered for next month's senate elections to
withdraw......an exception
might be made for the Matabeleland provinces,"
the Sunday Argus reported.
Zim Standard
By Valentine
Maponga
POOR salaries are driving officers from the security agencies to
break the
law in order to fend off poverty and hunger, it has
emerged.
In addition, a large number of police officers, who are supposed
to be law
enforcers, have been dismissed from the force for various offences
including
corruption and other unnamed misdemeanours.
The Consumer
Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ) recently said the basic expenditure
for an urban
family of six had shot up from about $6.9 million in September
to $9.9
million for the month of October.
The figures are beyond the reach of an
average soldier or police officer,
where junior officers earn around $4
million.
A spate of robberies by armed soldiers and Central Intelligence
Organisation
officers in recent weeks could be attributed to attempts to
make ends meet,
The Standard heard last week.
Early this month, two
soldiers, Stephen Mbengeni and Sibangilizwe Moyo,
based at 4.3 Infantry
Battalion in Masvingo went on an armed robbery spree,
targeting fuel
dealers.
The rogue soldiers were clad in their military fatigues when
they committed
the crimes. They robbed fuel worth $22 million, and cash from
parallel
market dealers.
In an almost similar incident last week,
three CIO operatives appeared
before a Murehwa Magistrate facing charges of
armed robbery.
The three are: Itayi Enock Chiutsi; Philip Chimwetsa; and
Persuade Jonasi.
The three moved around the area posing as bulk fuel
buyers.
They would pretend to buy fuel but then threatened their victims
using guns,
before stealing the fuel.
They stole 240 litres of diesel
and re-sold it on the more lucrative
parallel market.
Police last
week announced that 24 officers, including two senior officers,
had been
fired from the force for offences ranging from corruption,
breaching the
Police Act and other unnamed criminal activities.
While the majority of
the junior soldiers and security officers are
struggling to make ends meet,
their senior officials face no such problems.
Last year, the government
used billions of dollars in taxpayers' money to
import top-of-the-range
Toyota Prados for the top brass of the army and air
force.
Movement
for Democratic Change president, Morgan Tsvangirai has said the $60
billion
earmarked for the Senate should instead be channelled towards
increasing
salaries of the poorly paid civil servants.
University of Zimbabwe
lecturer and social analyst Eldred Masunungure said
incidents of crime by
security agents were a clear reflection of the
economic
crisis.
"Those events mirror exactly what is going on in the country.
Those soldiers
and police officers are experiencing the same problems that
we are facing on
a daily basis," Masunungure said.
He said the
incidents posed a serious threat to national security. "These
security
agencies are operating under stress and poses a threat to the
citizens'
security. Who will guard the guardian, when the people who are
supposed to
be protecting the citizens are the ones who are inflicting pain
on
them?"
Army spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Aggrey Wushe played down the
robberies
saying these were isolated cases of indiscipline within the
force.
"That is just an isolated case of indiscipline within the army and
you don't
have to attach any reason to it. When we are recruiting officers,
we
emphasise on looking back into the historical background of the
candidates,"
Wushe said.
He also dismissed reports that scores of
soldiers were arrested and detained
after demonstrating against miserable
salaries.
Zim Standard
By
our staff
CALLS by Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono for an end to land
invasions
appear to have gone unheeded as it emerged yesterday that
government has
given Bright Matonga, the Deputy Minister of Information and
Publicity, part
of orange-rich Chigwell Estate in Chegutu.
Before the
farm invasions, the estate employed more than 1 200 workers and
exported
oranges to the Middle East and Europe, raking in millions of
dollars every
year.
Matonga first invaded the farm accompanied by a number of Zanu PF
supporters
in May this year but backtracked.
The Standard established
yesterday that government issued an "offer letter"
to Matonga to acquire a
portion of the farm, just two weeks ago.
A copy of the letter, which is
in this paper's possession, from the Ministry
of State Security, Lands, Land
Reform and Resettlement, shows the deputy
minister was offered "subdivision
1 of Chigwell Estate in Chegutu".
"The Minister of Special Affairs in the
President's Office in Charge of
Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement has the
pleasure in informing you that
your application for land under Model A2
scheme has been successful," reads
part of the letter.
Didymus Mutasa
signed the letter, dated 7 October 2005, which allocated
793.75 ha, part of
the 4 000 ha Chigwell Estate to Matonga.
Contacted for comment, Matonga
switched off his mobile phone just after this
reporter had introduced
himself.
Tom Beattie, the owner of the farm told The Standard that on
Sunday last
week a group of people invaded his farm and told him to leave
because the
deputy minister had acquired it.
He said some of the
people stole more than 1 000 litres of diesel during the
chaos on the
farm.
"Police officers were around but did nothing to help us. We are all
having
problems around here," he said.
Gono recently said the recent
farms invasions would rob the country of the
much-needed foreign currency
and scare investors from committing their
resources to Zimbabwe.
In
his Monetary Policy statement, Gono labelled the recent farm invaders as
"criminal, economic saboteurs" and "unruly agents keen on reaping where they
did not sow".
The offer of Chigwell Farm to the deputy minister comes
as Vice President
Joseph Msika castigated the mayhem on farms saying
productive white
commercial farmers must not be kicked off the land as long
as they adhere to
government's policy of one farmer, one
farm.
Addressing delegates attending the 65th Zimbabwe Farmers Union
annual
congress in Bulawayo, the Vice President said he was worried by
recent
reports of war veterans in various parts of the country going round
farms
and threatening white farmers with eviction. He singled out Esigodini
about
40 km south of Bulawayo as a problem area.
"It's stupid to kick
them out. These people used us during colonial times
it's now time to use
them too. We must not frustrate whites out of farming
if they have one farm
of maximum size," he said adding black farmers had a
lot to learn from
working closely with experienced white farmers.
Msika's statement follows
a fresh spate of eviction threats to remaining
white farmers across the
country by war veterans in Matabeleland South have
been going around
commercial farms giving oral eviction orders since the
beginning of the
month. A group of 25 war veterans went to Angelisia Farm in
Matopos and
demanded to be shown around the property before ordering the
farm manager
Mani Delport and his family to pack and leave.
The farm employs 30
workers to look after a Jersey herd that produces about
1 500 litres of milk
a day and has Nguni beef cattle. The Commercial
Farmers' Union also reported
similar incidents in Bindura, Chipinge and
Nyazura.
The Vice
President's comments appear a rebuke of a declaration by Didymus
Mutasa, the
Minister of State Security, Lands, Land Reform and Resettlement,
who told a
meeting in Masvingo last month that the government was launching
"Faster
track", a programme to seize land from the remaining commercial
farmers.
Commercial Farmers Union president, Doug Taylor-Freeme said
his union is
concerned by the threats, which he said, were
widespread.
Taylor-Freeme said the CFU was "not entirely happy" with
police's reaction
to such reports. He said in some areas police refused to
act on the reports.
"Police officers were around but did nothing to help
us. We are all having
problems around here," he said.
Gono recently
said the recent farms invasions would rob the country of the
much-needed
foreign currency and scare investors from committing their
resources to
Zimbabwe.
In his monetary policy statement, Gono labelled the recent farm
invaders as
"criminal, economic saboteurs" and "unruly agents keen on
reaping where they
did not sow".
The offer of Chigwell Farm to the
deputy minister comes as Vice President
Joseph Msika castigated the mayhem
on farms saying productive white
commercial farmers must not be kicked off
the land as long as they adhere to
government's policy of one farmer, one
farm.
Addressing delegates attending the 65th Zimbabwe Farmers Union
annual
congress in Bulawayo, the Vice President said he was worried by
recent
reports of war veterans in various parts of the country going round
farms
and threatening white farmers with eviction. He singled out Esigodini
about
40 km south of Bulawayo as a problem area.
"It's stupid to kick
them out. These people used us during colonial times
it's now time to use
them too. We must not frustrate whites out of farming
if they have one farm
of maximum size," he said adding black farmers had a
lot to learn from
working closely with experienced white farmers.
Msika's statement follows
a fresh spate of eviction threats to remaining
white farmers across the
country by war veterans in Matabeleland South who
have been going around
commercial farms giving oral eviction orders since
the beginning of the
month. A group of 25 war veterans went to Angelisia
Farm in Matopos and
demanded to be shown around the property before ordering
the farm manager
Mani Delport and his family to pack and leave.
The farm employs 30
workers to look after a Jersey herd that produces about
1 500 litres of milk
a day and has Nguni beef cattle. The Commercial
Farmers' Union also reported
similar incidents in Bindura, Chipinge and
Nyazura.
The Vice
President's comments appear a rebuke of a declaration by Mutasa,
who told a
meeting in Masvingo last month that the government was launching
"Faster
track", a programme to seize land from the remaining commercial
farmers.
Zim Standard
By Caiphas
Chimhete
ONE of the country's largest referral health centres,
Parirenyatwa Group of
Hospitals, is turning away patients under the
department of social welfare
scheme because the department had not been
paying the health institution for
several months now, The Standard has
learnt.
Disgruntled patients and their relatives last week said that they
were
turned away from the hospital without any treatment even though they
had
authentic letters from the department of social welfare.
The patients
said hospital officials were demanding cash or cheques before
any form of
treatment. But the department of social welfare only offers
letters that
indicate that the patient cannot afford the fees.
"I was shocked when my
aunt was denied treatment at the hospital on
Wednesday. The officials said
the department was not paying them so they
cannot treat her," said Arnold
Dube, who had taken her relative to the
hospital.
Reports say that
department of social welfare is broke and is failing to pay
institutions
that offer services to its constituency. The department has
also stopped
paying schools fees for disadvantaged children and those
orphaned by HIV and
Aids because of lack of funds.
The Standard could not establish how much
the hospital is owned by the
department but reports say this could amount to
more than $25 billion.
The director of the department social welfare,
Sydney Mhishi, could not be
reached for comment.
An official with the
hospital confirmed on Friday saying: "I am not sure of
the exact day we
stopped accepting letters from the social welfare, but it's
sometime this
month. The problem is non-payment."
Parirenyatwa chief executive officer,
Thomas Zigora, on Friday refused to
comment on the matter.
"I talked
to another newspaper on Monday and the matter was settled. I don't
want to
resuscitate it," Zigora said.
However, on Thursday patients with letters
from the department of social
welfare were still being turned way from the
hospital.
The Deputy Minister of Health and Child Welfare, Dr Edwin
Muguti, said all
public hospitals are mandated to treat patients under the
department of
social welfare scheme.
"They are not supposed to do
that. As government health institutions they
are supposed to treat all
patients who come with letters from the department
of social welfare because
it would have been certified that they cannot
afford to pay for themselves,"
Muguti said.
Zim Standard
By our
staff
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai yesterday launched an
anti-Senate
campaign, urging supporters not to vote for party members who
defied him.
Addressing a rally in Kuwadzana suburb in Harare, the
MDC leader told
about 7 000 opposition supporters to boycott the Senate
elections, slated
for 26 November.
"We are saying no one should go
and vote for those people," said
Tsvangirai, who is embarking on
country-wide rallies to denounce MDC
candidates for the Senate.
Although Tsvangirai avoided singling out anyone, junior members of the
party
blasted Shakespeare Maya, who will contest in Chitungwiza, Frank
Chamunorwa
(Harare-Mabvuku-Tafara) and Alois Mudzingwa
(Harare-Mbare-Hatfield).
Chamunorwa and Mudzingwa left their
Mashonaland East province to
contest in Harare while Maya, the former NAGG
president was accused of
sowing division in the MDC.
At least
27 MDC members submitted nomination paper for the elections.
The party
submitted nominations in Mashonaland West (4), Masvingo (1),
Bulawayo (5)
Matabeleland South and North (10), Midlands (3) and Harare (3).
Tsvangirai said there was no wisdom in participating in the elections
since
the electoral playing field had not changed since Zanu PF "stole" the
March
parliamentary polls.
"Only six months ago, the elections were
stolen. We cannot go into the
Senate when nothing has changed," said
Tsvangirai.
The MDC leader said the party had embarked on a
restructuring exercise
to revamp the party to the 1999 level, when it was
launched, so that it can
push President Robert Mugabe out of
power.
"Mugabe haabve nevote. Haabve nekunyengerera anotoda kunzi
ibva!
Spirit yandinayo ndeya 1999 ndiyoyandave nayo, Ini ndichaenda pamberi
imimotevera. (We cannot remove Mugabe by vote; he needs to be told to get
out!"
MDC members who are pro-Senate elections were conspicuous
by their
absence from the rally, signalling that the divisions in the
opposition
party are far from over.
Meanwhile, aspiring
senators from the MDC have decided to source their
own funding for the
elections, as it is still unclear whether they will get
any assistance from
the party.
"We were hoping by now we would have been given money to
start our
campaigns, but still nothing has come out. As a result, we have to
source
our own funding as time is running out," said one aspirant who
refused to be
identified.
Zim Standard
By our
staff
CORRUPTION among members of the judiciary will be difficult to curb
if
government does not improve their conditions of service, a senior
magistrate
said on Friday.
In an address during the annual general
meeting of the Magistrates'
Association of Zimbabwe in Gweru, the
organisation's president, Enias
Magate, said there was discontent among
magistrates over poor conditions of
service and low salaries.
"There is
an outcry among magistrates about their low and very stagnant
salaries. May
the minister allow me to say to him that the faces sitting in
front of you
are hungry faces? The majority cannot afford three basic meals
a day. Most
are near destitute and are living below the poverty datum line.
The
situation is really bad.
"The only magistrates earning slightly above the
poverty datum line are the
regional magistrates. Even for them, that salary
is just too low and is at
the datum line of poverty. In short our salaries
are no longer sustainable,"
Magate said.
Magate said magistrates and
junior police officers "have to fight for seats
with members of the public
on commuter buses to get to and from work", and
failure to address their
plight would jeopardize the administration of
justice.
While
acknowledging the magistrates' predicament, justice minister Patrick
Chinamasa, who officially opened the AGM, said the magistrates have a duty
to live up to their sworn oath and should shun corruption.
"The
reports that have come to my office of unprofessional conduct by some
of you
and cases of corruption which have appeared in the Press and
implicating
some of your members are a cause for concern.
"It is your duty as an
association to correct each other and rid of the bad
apples amongst you so
that you all remain faithful to your noble calling.
You should not encourage
your members to be corrupt. It's better for one to
resign if you can't make
ends meet within the wages you receive as
magistrates. One cannot improve
life through corruption.
"In this regard it is sad to note that during
the past twelve months, twelve
magistrates were charged for misconduct.
Three were discharged from the
service. Those discharged were experienced
magistrates. I urge all the
experienced magistrates to lead the new brooms
by good example and not by
bad tendencies," Chinamasa said.
The
permanent secretary in the justice ministry, David Mangota reiterated
the
need to avoid corruption.
"I don't like to believe it is poor salaries
that cause corruption, but
greed. People who are poor usually accept their
lot and don't engage in
corruption," Mangota said.
Chinamasa said the
delay in moving members of the judiciary from the Public
Service Commission
to the Judicial Service Commission, which was mooted in
the mid-90s, was
because of the need to have an enabling constitution. He
said with the
passage of the 17th constitutional amendment into law, the
commission was
going to be established soon.
During discussions, some magistrates raised
concern over the
non-availability of judgments, which they said was making
it difficult for
them to pass verdicts in some difficult cases.
The
judgments made by judges, especially in landmark cases, and are compiled
into law reports, which members of the lower courts refer to when they make
their judgments. The magistrates pointed out that the last law reports were
made available in 2001.
Zim Standard
By
Caiphas Chimhete
A new sign written, "Home At Last" sticks out at Joshua
Mqabuko Nkomo
Housing Co-operative in Harare's Kambuzuma high-density
suburb.
It was erected a month ago after the government announced that it
had
officially sanctioned the reconstruction of houses at the ill-fated
co-operative.
The sign, artistically designed, gives a false sense of
belonging to scores
of families still living in the open at the demolished
co-operative site.
However after last week's light rains, it was clear
that "home was far from
home" for the families.
Women, with wailing
babies on their backs, scurried for shelter but the thin
plastic sheeting
over their shacks, could not provide enough cover for them
and their once
glossy furniture.
"For us, it's a big tragedy. We have lost everything we
worked for in the
past 20 years. First our houses were destroyed and now the
remaining
property has been reduced to nothing," lamented Enita Gumbo, who
looks after
three orphaned grandchildren.
Gumbo represents several
Zimbabwean families still living in the open after
government demolished
their homes in May in the internationally
condemned-operation. An estimated
700 000 people were rendered homeless,
according to the United
Nations.
In Harare, several families are still in the open at Whitecliff,
Mbare,
Hatcliffe and Tafara. Towns such as Chitungwiza, Mutare, Gweru and
Bulawayo
still have hundreds of families without roofs over their
heads.
This is despite government claims that, through "Operation
Garikai", a
"fast-track housing constructing programme", victims of
Murambatsvina would
have been housed by the end of the
year.
Initially, the government put the deadline at end of August but has
constantly changed it after realising that the exercise needed massive
resources.
People allocated stands at Whitecliff under the "Garikai"
project, will now
have to wait for at "least two years" to get the shelter,
the government has
said.
All this time, the displaced people will be
living in the open, exposing
them to diseases and harsh weather
conditions.
Mosquitoes, which thrive well during the rainy season, are
one of the
biggest threats to victims, who live in shacks that do not give
them enough
protection from the vectors.
"We fear for our lives,
especially with the rains. This is the time when
diseases break out," said
one Murehwa, who resides at Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo.
Murehwa has built a
one-metre high shack from farm bricks without any
mortar. Mosquitoes and
other small but poisonous creatures such as
scorpions, seeking cover can
easily creep into the shacks when it rains.
"Living here is as dangerous
as living in a forest but we have no choice,"
he said.
Community
Working Group on Health (CWGH) director Itai Rusike urged
government to
allow non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to assist victims
of "Operation
Murambatsvina".
The government forbids NGOs from distributing even relief
aid to about 2.5
million Zimbabweans who desperately need food
aid.
"The government should make sure these people are taken care of. The
problem
is it (government) has not allowed NGOs to help these people. They
urgently
need tents and clean water supply," Rusike said.
He warned
of a possible outbreak of water-borne diseases such as typhoid,
cholera and
dysentery as well as malaria with the onset of the rains.
The majority of
Murambatsvina victims can no longer afford health fees after
the demolition
of their homes.
The poorly staffed mobile clinics, which used to provide
health services to
the affected people, have since stopped offering the
service.
"This is the reason why, all along we have been saying, this
clean-up
operation was not carefully planned because people are now
suffering. They
are now more exposed, more vulnerable to more serious health
threats than
before," said Rusike.
Zim Standard
By Godfrey
Mutimba
MASVINGO - Beneficiaries of houses under the first phase of
"Operation
Garikai" in Masvingo are set to lose their newly acquired
properties after
provincial governor, Willard Chiwewe, ordered the housing
list to be
cancelled amid revelations that it was "cooked up".
The
list of a hundred people, mostly senior civil servants and members of
the
uniformed forces, had already paid $500 000 for the houses and been
issued
with stand numbers.
Speaking during a recent tour of flea market stalls,
which was attended by
Policy and Implementation Minister, Webster Shamu, at
Nyika growth point,
Chiwewe lashed out at the committee accusing it of
composing the list
without consulting his office.
"That list should
be withdrawn as a matter of urgency because it has a lot
of shortcomings and
as the governor, I am the head of 'Operation Garikai' so
that list should
have come through my office for verification," Chiwewe
said.
Justifying his action, Chiwewe said it had come to his
attention that some
beneficiaries were already property owners and were not
supposed to benefit
from operation.
"People are complaining about
your list. They are saying it was not
transparent as the real beneficiaries
were left out. Here we did not have
any person who was affected by
Murambatsvina so the houses were supposed to
benefit low-income people,'' he
said.
Government officials in Masvingo accused the "Operation Garikai"
committee
led by Colonel Phillip Toperesu of corruptly compiling the
list.
The officials claim the list published in The Herald last month
only
benefited senior police officers, soldiers and civil servants -most of
them
already house owners.
Chiwewe ordered the committee to come up
with a new transparent list that
will benefit the intended
people.
Meanwhile Shamu was unable to launch the second phase last week
after
discovering that work at various sites had been halted due to lack of
building materials and funds.
Masvingo failed to beat the 31 August
deadline after construction was
severely affected by a massive shortage of
funds.
Shamu said it was not logical for him to launch the second phase
when
construction of the initial phase had not been completed.
Zim Standard
By
Nqobani Ndlovu
BULAWAYO - As Zanu PF intensifies its campaign for next
month's Senatorial
election, former PF ZAPU strongman Dumiso Dabengwa
recently donated $15
million to a traders' association in Nkulumane in what
has been widely
viewed in Bulawayo as vote-buying.
Dabengwa, a former
Cabinet minister and ex-ZIPRA military supremo, will
stand in Nkulumane
constituency as the ruling party's candidate in a poll
that is likely to be
crippled by apathy due to a revolt the opposition
Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC).
Last Sunday, a day before the Senate Nomination Court sat in
Bulawayo,
Dabengwa donated $15 million to the Nkulumane Traders'
Association, raising
suspicions that his move was vote-buying.
He
will stand against the Rita Ndlovu of the MDC on 26 November.
Speaking to
The Standard, Dabengwa dismissed allegations that he was on a
vote-buying
campaign, saying it was an honest donation with no strings
attached.
Although admitting that his rivals could view the timing of
the donation as
an election gimmick, Dabengwa said: "It was just by
coincidence that I
donated at a time when the Nomination Court was to sit,
but it is far from
vote-buying. It was an honest donation. Even if I lose in
the election, I
will continue donating to the association.
"In fact,
I had been invited to the anniversary celebrations and I later
learnt that
the organisers had bought some meat. I asked the chairman why
they did not
approach me as I am a farmer and it was then that we discussed
and I ended
up donating.
"I believe that it is the most successful association in the
city."
Dabengwa said the amount was equivalent to the beast that they
bought.
Dabengwa added: "It has been a long time since I donated to the
project and
I promised that I will continue doing so whether I get elected
or not."
The Nkulumane Traders' Association was established in 1993 and
has 250
members. They operate a flea market in the same
suburb.
President Robert Mugabe recently kept graduands and guests at the
National
University of Science and Technology waiting for more than three
hours when
he decided to go on a campaign trail in the city's Nkulumane
suburb where he
addressed ruling party supporters and donated computers to
10 schools.
The ruling party is now well known for making donations in
the run up to any
election. Before the March parliamentary polls, Zanu PF
leaders,
particularly President Robert Mugabe, went on a computer donation
spree.
Some of the donated computers ended up at schools without
electricity or
qualified staff to teach computer lessons.
Critics
dismissed the donations saying their timing suggested ulterior
motives.
Zim Standard
By Foster
Dongozi
TWO senior Zanu PF stalwarts, Minister of Home Affairs, Kembo
Mohadi and his
youth development counterpart, Brigadier Ambrose Mutinhiri,
could be the
latest couples employed by the State after their wives win
seats in
forthcoming Senate elections slated 26 November.
Tracy
Mutinhiri was unopposed when she filed nomination papers for the
Marondera -
Seke Senate constituency last week.
Tambudzani Mohadi is also expected to
stroll into the senate as Beitbridge
has always voted for Zanu
PF.
Cynics, however, say elections in Beitbridge have persistently been
rigged
in favour of the ruling party to give the impression that it is a
Zanu PF
stronghold.
The Mohadi and Mutinhiri couples will not be the
only families who will be
living off the tax-payer's sweat.
Former
minister, Florence Chitauro the wife of former Permanent Secretary,
James
Chitauro, returns for a second bite of the cherry after she was
nominated
for the Chikomba - Hwedza Senate constituency.
Tsitsi Muzenda, the
daughter of the late vice president Simon Muzenda could
also be joining in
the gravy train after she was unopposed for the
Gweru-Shurugwi constituency
in the Midlands.
Her father used the Midlands as his political base
before seeing his last
days in his home province of
Masvingo.
Speculation is rife that Senators will be driving all terrain
Mercedes Benz
vehicles and earning higher salaries than Members of
Parliament.
Justice Minister, Patrick Chinamasa said the rumours were
untrue.
"That is not true; actually thank you for asking that question.
We had not
thought about the issue of perks. I think we will have to check
on what the
conditions were for the Senators before the old Senate was
abolished. But
why don't you write about the divisions in the MDC?" asked
Chinamasa.
Ironically, Chinamasa was the guest of honour at Dinyane
School meeting
which allegedly master-minded the ill-fated Tsholotsho
Declaration which
resulted in six Zanu PF provincial chairmen incurring the
wrath of the
party's top leadership last year.
While some families
will be feeding off tax-payers' money in the Senate,
President Robert
Mugabe's family will remain the biggest beneficiaries in
Parliament.
When addressing Parliament in his capacity as the Head of
State, the
President is joined by his sister, Sabina Mugabe, the MP for
Zvimba South.
In a brazen show of power, Sabina is in turn joined by her
two sons, Leo
Mugabe and Patrick Zhuwao in Parliament.
Leo, who is
the chairman of the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on
Transport and
Communications, is the MP for Makonde while younger brother,
the dreadlocked
Zhuwao is the MP for Manyame, which he pronounces Mhanyame.
His uncle,
President Mugabe, also appointed him the Deputy Minister of
Science and
Technology Development after the 31 March Parliamentary
elections.
Zim Standard
PRESIDENT
Robert Mugabe could surprise even the most trenchant of his
critics. With at
least 35 out of 66 seats in the Senate already in the bag,
he can afford to
invite international observers to the 26 November
elections.
Given
such a comfortable cushion, Mugabe can even afford to appoint those
from the
opposition known to support participation in the polls as
representatives of
special interest groups, if only to pull the rug from
under Morgan
Tsvangirai's feet and compound the crisis in the opposition
leader's
party.
During the 31 March Parliamentary elections, foreign observers began
arriving two weeks before commencement of the polls. There is still
sufficient time to invite election observers.
These will be the first
elections since independence that both the ruling
party and the government
will be most comfortable with because the issue at
hand is not whether they
will win, but by what margin their victory will be
in order to guarantee
them control of the Senate.
Zanu PF and the government can afford such a
show of magnanimity because the
threat and likelihood of an electoral
embarrassment and the uncertainty of
the poll outcome have been well
anticipated and removed.
In fact, the advantage that Zanu PF could enjoy
could be as high as 40.
There are at least four additional Senate
constituencies that it could win
easily in Masvingo province. Nineteen of
Zanu PF Senate hopefuls were
unopposed at close of nomination on Monday last
week, while Mugabe appoints
16 other senators.
But the voter turn out
could be the lowest in history, largely because there
is really no contest.
There will be less coercion to drive people to the
polling stations, while
"Operation Murambatsvina/Drive out filth" has
displaced and traumatised
people so much so that many will feel its is safer
to stay out of the whole
process altogether.
People were not just cowed and traumatised by
"Operation Murambatsvina".
They were also displaced and will not be able to
vote in areas they resided
before the "clean-up". The fear of another purge
is still present. But the
danger is that the government could become
convinced that the strategy
worked and could therefore be incorporated in
future electoral campaigns ,
resulting in cycles of internal displacements
until there is total surrender
to the dictates of the ruling
party.
The strategy is to persuade and mobilise Zimbabweans to vote for
the
government regardless of what the real pressing issues requiring urgent
attention are. This is despite the fact that there has been a strategy
during the past three elections, which seeks to manipulate public opinion by
shifting blame for the misfortunes of this country on the opposition, even
though the government and the ruling party are the architects.
Voter
turnout has progressively declined, despite considerable campaigning,
especially by the ruling party. There is absence of comparable campaign
activity and the enthusiasm will be subdued because apart from putting
people in the Senate the real benefits for the majority of the people remain
largely a mirage.
The level of poll violence has been related to the
ruling party's
uncertainty about its prospects of a victory. The stakes are
not so high,
therefore, there will be no need to activate the Zanu PF
militias so that
they can seal off and create "no-go" zones in certain areas
of the country
until the elections are over.
The lesser the prospects
of its victory, the greater has been the levels of
violence. That will not
be the case this time. Instead, the anxiety will be
over creation of
conditions that will lead foreign observers to conclude,
without any
qualification, that the contest, although largely boycotted by
the
opposition, was "free and fair". That is what the government is seeking
in
order to garner legitimacy for the whole process.
Consequently, there is
likely to be less propaganda, with for the first time
the State-run media
affording pretence of impartiality because of the
absence of a real threat
to the status quo.
In the absence of substantive campaign issues,
"Operation Garikai/Hlalani
Kuhle" will be used to portray the government as
caring and pro-people and
therefore deserving of support during the Senate
elections.
The recent developments, especially in the opposition MDC,
could present
Mugabe with an opportunity to do the unpredictable.
Zim Standard
THE Zimbabwean public have been bombarded with economic terms
that are not
only difficult to understand, but difficult to pronounce for
many. In the
end most people are confused.
I would like to attempt a
clarification of the issue of inflation. By and
large, inflation is fuelled
by money spent unproductively or just simply on
consumption only. This is
money that is not exposed to growth, but is
allowed to waste away. That is
the main cause of inflation.
This fundamental phenomenon has been camouflaged
by emphasis on such things
as black (real) market activities, speculation
(every business is a
speculative activity) and lack of fiscal discipline
(uncontrolled spending)
by people who have jobs to protect.
We find
that the very people who claim to be striving to arrest inflation,
our
monetary authorities, are the ones who are fuelling it big time. The
proof
is there for all to see - how many schemes such as the parastatals and
local
government schemes are productive or have gone wrong? What is the
production
level on farms, on average - (1.5 tonnes a hectare against a
minimum of 8
tonnes worldwide)?
How many companies actually employed more or exported
more due to increased
(productive sector enhancement) funding? Which
direction is our Gross
Domestic Product going - negative or positive -
despite increased cheap
funding?
How many companies failed to pay
back the loans due to reduced capacity
utilisation or just outright lack of
productivity? Why?
I believe that our monetary authorities need to be
more serious and avoid
constantly searching for scapegoats. "They blame
everyone else except
themselves", to quote our Governor of the Reserve
Bank.
Zimbabweans have been riding on a wagon of false hope for too long.
It is
time to be realistic and responsible for our actions. It does not help
anyone to pretend that our problems will be over with just a little
sacrifice. Sacrificing what? Only very few people driving posh cars and
building mansions have something to sacrifice, the rest like me are left
with the little flesh that is holding the soul together.
The little
that is left after Zimbabwe Revenue Authority and Zesa, now with
a permanent
formula to avoid applying for monthly increases and local
government - also
working towards a formula and bus fares, leaving me with
nothing for food -
so that even the soul is also now under threat.
No, we do not need a new
paradigm shift. We need a new people shift first
and the sooner the
better.
Austine Muroyiwa
Masvingo
Zim Standard
THE disgraceful decision by a small majority of the
MDC's national executive
council to participate in the forthcoming Senate
elections demonstrates
clearly the paramount need for a new "people-driven"
constitution.
An essential pre-requisite to the resolution of Zimbabwe's
ongoing
catastrophic political, economic and social decline is the removal
from
power of the regime that is directly and deliberately responsible for
our
current situation. However, it is also essential that whoever replaces
this
disastrous regime does not become like them.
My own support for the
MDC has been based largely on what I perceived to be
the calibre of many of
its leading members. However, if the MDC leadership
is now dominated by
those whose main concern is access to the political
gravy train then I, for
one, will no longer support them as a solution to
Zimbabwe's political and
economic crisis. The political mercenary Sekesai
Makwavarara may no longer
be an MDC member but there are clearly too many
others like her still within
its ranks.
It is common knowledge that this re-creation of a Senate is
nothing more
than the addition of a couple of extra carriages to the Zanu PF
controlled
gravy train. For what possible reason can any self-respecting, as
opposed to
self-serving, member of the MDC seek to become a senator? Do they
believe,
or want us to believe, that their receiving a few crumbs as third
class
passengers on the Zanu PF gravy train, with absolutely no power to
influence
its direction, will in any way assist the struggling masses of
Zimbabwe?
To those opportunists in the MDC who might be tempted by the
pay and perks
of being a Senator, let them remember that every dollar spent
on the Senate
is a dollar less for such essentials as education, housing and
health care;
not to mention the food, fuel, power and water supply, service
provision,
etc. that most Zimbabweans lack. For any member of the MDC to
seek a Senate
seat would be nothing more than a self-serving betrayal of the
people.
Let them also remember that parliament under Zanu PF hegemony is
no more
than a facade and a charade. It serves no purpose other than to
mindlessly
obey the dictates of the executive and to provide a superficial
and false
veneer of democratic respectability to a dictatorial
system.
The MDC, in fact, should not only not have anything to do with
the Senate,
it should also have nothing to do with the charade that is
"parliamentary
politics" in Zimbabwe.
Perhaps there is a case for a
"third force" after all. Not one which has
anything to do with such
discredited politicians as Jonathan Moyo, but one
which recognises the
political necessity of challenging the regime in a
manner that can be
effective - and that is most certainly not in a Zanu
PF-controlled
parliament, however constituted.
The people of Zimbabwe should rally
behind the drive for a new
constitution - a new constitution that can save
us from the likes of
Makwavarara, not just from the evils of a Zanu PF
dictatorship. The key to
avoiding becoming like Zanu PF is a total
commitment to a new people-driven
and people-friendly constitution. By
"people-friendly" I mean a constitution
that puts the people's interests
before those of the rulers.
The battle for Zimbabwe will be won by
peaceful resistance outside of the
charade that is parliamentary politics in
Zimbabwe under Zanu PF. If that
means by-passing the increasingly
ineffectual and irrelevant MDC, so be it.
I have been informed that the
current battle within the MDC is "a battle for
the soul" of the party. I
presume that there is no one who believes that the
soul of the party can
reside in the Senate, or in any decision that does not
put the people's
interests first. Participating in parliamentary politics
has itself
diminished the "soul" of the MDC, and if its soul is to be
restored it will
be through effective campaigns of peaceful protest, not
through meaningless
participation in the discredited chambers of Parliament.
The suffering
masses of Zimbabwe have not been best served in recent times
by a dithering
and indecisive opposition that does little more than play at
parliamentary
politics and urge the people to mobilise themselves.
If Morgan Tsvangirai
is at last prepared to offer the leadership (not
dictatorship) that is
needed, as his recent statements seem to indicate,
then maybe some good will
come out of this seeming shambles.
R E S Cook
Harare
Zim Standard
THE Zanu PF
government never ceases to amaze me. Media reports and
utterances by
government officials indicate that the government intends to
establish more
universities probably as many as there are mosquitoes.
There are plans
that each region will have a university. Proposed
universities are Lupane;
Tsholotsho; Matabeleland South; a university in
Bulawayo; another one in
Marondera; and in Chitungwiza.
My opinion, which I know many educationists
will agree with is that this
development, will only serve to destroy further
the deteriorating education
standards. It is a total antithesis to
meaningful educational and economic
development for a number of
reasons.
It's a stubborn fact that infrastructural developments and staff
complement
in current universities is not the least impressive. We have the
case of
National University of Science and Technology, buildings in this
supposedly
state- of-the-art university are in a dire state and most of them
have
remained uncompleted for over a decade. Plant and machinery are lying
idle,
accruing costs which the taxpayer will be expected to make good. The
completion of these buildings namely the library, residence halls and
lecture rooms is in limbo.
The Midlands State University is another
case in point. To date not a single
building has been built ever since its
transformation from the teachers'
college into a university. The same
situation prevails at Bindura, Masvingo
and Chinhoyi
universities.
Those of us in this southern part of Zimbabwe know that
Lupane University
like the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project, will remain a
pipe dream only
to be resurrected each time there is another crucial
election in the offing.
Over the years we have witnessed a painful
deterioration in the education
system, which was once the envy of many
countries but is now the laughing
stock of the region. Crucial examinations
were localized without adequate
resources and preparation. The minister is
running the ministry as badly as
ever with precious time wasted on trivial
pursuits and fighting petty wars
with schools.
Corruption is rife at
ZIMSEC with officers doctoring results for their
girlfriends and relatives.
We need a clean up of the system before
commitment is put on projects the
government cannot handle.
The introduction of more universities will be a
death knell for the
education system. Close monitoring of standards and
quality of education in
individual universities will be difficult. For a
country like Zimbabwe the
current number of universities is more than
enough. If the government fails
to comprehend this and makes another
scandalous decision as it has done in
the past, we will have degree-milling
institutions hardly recognized
anywhere in the world and producing half
baked graduates.
The main thing here is that a responsible government
would, in the interest
of improving manpower development and higher
education in Zimbabwe, improve
the infrastructure, educational resources and
staff complement in current
universities. A trivial issue is that an
irresponsible government would make
populist decisions to portray an image
that there is some development taking
place.
Zimbabwe and its people
deserve better.
Asher Tarivona-Mutsengi
Solusi
University
Figtree
Zim Standard
marketmovers
with Kumbirai Mafunda
THE parallel market looked destined for
extermination last week as the
battered Zimbabwe dollar significantly
depreciated against major trading
currencies on the recently introduced
interbank market.
In less than a week of flirting with the interbank
market in which the
forces of supply and demand determine prices, it was
envisaged that the
parallel market, which has been prevalent for the past
six years, would be
wiped out.
Most traders were beginning to adopt the
new exchange system, which dealers
said was more flexible and less risky.
Under the new interbank system called
the Tradable Foreign Currency Balance
System, which was introduced by the
central bank on 20 October 2005
exporters are required to sell 70% of their
receipts at "market determined
rates" and 30% to the RBZ-controlled auction
while holders of free funds can
liquidate their funds at the prevailing bank
rate. Prior to the introduction
of the interbank market, the central bank
was powerless to stop the growing
disparity between the official and black
market rate.
With only a day
after inception last Friday, most commercial banks quoted
rates as high as
$97 000 to the United States dollar. As rates fluctuated
the interbank rate
was priced between $85 000 and $110 000 to the American
greenback.
"It is most likely that the parallel market, which has
been prevalent for
the past years will be eliminated as most traders will
adopt this new
system," said a leading treasury manager in
Harare.
However, critics allege that following a meeting convened early
last week
between the Treasury Forum, Bankers Association of Zimbabwe and
the Reserve
bank, the Zimbabwe dollar began appreciating trading at between
$58 000 and
$60 500 to the US dollar at nearly all the country's commercial
banks.
Dealers reported that buyers were prepared to offer their currencies
at
rates between $55 200 and $58 200 to the American unit, while sellers
rates
were indicated in the range of $60 000 to $70 000. Reflecting the
interbank
rate cross currency movements, the local currency significantly
appreciated
against most major currencies.
But, this prompted critics
to cast doubt on the autonomy of the new system.
Competition, critics
feared, could now be based on other variable factors
excepting market
forces.
"We would expect a range of prices," said Witness Chinyama
financial analyst
at Kingdom. Price fix is not in the spirit of a market
system, he added.
Analysts observe that the collusion between banks could
be detrimental to
black banks, which are beginning to find their feet in a
painful
environment. By late Friday it was feared that banks would now
compete on
non-price factors and benefit traditional banks.
Chinyama
cautioned that as long as there seems to be interference the
parallel market
will not be contained. "It will fuel the suspicion of
traders," he
said.
Dealers said the success of the new system will only be measured by
the
amount of free funds flowing through the official channels and not
through
export earnings, which the central bank was policing into formal
channels.
Email: kumbiraim@standard.mweb.co.zw
Zim Standard
By our
staff
MIDLANDS - Zimbabwe's current economic crisis stems from
government's fiscal
indiscipline, participants at a pre-budget meeting said
last week.
In submissions made at a consultative indaba hosted by the
ministry of
Finance in Gweru Tuesday, several participants said that
government should
learn to live within its means and stick to the budget as
well as to
harmonise political and economic decisions.
A businessman,
Ralph Nyoni, said while it was acknowledged that successive
years of drought
have exacerbated economic problems, while lack of fiscal
discipline, poor
planning and discord in policies, were some of the major
causes of the
existing hardships.
"Although successive years of drought have compounded
the economic crisis,
fiscal indiscipline and discord in policies are the
major causes of our
problems.
"We have on one hand, the central bank,
through the governor, showing
serious commitment to turning around the
economy, and we have on the other
hand, government and political leaders
making pronouncements and decisions
that militate against this," Nyoni
said.
Trust Chikohora, an accountant, echoed Nyoni's sentiments adding
that there
should be harmony between economic and political
decisions.
"When the finance ministry draws up a budget, government
should always stick
to that budget. Sticking to the budget will help curtail
unnecessary
expenditure and will ultimately lessen the burden on
taxpayers.
"I am sure everyone agrees that if we are to get out of the
current economic
hardships, we also need to re-engage the international
community including
the international financial institutions. However, there
should be a
consolidated, harmonized approach in doing this," Chikohora
said.
Deputy Minister of Finance David Chapfika, representing the
ministry,
concurred with the observations and said government was working
out to
harmonise its policies as well to reduce expenditure by reducing the
number
of civil servants.
Other participants also pointed out that
price controls were making it
difficult for business to remain
profitable.
Chapfika pointed out that government had removed price
controls on all
commodities except sugar, wheat and maize. He said
government would continue
to monitor the prices of all goods to ensure that
there was no profiteering.
Cephas Msipa, the Midlands Governor, other
government officials and people
from various business sectors attended the
meeting.
Although government has blamed the current economic crisis on
successive
droughts and sanctions, some observers have noted that the real
cause of
Zimbabwe's problems is gross mismanagement characterised by fiscal
indiscipline, dissonance in policies, misplaced priorities and partisan or
populist decisions made for political expediency.
Former finance
minister Dr Simba Makoni, who resigned from cabinet after
President Robert
Mugabe described his suggestion to devalue the Zimbabwean
dollar as being
tantamount to sabotage, has been on record as saying that
politics and
economics are "two sides of the same coin".
Government's resolution to
commit Zimbabwean troops in the Democratic
Republic of Congo conflict in
1998 and the unbudgeted for payment of
gratuities to war veterans in 1997
triggered the economic crisis.
Earlier this year, government also decided
to award $36b in perks to
ex-detainees and ex-restrictees, a move which
central bank governor Dr
Gideon Gono, initially opposed, but later went
along with after political
pressure was brought to bear upon him.
The
recent decision to re-introduce a Senate is also seen as another glaring
example of unplanned for expenditure.
Zim Standard
By Ndamu
Sandu
SOUTHERN Africa Power Pool (SAPP) members meet in Johannesburg next
month as
they try to find investors into the electricity industry ahead of
power
shortages in the region in 2007.
Southern Africa is threatened
with power shortages if nothing is done to
boost capacity. Net capacity is
expected to reach 45 000MW while peak demand
is expected to be over 45 000MW
in 2007.
Power demand in the SAPP region has been increasing at a rate of 3%
in the
last six years while there has not been any significant investment in
generation in the last 10 years despite the rising
demand.
Standardbusiness heard last week that the 21 November meeting
would
culminate in the presentation of projects that can be commissioned by
2010.
SAPP systems studies supervisor Alison Chikova last week confirmed
the
meeting saying SAPP would present a sub list of projects to the
financiers.
"In Namibia, power utilities presented their projects but in
Johannesburg
the projects will be presented under SAPP," Chikova
said.
Last month SAPP members met at a Regional Electricity Investment
Conference
from 19-21 September where power utilities presented proposals to
potential
investors that included the World Bank, African Development Bank,
the
European Union, Bank of Namibia and Bank of Tokyo among
others.
At next month's indaba, SAPP will present projects that can be
attained by
2010, Chikova says.
Notable financiers to grace the
meeting will be the World Bank and
Development Bank of South Africa. DBSA
are the organisers of the historic
meeting.
The idea of an investment
conference is the brainchild of SADC Energy
ministers who at a meeting last
year proposed an indaba with financiers top
cushion the region against
electricity shortages in 2007.
This has culminated in SAPP members
identifying short- term priority
generation projects envisaged to output 8
764MW by 2009.
Long term projects which run from 2010 to 2020 will
generate 31 743MW, SAPP
says.
A 12-member organisation, SAPP has a
power installed capacity of 52 743MW
but having a net capacity of 45 044MW
meaning that it is not exploiting its
capacity to potential. Figures from
SAPP show that in 2004 its peak demand
was 41 036MW.
Members under
SAPP include Botswana Power Corporation (Botswana),
Electricidade de
Mocambique (Mozambique), Electricity Supply Corporation of
Malawi (Malawi),
Empresa Nacional de Electricidade (Angola), South Africa's
ESKOM), Lesotho
Electricity Corporation and NAMPOWER of Namibia. Other
members are Societe
Nationale d'Electricite (DRC), Swaziland Electricity
Board, Tanzania
Electricity Supply Company Ltd, Zambia's ZESCO Limited and
ZESA
Holdings.
Zim Standard
By Kumbirai
Mafunda
IN the most lucid admission of failure since taking over the
reins at the
central bank two years ago, an exasperated Governor Gideon Gono
once again
appealed for divine intervention in his daunting task to bring
under control
the country's run-away economy.
As his shock therapy
appears to have been ineffective, Gono, for the second
time in 2005,
admitted that the country was entangled in a deep crisis. He
had in July
sought outside influence in curing the country's economic ills.
In his
catalogue of the country's woes a fortnight ago, the central bank
Governor
lamented workers' diminishing disposable incomes, worsening
poverty, company
closures, shortages of medical drugs and foreign currency
shortages as some
of the tribulations haunting Zimbabweans.
The severity of the crisis
prompted the previously self-assured central bank
chief to seek heavenly
intervention to halt Zimbabwe's seven-year-old
economic decline.
"In
God's hands I commit this monetary policy statement," a humbled Gono
said
after delivering of his two-hour long sermon which was broadcast live
on
national television.
However, critics said whether by appealing to divine
forces the central bank
Governor was demonstrating his religious
inclinations or playing to the
gallery his catalogue of Zimbabwe's ills was
a stark admission of defeat.
"God also helps those who help themselves,"
said Eric Bloch, economic
commentator and adviser to
Gono.
Nonetheless, notwithstanding the glaring evidence that Zimbabwe's
recovery
wheels are off the rails, a defiant Gono stuck to his guns
reiterating his
favourite refrain that "failure is not an
option."
"We will conquer and overcome our challenges," Gono
vowed.
Gono warned that this time around his new tonic would need
Zimbabweans to
shed more blood and sweat before they can be
merry.
But embittered Zimbabweans say they can no longer make any more
sacrifices.
They say they have given in so many times since President Robert
Mugabe
appointed Gono as Governor of the central bank in December
2003.
"We have contended with so much and right now we can't take any
more," said
Tendai Machimbi, a resident of Chitungwiza.
In August,
finance minister Hebert Murerwa implored Zimbabweans to tighten
their belts
as the government grappled to fix the worsening economic crisis.
However,
Peter Robinson of Zimconsult reckons Gono's petition is
self-serving. "The
chefs are not making any sacrifices," observes Robinson.
With defiant
inflation having climbed to 360% in September, workers and
households'
savings have been swallowed up as retailers adjust the prices of
commodities. Apart from rising commodity prices, Zimbabweans are also
bearing the brunt of walking long distances to and from their workplaces
while medication is now beyond the reach of many.
During his two-hour
speech, an increasingly exasperated Gono blamed nearly
every sector of the
Zimbabwean society for the country's woes. He shifted
his blame from the
usual targets, banks, tourism industry and even
individuals to critical
journalists and economists.
As Zimbabwe's six-year - old hard currency
squeeze bites, Gono accused the
two groups of worsening Zimbabwe's
precarious economic situation by their
negative stories and "lack of
appreciation of the economic tribulations".
Although the central bank
chief had in July remained steadfast that his
initial year-end inflation
target of 80% was achievable, reality seemed to
have dawned on him this time
around he revised his figures, projecting
inflation will close the year
between 280-300%. But economists were not
impressed saying, instead,
inflation was more likely to reach 600% by year
end.
"We still cannot
reverse these things," said Bloch. His figures are too
optimistic and his
revision is an admission of defeat." Already the
International Monetary Fund
(IMF) is talking of inflation notching 400% by
the end of the
year.
Gono who single handedly, has tried to mend fences with the IMF,
ignored
President Robert Mugabe's call to move away from the Bretton Woods
institution.
A defiant Mugabe last month told Zimbabweans based in
Cuba that the
crisis-wrecked nation does not need the IMF and would survive
without the
global lender. But, in contrast, Gono underlined the fact that
to survive,
Harare needs the support of international lending
institutions.
"We need to firmly believe and commit to being part of the
global village
where investment capital flows to those destinations that
assure safety and
sanctity of private property rights," he said.
Zim Standard
Sundaytalk with Pius
Wakatama
LAST week a number of readers berated me for not writing this
column for the
last two weeks. I apologised and explained to them that the
previous week I
didn't write because I was hunting for cheaper fuel on the
parallel market.
Despite our esteemed President's promise that within a
week the precious
liquid was going to be plentiful "jakachaka" in Zimbabwe
we have yet to see
a drop. In fact, things are now worse. The place is as
good as dry.
The few parallel market dealers "Mabhoora ngoma" as they are
called, who are
able to get diesel or petrol are smiling all the way to the
bank. They are
selling it for anything from $650 000 for five litres. Rumour
has it that
they are being supplied by Zanu PF chefs and cellphone farmers
who are being
given preference by the National Oil Company of
Zimbabwe.
Last week I was unable to write because my older brother,
Robson Tozonziyi
Wakatama died after a short illness. It was a traumatic
experience for me
because Tozo was so full of life that I never imagined he
would die, just
like that.
As many residents of Mbare around Stodart
Hall know, Tozo was the life of
the community. He was a jovial friend to
both young and old. The hundreds of
residents who attended his funeral were
a testimony to that.
Tozo was a jazz lover. He was also a Mbare township
music guru. He counted
among his personal friends music luminaries such as
Sonny Sondo of the City
Quads, Faith Dauti, Dorothy Masuka, Bill Saidi,
Chase Mhango, Temba
Mandizha, Charles Fernando, Simangaliso Tutani, Gibson
Mandishona, Ruth
Mpisaunga, Andrew Chakanyuka and members of the
Bulawayo-based Golden Rhythm
Crooners.
Before he died, he had
instructed my young brother Cosmas and Sahwira
Clement Chanakira that they
should play jazz music by Louis Armstrong and
Hugh Masekela after his
burial. This they did.
I would like to thank all those who mourned with
us and comforted us during
our time of bereavement, especially members of
the Christian Marching
Church, who conducted services and the burial. May he
rest in peace.
When I started to think of what I should write about for
today, the rift in
the MDC came uppermost in my mind. Just then I received a
message from our
African-American friend, Irene Chikaka, informing me about
the death of Rosa
Parks at the age of 92. I couldn't help but pay tribute to
this doughty
African American woman, who got Dr Martin Luther King Jnr into
the struggle
for the emancipation of oppressed blacks in the US.
She
was called the mother of the modern day civil rights movement in
America. On
1 December 1955 she, as blacks were supposed to do, refused to
give up her
seat on a bus to a white man in Montgomery Alabama. She started
a protest
against racial discrimination that was felt throughout the United
States.
Her quiet courageous act of defiance against injustice changed
America and
according to the New Orleans Agenda, "redirected the course of
history. Most
historians cite that date as the beginning of the civil rights
movement in
the United States.
This bus incident led to the formation of the
Montgomery Improvement
Association led by a young pastor of the Dexter
Baptist Church by the name
of Martin Luther King Jnr. The association called
for a boycott of the
city-owned bus company. They chose to walk rather than
be insulted. Later,
many whites joined them. This brought Dr King and their
cause to the
attention of the whole world. It also launched Dr King on his
journey to
freedom not only for blacks but for all of America.
Former
President Bill Clinton presented Rosa Parks with the Congressional
Medal of
Freedom in 1995.
Rosa Parks was neither a feminist nor a gender activist.
She was an ordinary
dignified woman who refused to be treated as a
second-class citizen in her
own country. I am sick and tired of women who go
on and on about gender
equality when they meekly submit to chauvinistic and
domineering husbands
and do nothing about our own oppressive society. They
should learn from Rosa
Parks.
I take my hat off to real women
"Amafazi sibili" like Beatrice Mtetwa, the
lawyer for oppressed journalists,
Jenni Williams of Women of Zimbabwe Arise,
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga
of the MDC and others who are today standing
up to the fierce Zanu PF
monolith. These are the real women of Zimbabwe. Not
those who are married
but wear another man's picture on their clothes.
The late revolutionary
hero, Eddison Zvobgo once said: "If my wife is going
to wear a man's picture
on her breasts and buttocks it will be my picture."
I totally agreed with
him.
Enough said about that. Let's turn to the more pressing issue, which
is the
rift within the MDC. Some alarmists are saying this spells doom for
the MDC
and the struggle against Zanu PF hegemony in Zimbabwe. That is
hogwash. I
for one am elated because now the chaff is being separated from
the wheat.
The MDC has rightly been accused of prevarication. In this
column a few
weeks ago, I said it was confused and confusing the people as
well. In the
last general elections they took too long to decide on whether
to
participate in those elections or not.
One day I met Morgan
Tsvangirai about this. He told me that his own personal
view was that they
should not participate in those elections because they
were going to be
rigged. However, as a democrat, he would abide by the
majority feeling in
the party. Now we know who was agitating for
participation.
As was
predicted by even those with low IQs the elections were properly
rigged. The
MDC went whining to the courts. Anyone who can expect justice or
judgement
against Zanu PF in matters political is stupidly naïve to say the
least.
Now come the Senate elections. It all started when President
Robert Mugabe
as part of his succession strategy decided to re-introduce the
Senate. It
has nothing, whatsoever, to do with solving the crisis facing the
nation. It
is strictly a Zanu PF affair, which will in fact create more
poverty for us
all by creating unnecessary jobs for Zanu PF
failures.
From the very beginning, Tsvangirai, the MDC leader said the
MDC should
boycott this useless election. This was and is the view of most
Zimbabweans.
Instead of following their leader the national council insisted
on
"consulting party structures" since the MDC was a democratic
party.
After the so-called consultations the council, many of whose
members hope to
win safe seats and make it into the Senate voted 33-31in
favour of
participation. Tsvangirai refused to accept the vote and went his
own way,
which happens to be the people's way.
MDC Secretary-General
Professor Welshman Ncube accused Tsvangirai of being
dictatorial and of
violating the party's constitution by not accepting the
council's narrow
majority decision. What he fails to understand is that
votocracy is not
necessarily democracy. In this case, the majority vote was
neither
democratic nor moral. The council members were supposed to consult
grassroots on members of the party and then vote according to their
feelings. They did not do this because a good number of them were already
campaigning for Senate seats.
A case in point is that of Alois
Mudzingwa. Before the vote Tsvangirai
specifically asked him how he could
reconcile his personal wish to be a
senator and his province's contrary
position. The Mashonaland East province
chairperson glibly said once he cast
the vote in favour on behalf of
Mashonaland East the people would "fall in
line and follow him". Was
Tsvangirai supposed to accept such undemocratic
hogwash in the name of
upholding the party's constitution?
As I said
before, the mere act of voting is not necessarily the practice of
democracy.
Tsvangirai is more democratic because he is following the
dictates of the
people who comprise the MDC and not according to the wishes
of those who are
hungry for power, influence, salaries and perks. Pamberi
newe Tsvangirai.
The suffering povo are behind you.
He, who has ears to hear, let him
hear.
Zim Standard
sundayopinion By Ralph S
Paratema
THE 60th Anniversary celebrations of the United Nations Food and
Agriculture
Organisation, which was held in Rome and to which President
Robert Mugabe
was surprisingly invited in spite of having presided over the
demise of the
agricultural sector and the erosion of food security in his
own country,
afforded what has become a rare opportunity to visit
Europe.
He did not waste time thundering to the delegates: "I have a
heart. I have a
conscience and I will not let anything untoward happen to my
people!" He
said this in spite of overwhelming evidence on the ground that
the President
has been the biggest threat to "his people's" survival in the
past five
years.
If President Mugabe has a conscience then it certainly
must be a guilt
conscience. Otherwise how else is he expected to feel if not
guilty if
fellow statesmen like Frederick Chiluba, Bakili Muluzi, Sam
Nujoma, Joacquim
Chissano, Nelson Mandela, Ali Hassan Mwinyi all retired and
now Benjamin
Mkapa is retiring.
Is it not significant that some of
these men have all come to bid farewell
to our President? Perhaps this was
their way of persuading him to also
follow suit.
The retirement of
these leaders also points to the weakness in the
Zimbabwean constitution
which allows a leader to remain in office until "the
donkeys grow horns" if
I may borrow from the late Vice President Simon
Muzenda. While Mugabe has
amended the country's constitution seventeen times
in the time that he has
been in power it has been to entrench his
stranglehold on the crown. The
most notable amendment to the constitution
was made in 1987 through which
Mugabe transformed himself from a Prime
Minister into the omnipotent
executive president that he has become.
President Mugabe's statement that
he would not let anything untoward happen
to his people is probably the most
hypocritical statement ever uttered by a
national leader in a long time. The
people who sarcastically applauded after
his utterances probably still
remembered his "Operation Murambatsvina"
through which he rendered over 700
000 of his people homeless.
The operation was undertaken with lightning
speed and breathtaking brutality
and was specifically carried out in the
middle of the winter season to
ensure it inflicted the maximum pain and
suffering possible. Donors and
church organisations who intended to assist
victims of this diabolic
operation were forbidden. So much for having a
conscience and a heart!
Zimbabwe is in the midst of a drought which,
together with bad policies,
have exacerbated food shortages. Zanu PF
politicians, particularly those
from Manicaland and Masvingo provinces are
aware of the chronic food
shortages that are prevailing in their areas. They
have fully exploited this
by bringing truck loads of maize towards an
election in order to entice
hungry villagers to vote for them. Mugabe has
clearly said that donors who
are intent on providing food aid should not
foist Zimbabweans with food. He
has said this in spite of numerous reports
of people who have starved to
death. Traditional leaders have been
politicised and will refuse to write
names of perceived opposition
supporters so that they may buy maize whenever
the Grain Marketing Board
makes it available.
The economic situation has continued to deteriorate
with inflation now at
almost 360%. Bread is $35 000 a loaf while rentals in
the high-density
suburbs are now up to one million dollars a room. Meanwhile
an average civil
servant takes home less than two million dollars. Transport
costs have
ballooned beyond imagination. There are persistent fuel shortages
while the
education and health delivery systems have virtually collapsed. It
is
unimaginable that things can be more "untoward" than this.
Mugabe
and Zanu PF's victories in the past three elections have been
shrouded in
controversy. One of the reasons why the election results have
been
challenged in court has been the use of political violence to get into
political office. The most prominent case of violence was the one in which a
CIO operative, one Joseph Mwale, threw a petrol bomb that killed Talent
Mabika and Tichaona Chiminya.
A High Court judge recommended that
Mwale be prosecuted. Needless to say the
judge was hounded out of the bench
and to date Mwale is still a free man.
The police claim that they are
unaware of his whereabouts when it is common
knowledge that he is still
employed by the state security agency in
Manicaland.
The case of
people benefiting from presidential pardons after committing
politically
motivated crimes is not new. In 1990 Patrick Kombayi dared to
challenge
Simon Muzenda for the Gweru parliamentary seat. He was gunned down
by two
CIO operatives and left for dead. The two Chivamba and Kanengoni were
arrested, tried and sentenced but were almost immediately given a
presidential pardon by Mugabe. Maybe that is why he claims to have both a
heart and a conscience.
Is it by mere coincidence that all the people
who have dared challenge
Mugabe, except Edgar Tekere, have at one time or
the other been accused of
attempting to kill him? Ndabaningi Sithole, whom
Mugabe never forgave until
his death, Joshua Nkomo and Morgan Tsvangirai are
notable examples. Is this
paranoia or is it mere heartlessness?
If
Mugabe really has a heart and a conscience and does not want anything
untoward to happen to his people then he must consider bringing forward his
retirement date from 2008. Perhaps he could give Zimbabweans an early
Christmas present by choosing the forthcoming Zanu PF conference to announce
his decision to leave office.
Zim Standard
sundayfocus By Josiah
Bambo
THERE are two incidents that caught my attention at the height of
the
often-violent land invasions four years ago and demonstrated how base
the
human psyche could get.
One was an altercation that occurred
involving a group of ex-combatants
occupying a farm against a group of "new
settlers" who had been given
occupation letters for the same farm by the
district administrator (DA). The
war veterans claimed right of occupation
because, they claimed, they were
the foot soldiers that chased away the
original white commercial farmer. So,
according to them, had it not been for
their vigilance the white man would
still be there and no offer letters from
the DA would have materialized.
The new farmers maintained they had
government letters and, therefore, were
the legal occupants. After bickering
for days one war veteran suggested they
burn the farmhouse, so none of them
would live in it. Apparently, the
differences were over occupation of the
farmhouse, not farming. The house
was doused with petrol and burnt. That is
how the problem was solved.
In another case, one war veteran promised a
beast for his relative's wedding
because, he said, he was "given land". Upon
arrival at the farm, another war
veteran was jealously guarding a herd of
healthy cattle, which he too
claimed was his because he was the most
instrumental in chasing away the
former commercial rancher. Sensing danger
the second veteran begrudgingly
agreed to release the beast to save the
rest.
These two incidents remind me of the current chaotic squabbles
within
Zimbabwe's biggest opposition party Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC).
To start with, MDC's Welshman Ncube's pro-participation faction
has no
business in the Senate because the party in general and he in
particular
roundly condemned the 17th Amendment of the Constitution that
gave birth to
the Senate. There is definitely no democratic space to defend
in that Zanu
PF project that is more of a retirement home for the party's
geriatrics. It
has also more to do with President Robert Mugabe's succession
saga than
entrenching democracy in the country.
What is more, Zanu PF
has already "won" 19 seats unopposed on top of the
spare 16 constitutionally
guaranteed. Morgan Tsvangirai was right to call
for a boycott of a poll that
"breeds illegitimate and predetermined
outcomes".
The factions raised
the stakes too high by taking their power struggle into
the public domain,
including giving interviews to the ferociously anti-MDC
State media, which
doesnot care anymore about factualism, balance or
editorialisation.
Registration of 27 candidates under an MDC flag and
their tacit approval by
Paul Themba-Nyathi raised the stakes even higher.
It's difficult if not
impossible to climb down.
Tsvangirai vowed to
stop Senate campaigns amid serious allegations of
insider violence against
the pro-participation faction. In defiance the
party's Bulawayo
spokesperson, Victor Moyo, declared Matabeleland a
restricted zone for
Tsvangirai because it is an Ndebele territory.
Out of the blue, St Mary's
MP, Job Sikhala, poured more petrol on the house
by publicly claiming and
reiterating that MDC leadership received funding
from foreign
governments-US$2.5 million from Nigeria, Ghana and Taiwan. He
too, like
Moyo, adds another layer of problems because the Zanu PF
government's
approach is likely to force an Ari Ben Menashe-type trial under
the
Political Parties (Finance) Act. Zanu PF spokesman, Nathan Shamuyarira,
milking Sikhala's "revelations" speculated on televison that with that kind
of underhand funding there was a possibility of gun trafficking. The circus
became more ridiculous by Sikhala's futile attempts to disown his claims
accusing journalists of misquoting him.
It is not easy for Tsvangirai
to "restart" his party to its 2000 glory but
he has to do it or risk
irrelevance. To stamp his authority he obviously
needs to purge some
unfaithful compatriots. But the rebels might have some
power of their own.
Undoubtedly, some of the top officials have an arsenal
of party secrets they
can use, to spitefully burn the house should they feel
they have nothing to
gain. Sikhala's claims may be a harbinger.
Tsvangirai can still come out
stronger if he goes back to the people. He
needs a countrywide roll out
programme, not just to thwart Senate campaigns
but also to rejuvenate and
restore public confidence in opposition politics.
By calling for a
boycott of the Senate, Tsvangirai merely confirmed a
suspicion that was
dawning on weary Zimbabweans that elections could not
remove Mugabe's regime
under the current biased electoral conditions. Now
that he has abandoned
elections strategy, he should convince the people that
there is another
route to achieve democratic change.
Business Report
October 31,
2005
Harare - A week after crisis-ridden Zimbabwe launched a new foreign
exchange
trading system, the local currency has shed a third of its value to
reflect
realistic levels prevailing in the parallel market.
The
Zimbabwe dollar bucked from its official exchange rate of 26 000 to the
greenback to an average of 74 000 in the week after the country decided to
launch inter-bank trading.
Rates however varied widely from one bank
to another with some offering 58
000 dollars while others went above 85 000
compared to the average parallel
market rate of around 100
000.
Cash-strapped Zimbabwe on October 21 introduced the new tradable
foreign
currency system (TFCBS) to replace a 21-month-old auction system,
where the
buying and selling rates were largely controlled by the central
bank.
Under the new regime, exporters can sell foreign exchange at a
market-determined rate.
Non-governmental organisations and embassies
can also sell their currency in
the inter-bank market while importers can
likewise access foreign exchange
at the market rate.
Exporters can
now trade 70 percent of their foreign currency earnings at the
market-determined rate while the remaining 30
percent has to be
surrendered to the central bank at the official rate,
which is adjusted from
time to time.
The move to end six years of central bank control over
foreign exchange got
the thumbs up from analysts.
"This was a very
bold decision and a step forward," said economist Witness
Chinyama.
A
University of Zimbabwe economic commentator, Charles Halimana, said
central
bank governor Gideon Gono tried to match the parallel market rates
without
officially announcing a devaluation.
"It is a really effort on the part
of Gono to rein in the parallel market,"
said Halimana.
Last year the
central bank tried a foreign exchange auction system, also
with the aim of
clamping down on the underground market, but it proved to be
a
non-starter.
Zimbabwe has long been experiencing a shortage of foreign
currency as
external debts have accumulated, while the government has failed
to import
adequate vital commodities such as fuel and medicines.
But
in recent weeks the southern African country made a surprise debt
repayment
to the International Monetary Fund of $135 million of a $295
million dollar
loan. It plans to clear the remaining debt by next year.
Zimbabwe started
controlling the exchange market by fixing the rate at which
the Zimbabwe
dollar traded against foreign currencies, in 1999 - a year
after
international donors froze aid to the country.
Bretton Woods institutions
pulled out after disagreements over huge
unbudgeted payouts to veterans of
the country's liberation war and the
funding of Harare's participation in
the war in the Democratic Republic of
Congo.
The first major pinch
was to be felt in December 1999 when fuel supplies
started
dwindling.
While the parallel market has been blamed in part for
skyrocketing
inflation, currently hovering at 360 percent, analysts believe
the new forex
system is unlikely to push inflation further since prices have
already been
pegged on the parallel foreign exchange rate.
"If we
have more stability now (in the forex market), I think it will help
control
inflation," said independent economist Robertson.
But others said
stability can only be achieved by the supply side.
"It also depends on
how much forex is flowing through the market but at the
moment there is a
shortage of that currency. My suspicion is that people
will go back to the
parallel market," said Halimana. - AFP
Africasia.com
31/10/2005 07:31 HARARE (AFP)
At least 300 refugees have deserted holding
camps in Zimbabwe in the past
two months raising fears that illegal
immigrants are using the country as a
transit point, a state daily reported
Monday.
"At least 300 Somalis and Ethiopians who entered the country
seeking refugee
status in the past two months have vanished from holding
camps while the
government was still processing their asylum papers," the
Herald newspaper
said.
"We are worried about this trend and feel
Zimbabwe is being used as a
transit point for irregular migration into other
countries," the newspaper
quoted Chief Immigration Officer Elasto Mugwadi as
saying.
The Herald said hundreds of foreigners mostly from the Great
Lakes region
were suspected to have crossed into Zimbabwe through
undesignated points
since July en route to South Africa, Botswana and other
Southern African
Development Community (SADC) countries.
Twenty-six
immigrants from Somalia were arrested in Harare last month after
turning
themselves over to the police.
"Irregular migration has negatively
impacted on the social aspect of
communities in Zimbabwe," The Herald quoted
Mugwadi as saying.
"We have received reports of marriages of convenience
in the case of most
Nigerian immigrants and the general flooding of
foreigners not employed in
the formal system but leading luxurious
lives."
The Herald said the majority of the refugees came through
Zimbabwe's eastern
and northern borders with Mozambique and Zambia, some
hiring boats or canoes
to avoid detection.
Police spokesman Wayne
Bvudzijena confirmed there was an inflow of refugees,
saying they were
coming from the Central African Republic, Ethiopia, Somalia
and the Great
Lakes Region "through both legal and illegal entry points."
"Some (are)
coming to stay, some (are) on their way to other countries," he
told
AFP.
In June, Zimbabwean police arrested 61 foreigners in a crackdown on
illegal
immigrants and criminals and an accompanying unpopular urban
clean-up
campaign which left hundreds of thousands destitute and
homeless.
The suspected illegal immigrants included Burundians,
Congolese,
Mozambicans, Malawians, Nigerians and Zambians.