http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News, Politics
SADC-APPOINTED
facilitator to the Zimbabwe political dialogue, South African
President
Jacob Zuma is keeping a close eye on all processes leading up to
the Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference on the new draft constitution and
would only be
visiting Harare afterwards.
The holding of the crucial conference is
currently mired in confusion
following squabbles between Zanu PF and the MDC
formations over the contents
of the draft and how many civil society
organisations should be represented.
To add to the confusion, the
Global Political Agreement is silent on what
happens if there is a deadlock
at the conference, only stating the draft
charter and the national report
should be submitted to parliament within a
month of holding the
conference.
Lindiwe Zulu, spokesperson of the Sadc facilitation team
and international
advisor to Zuma, said: “We are monitoring what is going on
in Harare right
now like preparations for the constitution’s Second
All-Stakeholders’
Conference … We will see how it goes, then we will take it
from there.” —
Staff Writer.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News, Politics
INVESTIGATIONS
by the Zimbabwe Independent have revealed that at least 10
judges — far more
than initially thought — benefited from the country’s
chaotic land reform
programme raising fears of a compromised bench.
Report by Elias
Mambo
President Robert Mugabe launched a controversial and
often-violent land
reform programme which dispossessed thousands of white
commercial farmers of
productive farmland in what government said was a move
to resettle landless
blacks and address historical
injustices.
However, most of the prime farmland was grabbed by senior
Zanu PF officials
who are now failing to utilise it fully, leaving vast
tracts of once
productive agricultural land lying derelict. Zanu PF has
resisted calls for
a land audit as outlined in the Global Political
Agreement. About 10 Supreme
and High Court judges are listed among
prominent beneficiaries of the
expropriated farms.
Chief Justice
Godfrey Chidyausiku owns Estes Park (255 hectares); Ben
Hlatshwayo, Kent
Estate (800ha); Charles Hungwe,Gretton Farm; Mafios Cheda,
Marula Block 37
(3 039ha); Antonia Guvava, Harndale Farm (1 000ha), Luke
Malaba, Marula
Block 35 (18 866ha); Paddington Garwe, Mount Shannon Estate;
and Mishrod
Guvamombe, Georgia Farm.
Some of the judges have confirmed, through
their clerks, that they
benefitted from the land reform programme, while
others are yet to respond
to questions sent by the Independent about three
weeks ago.
Justice Hungwe confirmed he owned Gretton Farm saying
“just like any other
citizen I am entitled to benefit from a government
scheme”.
Hlatshwayo also confirmed he owns a farm, but said this does
not interfere
with his work. Judge Alphias Chitakunye could neither deny nor
confirm he
owns a farm.
According to his clerk, Chitakunye asked:
“Why does he (reporter) want that
information?”
Several judges are
involved in farm-ownership wrangles. High Court judge
Chinembiri Bhunu is
currently entangled in an ownership dispute over Daskop
Farm in Marondera
with University of Zimbabwe lecturer Professor Lovemore
Gwanzura.
Justice Francis Bere has been accused of encroaching
into land owned by
other resettled farmers in Manicaland. The boundary wars
resulted in damage
to property owned by the different farmers as the judge
tried to enforce an
eviction order.
Judges have been blasted for
receiving farms, cars, houses, television sets
and generators from
government as critics believe this could affect the
impartial discharge of
their duties.
In 2008, Reserve Bank Governor Gideon Gono gave judges
top-of-the-range
Mercedes-Benz E280 vehicles, plasma television sets,
laptops and generators
to beat constant power outages at the height of
hyperinflation.
Beatrice Mtetwa, who was president of the Law Society
of Zimbabwe then,
blasted the move saying it could make the judiciary open
to abuse and
compromise the administration of justice.
Deputy
Justice and Legal Affairs minister Obert Gutu has repeatedly accused
the
judiciary of corruption, saying it was not advisable for any serving
judicial officer to accept an offer of land in circumstances that would
inevitably compromise that officer’s professional
integrity.
Addressing delegates at the official launch of the code of
ethics for judges
and the Judicial Service Commission’s strategic plan in
April, Chidyausiku
said Zimbabwe’s judiciary was terribly under-funded,
fuelling corruption in
the justice delivery system.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Politics
THE
MDC-T might not have literally painted Bulawayo red during its 13th
anniversary celebrations last Saturday as national organising secretary
Nelson Chamisa had promised, but White City Stadium was a sea of red as the
party supporters thronged the venue to capacity – signalling the party still
has a strong presence on the ground ahead of crucial elections next
year.
Report by Herbert Moyo
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai’s party held its celebrations against a
backdrop of public
opinion poll surveys which seemed to indicate its
declining popularity
compared to main rival Zanu PF which is regaining lost
ground. Instead of
being seen as an occasion to reminisce and ruminate over
its short but
dramatic victory, the anniversary was widely viewed as a test
of MDC-T’s
popularity and appeal to the electorate which will be assessing
who to vote
for in the next elections.
Although the recent Freedom House survey
said MDC-T had lost its support
from 38% to 19%, while Zanu PF gained from
17% to 31%, it also indicated
that 47% of the voters were undecided. This is
huge pond from which both
parties, among other small players, would be
trying to fish from to enhance
their fortunes.
MDC-T pulled out
all the stops to demonstrate it still had a firm grip on
the electorate. The
party claims 30 000 of its supporters squeezed into the
10 000-seater venue
as marshals were forced to allow supporters onto the
pitch and athletics
track which had initially been reserved for party bosses
and other invited
dignitaries.
Representatives of civil society organisations were also
in attendance along
with the surprise appearance of outspoken former party
legislator Munyaradzi
Gwisai and Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe
secretary-general Raymond
Majongwe, who joined the chanting of party slogans
as well as songs
denouncing Zanu PF, showing Tvangirai and his party could
be closing ranks
with long standing allies who of late seemed to be drifting
away due to
tensions between the MDC-T leaders and civil society
organisations.
But the question remains: Does the return of MDC-T’s
“prodigal sons”
indicate a closing of ranks between the party and its
critical allies, or
was it nothing more than a mere show of
solidarity?
While MDC-T might still be a major force to reckon with
and reaching out to
its important allies ahead of elections, reality usually
lies beneath
appearances.
For all the extravagant pomp and
fanfare in Bulawayo, the fact is the party
is dogged by serious
factionalism, in-fighting and divisions — ironically
mostly in Bulawayo
where the celebrations took place — which have damaged
its reputation and
weakened it significantly.
Besides, widespread allegations of
corruption in MDC-T-run municipalities
around the country have also
besmirched the party image. Even though the
MDC-T has acted by firing those
implicated, this has not removed the
impression the party is also as corrupt
as Zanu PF.
There is also the issue of self-aggrandisement by MDC-T
leaders who have
joined the Zanu PF gravy train and in a short space of time
have moved from
humble beginnings to living large in big houses, with posh
cars and
businesses while their supporters remain trapped in
poverty.
White City stadium was dominated by sleek luxury vehicles
belonging to party
leaders and the contrast and contradictions between the
material conditions
of the senior party officials and supporters could not
have been more
clearer and dramatic, especially after Tsvangirai recently
moved into a US$3
million state residence which will eventually become his
and held an
extravagant wedding characterised by a storm of controversy
triggered by a
series of sex scandals.
Tsvangirai seemed acutely
aware of that uncomfortable reality of a widening
gap in the lives and
wellbeing of MDC-T officials and their ordinary
supporters.
“They
might be having cars but that doesn’t mean that they are living well,”
Tsvangirai said of his officials in his address.
However, some
supporters interviewed by the Zimbabwe Independent at the
celebrations said
Tsvangirai’s statement was meant to divert attention from
the increasingly
visible opulence of party leaders amid growing poverty
among party
supporters. Bulawayo, like much of the country, is enduring a
punishing
schedule of water and power cuts. The city is now almost a ghost
town after
a series of company closures and job loses.
Tsvangirai’s speech dealt
with a range of issues, including the economy
although he did not
comprehensively focus on issues affecting Bulawayo such
as water,
de-industrialisation and devolution.
In his keynote address,
Tsvangirai rolled out the MDC-T’s five guiding
pillars which he said were
aimed at transforming Zimbabwe into a
newly-industrialised country. He said
the major guiding principle is the
issue of good governance in all sectors
to ensure that there is
consolidation of all pillars of the
economy.
While the MDC-T faces a lot of problems, the party showed it
is still very
strong on the ground and could enter the elections as the
frontrunner unless
Zanu PF continues with revival. Although the MDC-T might
officially decline
in popularity ratings, Zanu PF still faces a huge
credibility crisis given
its disastrous record. President Robert Mugabe’s
own personal record and
circumstances are not helping
matters.
National University of Science and Technology analyst Lawton
Hikwa said the
MDC-T was out of touch with ordinary people, especially after
Water Affairs
minister Samuel Sipepa-Nkomo ignored prevailing sentiments to
wrest control
of the Matabeleland Zambezi Water Project (MZWP) from civil
society in the
region and turning it into a government-driven process
despite previous such
failures.
“Sipepa-Nkomo is clearly out of
touch with reality if he thinks government
can deliver on Zambezi Water
Project to Bulawayo,” said Hikwa. “They should
have allowed the MZWP to
carry on with the work it started.”
Speaking to the Independent after
Tsvangirai’s address to pastors, Zimbabwe
National Students Union (Zinasu)
spokesperson Zechariah Mushawatu attacked
the MDC-T for allegedly opposing
student grants, while building a luxury
mansion for Tsvangirai in an
upmarket Harare suburb.
Mushawatu said the most remarkable thing
about MDC’s 13 years of existence
is “the manner in which it had managed to
alienate three of the main
organisations that were responsible for its
formation, namely Zinasu,
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions and the National
Constitutional Assembly”.
“MDC officials don’t know the situation on
the ground regarding students,”
said Mushawatu.
“Their children are
tucked away at some fancy colleges in some cosy part of
the world,” he wrote
in a document titled Little to celebrate for students
as MDC marks 13th
Anniversary.
Bulawayo Agenda director Thabani Nyoni said they recognised the
MDC-T as a
political alternative, but added “we also work with other
political parties
in the pro-democracy movement”.
Tsvangirai told
his supporters his struggle to dislodge Zanu PF had entered
its last stage,
indicating his confidence was not been shaken by his party’s
loss of
popularity and his private life scandals.
“Our struggle has reached a
point of no return. We are now in an
irreversible national mood for change
and total transformation,” said
Tsvangirai.
“As we enter 2013, we
must realise that the stakes are going to be high.
Every day that goes by is
a day closer to the next election. However, our
quest is not just for an
election for an election’s sake. We seek total
transformation and no sector
shall escape from holistic scrutiny” he said
While the MDC-T and
Tsvangirai could be going through testing times, they
remain a major
political force on the ground.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News
PRESIDENT Robert
Mugabe and his Zanu PF negotiators are plotting to dissolve
Copac and its
management committee so that they can hijack the
constitution-making process
to enable them to slot in the party’s
controversial amendments into the
draft constitution, in a bid to save their
collapsing election
plans.
Report by Brian Chitemba
This is part of a series of
measures Mugabe and his close lieutenants
have adopted as they prepare to go
for broke during the campaigns for the
watershed elections next year. Zanu
PF’s shadowy mobilisation committee,
which meets every Wednesday, came up
with a wide range of campaign
strategies.
However, Mugabe is
reportedly mulling manoeuvres on the draft constitution
which could cause
serious problems and end up inviting Sadc intervention.
Mugabe’s main worry
is to retain his imperial powers curtailed in the Copac
draft. The politburo
held marathon day and night meetings lasting about 50
hours battling to
restore sweeping executive powers.
After the politburo’s 266 amendments
were rejected by the MDC formations,
Mugabe and Zanu PF hardliners changed
tact from public debate to
clandestinely hijacking the constitution-making
process from the political
parties to make it a government-driven
process.
This would allow Mugabe, assisted by deputy premier Arthur
Mutambara, to
pressure Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai to succumb to his
demands.
Already it seems the principals are cutting deals without their
parties’
full knowledge as shown by their agreement on by-elections
recently. On
Monday, the principals agreed to dissolve Copac and all its
structures and
take control of the constitution-making process, a move which
fits into
Mugabe’s grand plan and elections designs.
Although the
politburo agreed the raft of proposed amendments would be taken
to the
Second All-Stakeholders’ Conference tentatively slated for mid-month,
Justice and Legal Affairs minister Patrick Chinamasa last week told the
Copac management committee the stakeholders’ indaba must not be allowed to
change anything.
Insiders say the plan is to ensure that Mugabe,
Tsvangirai and Mutambara sit
down to virtually rewrite the draft.
MDC
leader Welshman Ncube would be excluded if the process becomes
government-sponsored and not led by parliament as stipulated in the Global
Political Agreement (GPA).
The other key player Zanu PF wants to
freeze out of the process is MDC-T
secretary-general and lead negotiator
Tendai Biti whom some in the top
echelons of his own party also want
sidelined for introducing the running
mates clause. In a confluence of
interests, Mugabe and Tsvangirai both
appear to be against the running mates
provision. If Copac and the
management committee are dissolved, Ncube — not
wanted for his persistent
demands for devolution — and Biti would be shut
out.
Mugabe’s plot thickened this week at the principals’ meeting on
Monday where
he agreed with Tsvangirai and Mutambara to take over the
process.
“The principals no longer want Copac to handle the
constitution-making
process, but want to make it a government-driven
exercise so that they
determine the final outcome,” said the high-level
source. “They want to shut
out Ncube who is seen as a big problem and also
freeze out people like
Biti.”
After Sadc’s recent Maputo resolution
that Ncube should attend principals’
meetings, Mugabe agreed with Tsvangirai
he would attend party political
meetings of leaders to discuss issues to do
with the GPA, constitution and
elections.
However, Mugabe is still
barring Ncube from the meetings. Matters came to a
head on Tuesday when
Ncube, accompanied by his party secretary-general and
chief negotiator,
Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga, decided after the cabinet
meeting to go and
confront Mugabe over the issue.
Sources said when Ncube and
Misihairabwi-Mushonga arrived at Mugabe’s
office, they found in the waiting
room Tsvangirai, Mutambara, Chinamasa and
Constitutional and Parliamentary
Affairs minister Eric Matinenga going in to
see Mugabe.
They said
Ncube then enquired from Mugabe through his aide Lawrence Kamwi if
he was
welcome, but was dispatched to another waiting room to allow Mugabe
and his
delegation to discuss first on their own.
Sources said the principals, led by
Mugabe, indicated their plans to disband
Copac and take over the
constitution-making process. However, Matinenga is
said to have challenged
the move saying it was a blatant violation of the
GPA.
“The
principals tasked Matinenga to sit down with Chinamasa to come up with
ways
of ensuring the constitution-making process is taken over by the
executive
but Matinenga, who is a lawyer, declined,” a source said.
After some
heated exchanges, it is said Matinenga was practically kicked out
of the
meeting for refusing to be part of the Mugabe-led plot.
Ncube was later
invited and given an explanation which he said he did not
understand,
although sources say it was clear there was intrigue to sideline
him and
other unwanted players.
After the dramatic events, Ncube went to brief
his senior party officials
about them.
Misihairabwi-Mushonga
confirmed the briefing, but refused to give details,
saying she is out of
the country on government business.
These events are said to have shocked
senior MDC-T and MDC leaders who now
fear Mugabe could be allowed to hijack
the constitution-making process at
the level of principals.
They also
fear Tsvangirai is in an invidious position, given he is already
facing
pressure from his Matabeleland region strongholds after he told a
pastors’
meeting in Bulawayo last week he feared devolution would be used as
a
springboard for secession, a sentiment expressed by Mugabe and senior Zanu
PF officials.
Mugabe has strongly opposed devolution, claiming it
would divide Zimbabwe
and give centrifugal political forces in Matabeleland
new momentum.
Matabeleland civil society activists are threatening to
pressure the
all-stakeholders’ conference to incorporate devolution in the
new
constitution or launch a campaign of defiance.
Ncube is now
running his campaign on devolution which seems to have given
him new-found
impetus. The Zanu PF plot could unleash divisions in the three
parties
involved in the constitution-making process and invite Sadc
intervention.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in
Politics
WHILE Zanu PF is forcefully pushing for the Copac national
statistical
report to be tabled at the forthcoming Second All-Stakeholders
Conference,
an analysis of the report in the possession of the Zimbabwe
Independent
shows the party could be shooting itself in the foot as some of
the issues
in it as raised by people during the outreach programme go
against the party’s
266 proposed amendments to the controversial draft
constitution.
Report by Wongai Zhangazha
The Copac national
statistical report contradicts Zanu PF’s 266 proposed
amendments to the
draft constitution.
Zanu PF initially indicated it agreed to 97% of
provisions in the draft
constitution before party hardliners – who accused
Copac officials and
negotiators in the management committee of selling out –
forced wholesale
amendments during recent day and night meetings which
lasted for about 50
hours.
Retention of imperial
powers
The amendments, seen as an attempt by Zanu PF to restore
President Robert
Mugabe’s overbearing powers ahead of elections to maintain
his unfair
political advantages over his rivals, are simply about restoring
an
authoritarian executive which dominates other arms of government,
parliament
and the judiciary without adequate separation of powers and
checks and
balances.
The Copac draft constitution clips
presidential powers by distributing some
of the executive powers to cabinet
and parliament. The imperial powers
enjoyed by Mugabe as enshrined in the
current constitution are cited as the
major reason why the 88-year old ruler
has managed to cling to power for 32
years without a
break.
Devolution of power
Zanu PF amendments also expunge
devolution entirely from the draft by
deleting all references to dispersal
of executive authority, delete
presidential running mate provisions and
replace them with the current
system, adding a new provision that in the
event of the office of president
becoming vacant, the replacement would be
chosen by the party to which the
president belongs.
Zanu PF hawks
further tore up the Copac draft to retain the president’s
power to appoint
two vice-presidents as provided in the current
constitution, among other
powers of appointment.
What Zanu PF seems to be conveniently ignoring
is that some views expressed
by civil society, churches, business
associations and Zimbabweans in the
diaspora were also ignored in the new
draft. In fact, so many other
compromises were made, including the removal
of clauses of term and age
limits which seemed aimed at preventing President
Robert Mugabe from seeking
re-election next year.
Contrary to
Zanu PF’s claims that Zimbabweans did not call for a devolved
state during
the outreach programme, the national thematic summary analysis
and the
national narrative reports of the outreach process show Zimbabweans
prefer
devolution and not decentralisation as proposed in the party’s
unilateral
amendments.
Multiple farm ownership
The reports also
shows Zimbabweans spoke out against multiple farm
ownership, an issue that
the current draft does not address. It only
proposes a Land Commission that
will carry out a land audit, but Zanu PF has
also removed this clause from
its amended draft.
A land audit is one of the outstanding issues in
the Global Political
Agreement (GPA) but Zanu PF continues to resist the
matter amid indications
many party bigwigs –– including top leaders –– and
their cohorts own
multiple farms which are not being fully
utilised.
A careful analysis of the lands national narrative report
shows Zimbabweans
strongly demanded equitable distribution of land, a land
audit and a
“one-man-one-farm policy” in addition to productive use of the
land and an
end to multiple farm ownership, as well as payment of
compensation for farms
taken over by the state.
None of these
issues are captured in the current draft.
Although not nationally
representative, the statistical report shows that in
29 wards visited in
Bulawayo 65,2% of participants said they wanted Zimbabwe
to have equal
distribution of land while about 86,21% of participants
demanded a land
audit. Another 79,3% of participants were against multiple
farm
ownership.
In Manicaland 74,62% of participants in the 260 wards
visited said they
preferred a land audit while 56,92% were for the
one-man-one-farm policy. In
Mashonaland Central, one of the strongest
support bases for Zanu PF, about
58,19% of participants in the 232 wards
visited said “no” to multipl e farm
ownership.
Another 71,49% of
participants from 228 wards visited in Mashonaland East
expressed the same
view. The trend spreads across other provinces including
Masvingo where more
than half of the participants were against multiple
ownership of land and
80% supported a comprehensive land audit. These
statistics are damning for
Zanu PF which has made spirited efforts to block
a land audit as provided
for in the GPA.
Reports say many senior Zanu PF officials, including
President Robert Mugabe’s
family, are multiple farm owners. This is
consistent with the pattern of
Zanu PF’s land reform programme which mainly
rewarded powerful politicians,
ministers, senior government officials and
top civil servants, as well as
influential military
officers.
Divergent proposals
Zanu PF’s constitutional
proposals are at variance with the people’s views
on the issue of
presidential powers. In its amendment proposals Zanu PF
seeks to restore an
all-powerful president above cabinet and parliament, in
spite of the fact
that Zimbabweans overwhelmingly called for sufficiently
limited presidential
powers.
The Copac draft also proposes a number of commissions, as
preferred by
Zimbabweans in the outreach, to deal with executive organs of
the state
including independent commissions for the defense ministry,
police, prisons,
air force, prosecutions and intelligence services.
In
the past these organs have operated without any oversight institutions,
resulting in some of them used for partisanship agendas mainly by the
powerful in Zanu PF.
Although Zanu PF has kept some of these
commissions, it deleted provision
for a truth and justice commission,
showing its fear for accountability for
human rights abuses and past
excesses.
Zanu PF is also clamouring for a clause that criminalises
homosexuality.
While a majority of Zimbabweans (56,2%) wanted homosexuality
to be outlawed,
only 1,95% wanted it criminalised.
The glaring
inconsistencies over Zanu PF’s version of “people’s views”
raises questions
over how at the stakeholders conference will the party
justify arbitrarily
amending the Copac draft to include some of the omitted
people’s views,
while ignoring those which do not help its agenda of
restoring the imperial
presidency ahead of crucial elections next year.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News, Politics
MDC-T spokesperson
Douglas Mwonzora has warned that Welshman Ncube, leader
of the smaller MDC
formation, has closed the door to potential
re-unification of the two
factions to tackle Zanu PF in critical elections
set for next year following
remarks he made on the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC) Hard Talk
programme a fortnight ago.
On the programme Ncube said: “I keep
underlining that our colleagues in the
MDC-T often practise violence. It is
on record that (Prime Minister Morgan)
Tsvangirai himself has reversed
collective decisions and it is also on
record that the local government
structures that they control have acted as
corruptly, if not more
(corruptly) than Zanu PF.”
Mwonzora said he found Ncube’s behaviour
regrettable because the two parties
had achieved so much through
co-operation, citing Copac as an example where
they had worked together in
thwarting Zanu PF’s attempts to smuggle its own
clauses into the draft
constitution.
However, MDC spokesperson Nhlanhla Dube said they
did not need to unite with
any party except the 12 million Zimbabweans in
order to confront the
tyranny, violence and corruption of both MDC-T and
Zanu PF. — Staff Writer.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News, Politics
ZANU PF
spokesperson Rugare Gumbo has vehemently denied his party has
demanded 266
changes to the Copac draft, insisting that the former
liberation movement
was only keen on about 12 critical issues, including
sexual rights, dual
citizenship, presidential powers, role of traditional
chiefs, running mates
and the prosecuting authority.
The proposed alterations were last week
explained to Zanu PF MPs during a
caucus at the party’s headquarters. The
MPs are expected to present the
amendments at the forthcoming stakeholders’
conference expected later this
month.
“The bulk of the
so-called 266 changes are just grammatical corrections such
as commas and
full stops, otherwise we just have over 10 issues that we want
incorporated
into the Copac draft constitution,” said Gumbo. He warned the
Copac draft
would be taken to a referendum only if Zanu PF amendments were
incorporated.
— Staff Writer.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Politics
SENIOR Zanu PF
officials are jostling for the vacant Bulawayo and
Matabeleland North
provincial chairmen’s positions following an order by the
party’s national
commissar Webster Shamu to conduct elections to elect a
substantive
leadership. Report by Brian Chitemba
The two provinces have gone for
several months without substantive
chairpersons after the sacking of Zenzo
Ncube in Matabeleland North and
Isaac Dakamela in Bulawayo because of
factional infighting threatening to
tear the party apart.
The two
were linked to Zanu PF politburo members, party chairman Simon Khaya
Moyo
and Mines minister Obert Mpofu who are engaged in a battle for control
of
the region.
Ncube accused Mpofu of orchestrating his downfall to pave way for
his
sidekick Zwelitsha Masuku, who in turn was fired by
Moyo.
Matabeleland North governor Sithokozile Mathuthu is currently
acting
chairperson, but influential figures are vigorously campaigning for
their
candidates.
Sources said Sithokozile’s husband, Jonathan,
was also interested in
succeeding his wife while Masuku, Ncube, Clifford
Sibanda and Reeds Dube
have also thrown their hats into the
ring.
However, the sources said Mpofu was determined to have Masuku or Dube
elected chairperson as he continues to build a business and political empire
in the region.
Moyo wants either Mathuthu or Sibanda to assume
the chairmanship to help him
make inroads in assuming relevancy in the
province. This would help him
battle Mpofu in the race to succeed ailing
Vice-President John Nkomo.
Zanu PF chairpersons are influential in
nominating vice-presidents when a
vacancy arises, and therefore control of
provinces is an essential part of
building a strong powerbase.
Mpofu
boasted at a weekend rally in Hwange that he was the only senior
politician
to win elections in Matabeleland and chastised his politburo
colleagues as
“appointees” who should not be taken seriously.
Moyo and Nkomo are
serving at the pleasure of Mugabe, having failed to win
any election since
the MDC started contesting in 2000.
Zanu PF officials said Shamu
recently met party leaders in Bulawayo and
ordered them to co-opt a senior
official as substantive chairman to replace
Isaac Dakamela who was sacked
over allegations of failing to run the party
in the province.
It
is believed acting chairperson Killian Sibanda was likely to be appointed
in
a substantive capacity because elections for a new term would be held
next
year.Dakamela, an ally of Mpofu, was ousted at the instigation of Moyo
who
influenced the selection of Sibanda in the caretaker role.
Shamu
could not be reached for comment but Zanu PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo
denied
that the axing of the Bulawayo and Matabeleland provincial
chairpersons was
due to infighting.
“The provinces in Matabeleland will choose their
chairpersons soon as we
gather pace in strengthening the party ahead of
elections,” said Gumbo.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News, Politics
CRISIS in
Zimbabwe Coalition is set to bring together 300 non-governmental
organisations for a civil society convention on October 15-16 for
consultations on the draft constitution ahead of the Copac-led Second
All-Stakeholders’ Conference.
Report by Paidamoyo
Muzulu
There would be 570 delegates from civil society at the
conference, but the
three political parties in the coalition government are
squabbling over how
many civil society delegates each party can bring to the
conference.
It had been suggested that each party should bring 190
delegates, but Crisis
in Zimbabwe director Macdonald Lewanika said civil
society should be
non-partisan and independent of political
control.
“The civil society convention will decide our participation
at the Copac
second stakeholders’ conference depending on how we are be
invited,”
Lewanika said. “This convention would also be used to consolidate
our areas
of agreement and those issues we think should be amended in the
draft to
make it more democratic.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News, Politics
MDC-T leader
Morgan Tsvangirai has expressed scepticism on devolution saying
it could be
used as a springboard to secession.
Report by Herbert
Moyo
Devolution could be used for secession… PM Morgan
Tsvangirai
Addressing a small gathering of Bulawayo-based pastors on the
eve of his
party’s 13th anniversary celebrations in the city last Friday,
Tsvangirai
revealed his deep-rooted fears and distrust of devolution and
warned that
although his party supported the idea, care had to be taken in
its
implementation as it could be used for secession or
breakaway.
“We are writing a constitution for the future and we have
to be careful
because it (devolution) may be used as a stepping stone to
secession in the
future,” warned Tsvangirai.
He said devolution should
not be mistaken with federalism and should only be
used to provide
sufficient authority to local government for planning local
processes of
development, if adopted.
Executive director of Bulawayo Agenda
Thabani Nyoni said devolution remained
the best hope of building trust in
Zimbabwe amid widespread polarisation
created by extremes of democratic
centrism at the heart of Zanu PF politics
and the secessionist demands of
political parties like the Mthwakazi
Liberation Front.
“It is
important to understand where the PM’s sentiments are coming from,”
said
Nyoni. “It’s unfortunate his sentiments resonate with Zanu PF, but we
have
to be sure whether this expresses genuine fear or an aversion to
devolution
itself.”
Tsvangirai’s remarks suggest there could actually be
opposition to
devolution in the upper echelons of the
MDC-T.
However, MDC-T Bulawayo provincial chairperson Gorden Moyo
said although
they did not get the “full devolution package” they wanted
because of
opposition from Zanu PF, the party’s Bulawayo and Matabeleland
provinces
would support the draft because it represented a positive
development
compared to the status quo.
“There are no divisions
in the party over this (devolution) or any other
issue,” said Moyo. “Even
though we feel more powers could have been
devolved, we have all resolved to
support the draft because we take it as a
starting point towards the
attainment of the full devolution that we have
fought so long
for.”
Tensions are simmering in the MDC-T over devolution and
insiders say senior
Matabeleland party officials are highly disgruntled at
their party
leadership for conceding to Zanu PF’s preferred decentralisation
policy
rather than devolution.
According to the sources,
hardliners such as Bulawayo MPs like Felix Mafa,
Agnes Mloyi and Thabitha
Khumalo are unhappy with the way the party has
capitulated on devolution and
the feeling is that the party is ready to
sacrifice the interests of its
members in Matabeleland to please Zanu PF.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News
ZANU PF, which
lost its parliamentary majority in the 2008 elections for the
first time
since Independence, is honing its voter-mobilisation strategies
by crafting
a gamut of approaches in a determined bid to avoid defeat in the
next
do-or-die elections.
Report by Wongai Zhangazha
The plans come hard on
the heels of a strategic High Court victory by
President Robert Mugabe
allowing him to postpone the holding of by-elections
until March 31 next
year, when he plans to subsume the by-elections into
general elections
through the backdoor.
Mugabe’s party has come up with a new plan to
mobilise housing
co-operatives, community-based organisations and even
burial societies to
secure votes. This is in addition to infiltrating
churches and communities
through development projects and using diamond
proceeds to wage a fierce
campaign for survival. Security forces are the
backbone of the whole
strategy.
Zanu PF held a mobilisation committee
meeting on Wednesday chaired by
secretary for administration Didymus Mutasa
at the party
headquarters in Harare to discuss ways of seizing control of
lost ground
through a series of tactics, some bordering on vote-buying. The
committee is
dominated by politburo members, including Zanu PF commissar
Webster Shamu
and women’s league head Oppah Muchinguri, among
others.
Sources said Zanu PF is taking nothing for granted despite recent
opinion
surveys suggesting support for its main rival MDC-T had plummeted
from 38%
in 2010 to 19% this year, while its (Zanu PF)backing grew from 17%
to 31%
over the same period.
Senior Zanu PF officials told the
Zimbabwe Independent yesterday the meeting
was intense and resolved to come
up with measures to support housing
co-operatives, set up community banks,
embark on environmental cleaning
campaigns and mobilise resources.
It
also resolved to work in consultation with the Chinese Communist Party,
Tanzania’s Chama cha Mapinduzi and the People’s Movement for the Liberation
of Angola (MPLA) to wrest control of government.
In addition to the
strategies mooted on Wednesday, Zanu PF is already using
soldiers — blamed
for the bloody pro-Mugabe campaign in the run-up to the
June 2008
presidential run-off — to mobilise support to boost the party’s
campaign,
mainly in Manicaland and Masvingo where the MDC-T holds the most
seats.
The military, the main force behind the party, is already on
the ground
campaigning for Mugabe and Zanu PF. Several high-ranking army
commanders,
including Major-General Douglas Nyikayaramba, Major-General
Martin Chedondo
and Major-General Trust Mugoba — who are the second layer in
the chain of
command behind Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander General
Constantine
Chiwenga — have publicly vowed to fight for Mugabe and Zanu
PF.
Chedondo has been reported as saying: “As soldiers, we will never be
apologetic for supporting Zanu-PF because it is the only political party
that has national interests at heart.”
In July the Independent
revealed that tensions were running high in
faction-riddled Zanu PF over the
militarisation of the commissariat, where
officials with security
backgrounds were accused of forming parallel
structures resembling those of
the politburo to undermine the role of
certain party bigwigs, while propping
up others as part of Mugabe’s
simmering succession battle.
Former
Central Intelligence Organisation, police and army officers are
gradually
tightening their grip on Zanu PF, while party structures are also
teeming
with cadres from security backgrounds.
Sources said Shamu on Wednesday
expressed concern at the high levels of
poverty and suffering saying he
feared that, if not addressed, could lead to
his party’s
defeat.
Shamu told the committee, which used to meet on Mondays but now
meets on
Wednesdays, he would ask Local Government minister Ignatius Chombo
to
release residential stands for the party to develop housing co-operatives
for its supporters.
“Shamu was pleased that Nehanda Housing
Co-operative near Dzivaresekwa
Extension has successfully gone according to
plan and said there was a need
for more co-operatives because Zanu PF had
gained about 175 000 members
through them,” a senior politburo official who
attended the meeting said.
“However, the party is worried that some members
of co-operatives are not
Zanu PF members or registered voters.”
Shamu
told the committee Zanu PF currently has 775 000 members, but would
like to
emulate the ANC of South Africa and other parties that have higher
levels of
membership. He further expressed disappointment Zanu PF had lost 3
000
Budiriro stands to MDC-T recently.
“The MDC took 3 000 housing stands in
Budiriro from us, right under our
noses, but these stands belonged to Zanu
PF,” Shamu told the meeting.
“However, come time for the allocations, it’s
the MDC that takes over.
Chombo needs to be tasked on this matter and it has
to be taken seriously.”
Shamu’s sentiments could explain the alleged
political motivations behind
the latest clashes between Chombo and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, with
the premier accusing Chombo of sabotaging
his party via council projects to
garner votes for Zanu PF ahead of
elections.
Last week, Chombo instructed Harare City Council to halt a 3
000-unit
housing project in Budiriro and ordered an investigation into how
the
tenders were awarded by council, while also threatening to fire over 30
MDC-T councillors on graft allegations.
The Budiriro project is a
public-private partnership between council and
financial institutions Old
Mutual and Cabs.
During the Wednesday meeting, Muchinguri spoke strongly
on the establishment
of environmental strategies to mobilise and pressure
building societies to
give loans to the party’s supporters to build
houses.
“The MDC-T councils have failed to bring cleanliness in our
cities and towns
right round the country,” said Muchinguri. “If you look at
Harare, it’s very
dirty. MDC-T has made Harare extremely dirty. For us, I
say let’s take
responsibility and take advantage of this and come up with
environment-friendly strategies; clean-up campaigns in towns and cities to
bring back some sanity. I am sure that will be able to gain us some support
since the MDC-T has failed.”
Ironically, Harare was even filthier and
chaotic when Zanu PF was in power
during the hyperinflationary era, leading
to outbreaks of diseases, mainly
cholera which killed more than 4 000
people.
Muchinguri also wants Zanu PF to mobilise burial societies and
ensure
everyone in Manicaland is a member. According to the sources, she
believes
that if individual members of community banks deposit at least
US$50 each,
they can function like micro-financial
institutions.
Muchinguri also said Indigenisation minister Saviour
Kasukuwere should step
up the empowerment programme to complement these
other tactics to deliver
votes.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News
Information
minister Webster Shamu plans to take full control of state-run
media as part
of Zanu PF’s mobilisation drive to ensure its campaign message
reaches the
widest audiences ahead of general elections next year.
Report by Staff
Writer
This was revealed by Shamu, who is also Zanu PF national political
commissar, at the party’s mobilisation committee meeting in Harare on
Wednesday.
Shamu told his colleagues that the party’s commissariat
department would
take firm control of the state media and was going to
strategise on how to
further use them for campaigns in the run-up to the
elections.
“The relationship between the commissariat and Zimpapers, New
Ziana and ZBC
has been going on very well,” said Shamu. “We are working very
closely with
the women’s league, war collaborators and war
veterans.”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Politics
TWO themes
dominate the Zanu PF-proposed amendments to the Copac draft
constitution:
Alex Magaisa, Constitutional law
expert
Zimbabwe parliament in session. Should the president be
allowed to dissolve
this House on his/her whims?
First, an
excessively powerful executive presidency which is almost
authoritarian and
second, a parliament so weak that it is no more than a
puppet of the
executive.
If there was a weakness with the Copac draft, it was that it
already
conceded too much power to the executive presidency but the effect
of the
Zanu PF amendments, if they were to be adopted, would be to give the
office
of the president more power, making the resulting draft even more
objectionable.
Concept of limited government
To start with, a
note on the idea and importance of limited government is
appropriate. In
making a constitution, one of the cardinal rules is to give
effect to the
principle of adequate checks and balances on the exercise of
state power.
This is the core of the principle of constitutionalism – the
idea of limited
government. It is that a constitution is not a document that
merely
describes and allocates power but limits and restrains governmental
power.
Dissolution of parliament
Zanu has changed the clause
on dissolution of parliament to give unfettered
discretion on the president
to dissolve parliament at any time. There are
virtually no checks and
balances on the use of this power. This leaves
parliament completely
vulnerable and at the mercy of the president.
The original clause in the
Copac draft allows the president to dissolve
parliament only where
parliament has resolved on a vote of two-thirds
majority for the dissolution
of each house. The limitation is that the
president cannot just make a
unilateral decision to dissolve another arm of
the state.
Now,
however, by giving the president unfettered powers to dissolve
parliament at
any time, the Zanu PF amendments make parliament beholden to
the
president.
The implications of this presidential power to dissolve parliament
at his or
her whim are serious.
Since the president can use this
power at any time and for any reason, it
means a president whose party does
not have or has lost a parliamentary
majority can decide to dissolve
parliament and call for fresh elections.
Therefore, if a winning president’s
party loses elections, instead of facing
the prospect of governing without a
parliamentary majority, the president
can simply dissolve parliament and
order fresh polls, thereby negating the
will of the people. A rule that
allows a facility for one person to override
the will of millions is
patently undemocratic.
Given that parliament is at the mercy of the
president, it will have to toe
the president’s line or face dissolution,
making its role as an instrument
of accountability useless. Since MPs major
concern is political survival,
they will be forced to do the president’s
bidding or lose their positions.
In the end, it renders parliament a puppet
of the executive.
If indeed the president must have this power,
independent of parliament’s
resolutions, there must be a consequence on the
president’s position upon
the dissolution of parliament. A check on this
power could be that whenever
the president dissolves parliament, he or she
must also vacate his or her
seat.
Indeed, on this score even the
current constitution has a better check in
that it states in section 29 that
the president’s tenure of office is
concurrent with the life of
parliament.
The Copac draft contains specific provisions that limit the
terms of office
for heads of the various security services organs – army,
air force, police,
correctional services and intelligence service. Under the
draft a person can
serve in any of these offices for a maximum of two terms
of five years each.
Zanu PF has changed this so that after serving the
two terms, the service
contracts can be renewed on an annual basis. This
means a person can serve
in these offices for an indeterminate period as
long as the president renews
his or her appointment on an annual basis. The
net effect is that there are
no limited terms for these
offices.
However, what is worse about this provision for renewal of
contracts on an
annual basis is that it actually strengthens the hand of the
president,
making persons in these offices mere puppets. This is because the
president
holds the key to the renewal of one’s appointment on an annual
basis and
this makes holders of these key offices eternally beholden to the
president.
They have to do the president’s bidding otherwise their contracts
will not
be renewed.
It means the commissioner-general of police,
army commanders and other
senior security officers are effectively kept on
the leash by the president.
This is a very cunning way to ensure that office
holders in the key security
sector are perennially in the president’s
pocket. By contrast, the Copac
draft does not have this
risk.
Declaration of war & peace
The Copac draft allows the
president to declare war and peace but requires
him or her to seek the
approval of parliament within seven sitting days.
This is an important check
on the president’s power and promotes responsible
decision-making and
accountability. The purpose of the approval requirement
is to check and
balance the powers of the president when declaring war or
peace. Zanu PF has
however deleted the requirement for parliamentary
approval.
The draft
also contains a clause (11.8 (4)) requiring parliamentary approval
for
deployment of defence forces outside the country but this clause has
also
been deleted by Zanu PF. The effect of the deletion is to remove
important
checks and balances in regards to the president’s use of the
defence forces.
The removal of parliamentary approval leaves parliament
without a role and
virtually powerless. This is consistent with the object
of reserving all
powers in the office of the president and rendering
parliament
powerless.
Further, the document also made the security services subject
to the
authority of parliament and cabinet, apart from that of the president
and
the constitution. However, Zanu PF has deleted reference to parliament
and
cabinet suggesting, in the case of parliament that the security services
are
not subject to parliamentary authority. The removal of parliament from
this
particular clause demonstrates yet another instance of its
marginalisation
whilst ring-fencing exclusive authority to the
presidency.
The Zanu PF amendments further marginalise parliament by
watering down the
requirements for political accountability for the
deployment of the defence
forces. The draft requires that when the defence
forces have been deployed
to assist in maintaining order (internal
deployment) and outside Zimbabwe,
for any purpose, the president must
“promptly and in appropriate detail”
inform parliament “of the reasons for
their deployment” and details of where
they are deployed.
Zanu PF has
watered-down this requirement by simply requiring that the
president must
inform parliament.
Finally, the Copac draft also makes provision for the
establishment of the
intelligence service under a law made by parliament.
However, Zanu PF has
removed this provision leaving the power to establish
an intelligence
service in the hands of the president through a presidential
directive or
order.
Conclusion
This has demonstrated that the
effect of the Zanu PF amendments to the Copac
draft is to highly-centralise
power in the office of the executive president
and to marginalise
parliament, rendering it powerless and less effective.
Magaisa is
a constitutional law expert based at Kent University,
UK.Email:wamagaisa
@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News
AILING
parastatals which have long been bleeding the fiscus are likely to
cede a
stake to Chinese firms in order to access loans under the Sino-Africa
Fund
as mortgaging of state resources continues.
State Enterprises and
Parastatals deputy minister Walter Chidhakwa said
three parastatals,
including the Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation
(ZMDC), signed
memorandums of understanding with Chinese firms to access the
Sino-Africa
Fund last month when the entities’ heads visited Xiamen city in
China for an
investment fair.
The Chinese stand accused of plundering the country’s
diamonds in Marange
through Anjin Investments and Sino-Zimbabwe Development,
a joint venture
between the Chinese and security forces. They are also
involved in the
building of a hotel in designated wetland area in Harare, as
well as
construction of the Zimbabwe Defence College along Mazowe Road,
officially
opened last month.
Chidhakwa said state enterprises could
access the fund for recapitalisation
only if they formed joint ventures with
Chinese companies. He said the local
firms were forced to accede to the
Chinese demands by their desperation for
capital to revive
operations.
Among the parastatals likely to hand shares to the Chinese
are Agribank,
NetOne, ZMDC, Grain Marketing Board, Zimbabwe Power Company,
Zimbabwe
National Water Authority, Zimbabwe Tourism Authority, POSB, TelOne
and
Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe (MMCZ)
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News
Fierce wrangles
have erupted over the administration and disbursement of the
funds allocated
to community share ownership trusts launched by President
Robert Mugabe last
year as part of Zanu PF’s campaign to regain critical
rural voters ahead of
elections next year.
Report by Elias Mambo
The tiffs pit
the Ministry of Youth Development, Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment,
which initiated the schemes, the Ministry of Local Government,
the custodian
of the trustees who are chiefs, and the National
Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Board (NIEEB) that is responsible
for the disbursement of
funds.
Sources say these three organs are fighting among themselves while
at times
conniving to loot the funds that would have been contributed by
companies
that have complied with the indigenisation laws, leaving the
intended
beneficiaries, the communities, out of the equation.
“There
are three arms that are wrestling for total control of the schemes
and this
results in lack of accountability,” said a well-placed source in
the
Indigenisation ministry.
The source said the funds, administered by
NIEEB, are being run in an opaque
manner, creating fertile ground for
rampant corruption and embezzlement.
The militarisation of the new board
of directors for (NIEEB) was likely to
worsen transparency and
accountability deficits which the previous board
incurred.
Indigenisation minister Saviour Kasukuwere yesterday
announced a new board
of directors for NIEEB, chaired by retired
Major-General Mike Nyambuya. The
board includes Indigenisation acting
secretary George Magosvongwe, legal
practitioner and member of the previous
board Farai Mutamangira and founder
and chairman of Savanna Tobacco Company
and outgoing board member Adam
Molai, among others.
The appointment
of Nyambuya to the helm of the indigenisation fund further
consolidates
militarisation of institutions Zanu PF deems strategic to its
political and
economic survival. Nyambuya joins the ranks of retired
Brigadier Mike
Karakadzai at NRZ, ZTA’s colonel Karikoga Kaseke and ZBC
financial director
Brigadier General Elliot Kasu, among others.
Kasukuwere’s ministry
yesterday also presented compliance certificates to
companies that
registered their approved indigenisation programmes. The
certificates were
issued by NIEEB.
However, there has been no fanfare surrounding the
issuance of shares
certificates to beneficiary communities, nor has there
been much publicity
about the trust deeds.
It is this opacity which
those involved say is creating opportunities for
rent-seeking behaviour and
corruption. Last year, five chiefs in Zvishavane,
namely Mazvihwa, Masunda,
Mapanzure, Wedza and Mafala, dipped into US$2
million dollars from Mimosa
Mine under the Zvishavane Community Share
Ownership scheme. The chiefs then
awarded themselves US$5 000 each as
sitting allowances for meetings they
attended to decide on how to share the
money.
This sparked a furore
with Local Government minister Ignatius Chombo who
directed the Zvishavane
chiefs to return part of the US$2 million they had
shared among themselves.
Chombo ordered that the funds be administered by
Zvishavane district
administrator, with Runde Rural District Council
conducting disbursements of
the funds.
In an interview yesterday, Kasukuwere said the funds should be
run by local
boards comprising chiefs, councillors, a lawyer and an
accountant, who is
the custodian of the scheme which is given a share
certificate. He said the
empowerment programme is set to benefit the
communities and not the
individuals.
“The community benefits through
construction of infrastructure like roads,
clinics, schools and water
facilities,” he said.
Outgoing NIEEB chairman David Chapfika dismissed
allegations of
misappropriation, maintaining that once funds have been
disbursed the onus
on what to do next lies with the local board of trustees,
which includes
chiefs. He also refuted allegations that funds remain held in
the NIEEB
accounts instead of being deposited into the trustees’
accounts.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News
CABINET
on Tuesday reversed a decision by the State Procurement Board (SPB)
to
cancel the tender for Kariba South’s US$700 million expansion programme
which had been awarded to Chinese firm Sino-Hydro.
Report by Staff
Writer
Sino-Hydro was the sole bidder for the project, but had failed to
win the
tender after disagreements with the SPB over a site visit
certificate and
bid bond which is issued as part of a bidding process by the
surety to the
project owner, to guarantee that the winning bidder would
honour the
contract under the terms on which it bid.
Sources said the
Chinese firm’s bid was restored after stormy debates in
Cabinet on
Tuesday.
Before cabinet overruled the SPB’s decision to cancel the
Sino-Hydro tender,
Energy and Power Development minister Elton Mangoma had
complained of the
cancellation saying it was unfortunate that flimsy reasons
were being given
as the basis for cancellation of such an important national
project.
Once fully operational, the Kariba South plant is expected to
provide an
additional 300 megawatts to the national grid by 2016, and
commission a
massive 800MW at the Batoka Gorge four years later if funding
is secured.
Zimbabwe is only capable of generating about 1 200MW of the
peak national
demand of about 2 2000MW, and government’s decision to restore
the deal is
part of its efforts to curb a crippling power shortage that has
stalked the
country, particularly in the past five years.
The
country’s industrial capacity utilisation stands at an official 60%,
raising
fears the power deficit would worsen should capacity utilisation
improve.
Zimbabwe Energy Regulatory Authority chairperson Canada
Malunga last month
said the new energy policy acknowledged the role of
renewable energy sources
and the power regulator was working on an
Independent Power Producers policy
framework.
The regulator has
licensed various large electricity generation projects,
investing in 11 new
projects with a combined capacity of about 5 400MW
valued at US$10
billion.
Zimbabwe’s power shortage has resulted in numerous outages for
domestic and
business consumers, affecting government projects aimed at
helping boost
economic revival.
Zimbabwe plans to raise power output
to 10 000 megawatts in line with the
National Energy Policy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in News
THE
National Social Security Authority (Nssa) is fast emerging as a major
investment force in Zimbabwe’s capital markets after its total asset base
breached the half-a-billion dollar mark on the back of strong income growth
despite a challenging economic environment.
Nssa assets surged by over
US$135 million (30%) from US$456,7 million in
2010 to US$592,2 million as of
the end of 2011. Total Income jumped 11% to
US$221,8 million from US$200,2
million in 2010, as it emerged Nssa was a
major shareholder in listed
companies as well as a serious investor in the
property
sector.
NSSA chairman Innocent Chagonda said his board was taking
steps to ensure
the public fund would remain solvent in the
future.
Nssa general manager James Matiza noted pension contributions
for 2011, at
US$147,4 million were 7% more than in 2010. However, collection
of premiums
under the Workers Compensation Insurance Fund (WCIF) recorded a
13% decline
in 2011 to US$38,7 million from US$43,8 million the previous
year. This
followed a 20% reduction in the assessment rates based on advice
given by
the authority’s actuaries.
Investment income rose a
robust 21% from US$19,7 million in 2010 to US$23,2
million in 2011, driven
mainly by property rental income. Consultancy income
from the Occupational
Safety and Health (OSH) division went up 37% from
US$1,1 million to US$1,5
million.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Opinion
It might somewhat
come as an ambush to the market, but we hope the new-look
Zimbabwe
Independent will strike a chord with our readers.
Report by Dumisani
Muleya
From time to time, everyone needs a makeover and a newspaper is no
different. Newspapers the world over often change or refresh designs to
rejuvenate their look, enhance content and add personality.
They try
to come up with new and better layouts –– presentation and
packaging ––
sometimes even improve fonts, graphic designs, arrangements and
colours to
change their feel. In other cases, a newspaper may require an
overhaul if
the layout has become stale or readers demand change.
Since its launch in
1996, the Independent has undergone design, structure
and packaging
refreshers occasionally, with readers generally responding
positively. The
changes have often proved to be energisers in the market in
which the
newspaper continues to gain a foothold as the main platform for
ideas,
debates and insights on Zimbabwe’s political economy.
We have always
strived to change how our people relate to government and
interact with
public institutions and their leaders, as well as society at
large. It is
important to ensure informed, honest and robust debate, while
helping to
improve how people make their choices on crucial issues and
connect to
business and the economy.
Our focus remains the same: To be the most
reliable and trusted provider of
business news, information and data, as
well as political insight in
Zimbabwe.
To achieve this, we need to
provide cutting-edge, incisive and dynamic news
coverage, as well as
compelling investigative reporting and analysis on
multimedia
platforms.
We will continue to hold government to account and fight for
progressive
democratic reforms and alternatives. Our spotlight will remain
on the public
and private spheres of life to expose abuse of power and
corruption, while
promoting good governance, accountability and
transparency.
Without fear or favour, we will always seek to hold those
in power
accountable, demanding to know how public resources or funds are
being used
and how we are being governed while in the process helping to
shape the
future of our country.
Readers can count on us on this.
Credibility, relevance and professionalism
will remain our core values in
service of communities and democracy in our
role as a public watchdog. We
want to be the home to fresh ideas, critical
thinking and investigative
journalism. That’s what we aspire to be.
In terms of changes, you will
notice from the masthead, front page and
across different sections,
including news, politics, business, features,
op-eds, entertainment and
sport, there are new features of one kind or
another. The changes though are
not revolutionary but perhaps evolutionary.
Many of the changes we have
made in our refresh come from your feedback as
captured by experts. For that
we would like to say thank you.
In this world where the social media is
changing the face of society and
journalism, there is always need to
reorganise, to redesign to come up with
fresh ideas, be dynamic and add
punch in news coverage.
The growth of social media interactive platforms ––
Twitter, Facebook,
MySpace, and others –– have changed forever the character
and practice of
journalism.
It’s not just media organisations which
have been jolted out of their
comfort zones by social media, all sorts of
businesses, organisations and
individuals have had to adjust to keep pace
with changing technological
innovations and growing customer
demands.
With the list of social media tools growing and technological
changes moving
so rapidly, it means as journalists we must find innovative
ways of
adapting.
The advent of social media does not mark the death
of journalism as we know
it but requires that we should always adjust and be
dynamic to cope with
today’s ever-changing world in which rigid
authoritarian regimes and
dictators are fast becoming endangered species.
Our new design is all about
change.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in
Opinion
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe believes Col Muammar Gaddafi’s death was
“a great
loss to Africa”. He was speaking at the UN General Assembly last
week in
support of the late dictator. This is typical of the thinking of
yesteryear.
Gaddafi presided over the death of thousands of Libyans who
opposed his
rule. When Africa failed to respond to his massacres of his own
people and
ignored the use of North African mercenaries, the UN eventually
acted,
authorising Nato to move against the cruel dictator in resolution
1973 but
the British and French were initially reluctant interventionists
hoping from
week to week that Africa would take some responsibility for the
conduct of
its miscreant member.
In the end Gaddafi was killed by an
angry and hostile populace. To the very
end Zimbabwe remained on his side in
his war against his own people.
What does this tell us about Zanu PF’s
foreign policy? “Gaddafi, a great
loss to
Africa”?
Hardly!
Pelton pelts
Mugabe
Mugabe’s equating of the slaying of Gaddafi and the
killing of US ambassador
to Libya Christopher Stevens provoked a sharp
response from the US mission
to the UN which described it as “a new low”,
even for him.
Said mission spokesperson Erin Pelton: “(Mugabe) cynically
chose to compare
the best of us with the worst of us, a ridiculous and
abhorrent comparison
that we reject in the strongest terms.”
Pelton went
on to pelt Mugabe with more vitriol: “President Mugabe had a
chance
yesterday to share with the international community his plans for
reversing
the downward spiral his rule has inflicted on the economy and
people of
Zimbabwe over the last three decades.”
Back home Mugabe’s speech was lauded
by “local analysts” as a “true
representation and reflection of Africa’s
views and aspirations on the
international stage”, at least according to
ZBC.
Mugabe, we are told, “was emphatic on the need to reform the United
Nations,
and to condemn equally the perpetrators of conflicts and violence
irrespective of the size and might of the perpetrators”.
The “analysts”
were also thankful for Mugabe’s criticism of the West for
practising double
standards, unilateralism and “bullying” to achieve their
interests.
Mugabe said Africa will not be bought-off with empty promises
or cosmetic
tinkering disguised as reform of the Security Council.
Yet
Mugabe is doing exactly that in Zimbabwe, stalling the implementation of
reforms agreed to in the Global Political Agreement and instituting cosmetic
reforms in the broadcasting sector to give the impression of media diversity
when the status quo rules supreme.
A clear case of the pot calling the
kettle black!
Not so dependabe Sata
President Mugabe has
surely found out the hard way that he can hardly depend
on his clownish and
volatile friend Zambian President Michael Sata who, in
the blink of an eye,
can turn from hero to villain.
Addressing the business community in New York,
Sata blasted the West for
keeping sanctions in place against Mugabe who he
said was cleverer than
those who imposed them.
Sata went on to mock the
West saying Mugabe was unaffected by the sanctions
and was “overnourished”
but his people “cannot afford a meal a day”.
“That country is most
unfortunate,” added Sata.
That would be hardly flattering his fellow comrade
in Harare.
Zanu PF’s ‘strategy’
Zanu PF chairman Simon Khaya Moyo has
re-affirmed that Zimbabwe will never
be a colony again and any attempts to
reclaim the country for the Rhodesian
era will be “strongly resisted” by the
“revolutionary party”.
In an interview with the Herald recently, Moyo said
the country suffered
economically as a result of the Western machinations
that rendered the local
currency worthless.
Zanu PF had a counter
strategy, declared Moyo. “The introduction of the
multi-currency that we
eventually implemented to stabilise the economy and
also to relieve the
people from the suffering they had unwittingly plunged
into.”
So we
should thank Zanu PF for rendering our currency useless and adopting
the
currencies of the imperialists? So much for sovereignty!
Moyo last month
launched a monthly newsletter entitled The People to be
distributed to his
party’s grassroots membership.Very original title Cde
Khaya
Moyo!
‘Illegal’ sanctions
Muckraker was amused by a front-page
assertion in the Herald that wheat
cultivation in Zimbabwe was not based on
economic considerations.
“The country only started growing wheat after the
Unilateral Declaration of
Independence in 1965 when the illegal Ian Smith
regime was hit by sanctions”,
we are told.
Sounds economic to us. And
when you see the word “illegal” as a prefix you
have a good idea of where
it’s coming from. In this case it is an excuse for
incompetence.
The
Smith regime made wheat cultivation a success because the country needed
it
to beat sanctions.
The country needs it now but those in power have, like
everything else,
botched it. Now we have to import a major staple and, as
Ignatius Chombo
pointed out, Zimbabwe is supporting agriculture in
neighbouring states.
“What will happen if we go to war with these countries
we are importing
from?”Chombo wondered. “We need to produce our own food…”
This has obviously
just occurred to him!
SA goes the Zim
way
Zanu PF spokesmen like to boast that South Africa is following in
Zimbabwe’s
footsteps in many respects. Evidence emerged last month that some
of this at
least may be true as it was announced that South Africa has
decided to
cancel investment protection agreements with the EU.
The EU is
the source of 80% of South Africa’s investment. Last month South
Africa
terminated an investment treaty with Belgium and Luxemburg when it
expired.
In total South Africa has 13 agreements with EU member states
which will all
be cancelled as they come up for renewal, the South African
Sunday Times
reports.
Existing agreements will enjoy the same protection
for a sunset period of 10
years but new investments will not be covered by
the agreements which
guarantee compensation should expropriation or damage
be suffered by
investors.
“South Africa’s timing couldn’t be worse in the
light of the Marikana
situation,” one EU businessman said.
“Also, one
cannot help but wonder whether these agreements are being
cancelled in case
South Africa decides to nationalise certain key sectors in
the
economy.”
EU Trade Commissioner Karel de Guch said he was disappointed the
treaties
were being terminated without having new ones in place. South
African Trade
minister Rob Davies said South Africa was getting plenty of
investments from
countries like the US without having bilateral investment
agreements. But EU
officials and businessmen insisted “it does matter for
Europe”.
What this does tell us, business leaders said, is that South Africa
has an
elevated view of itself as a key investment destination which doesn’t
provide guarantees.
One can’t but wonder what they have in mind given the
pressure on President
Jacob Zuma to indulge his ANC zealots.
And Davies
admitted on Hard Talk recently that he was an old-style
communist.
The
Times also reported that in a recent survey South Africa’s low skills
and
education levels, empowerment legislation, bureaucracy and corruption
are
preventing increased investment.
Fidza’s moral
lecture
Meanwhile “filthy rich” Zanu PF apparatchik Philip
Chiyangwa was once again
in the news urging Zanu PF supporters in
Mashonaland West province to vote
for the party.
Curiously Chiyangwa
decided to take the moral high ground in Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai’s
love life, slating the premier for his “bed-hopping
antics”, adding that his
“trend of manipulating women through abuse of
office showed lack of
leadership qualities”.
Because of Tsvangirai’s bed-hopping, opined Chiyangwa,
“he is not fit to
occupy the highest office in the land”.
“He lacks the
qualities needed by a national leader,” he told the Zanu PF
faithful without
the slightest bit of irony.
Like we need a morality lecture from Chiyangwa,
who despite being married
once boasted to being the lover of a well-known
socialite.
“In the beginning we had sex every day for six months. We used to
sneak away
at lunch time or after work,” crowed Chiyangwa.
“Our sessions
would last up to four hours. She was very sexy and knew what
she
liked.”
Since this is a family newspaper we won’t go into the sordid
details.
Anyway we are still waiting for the update on Chiyangwa’s pledge in
April to
donate US$1,6 million to the University of Zimbabwe.
Short
and sweet …
Fongo demands full exposure
The curiously
named Federation of Non-Governmental Organisations (Fongo) is
pushing for
the urgent “exposure” of the views that were recorded during the
Copac
outreach programme. Fongo president Goodson Nguni castigated the MDC-T
for
objecting to the publishing of the national report.
“If they have nothing to
hide why are they afraid to publish it?” he asked.
Maybe they have other
concerns such as indecent exposure!
Magaisa on Mugabe’s
speech
Legal and constitutional expert, Alex Magaisa sums up
Mugabe’s speech at the
UN.
“The irony of it all does not and cannot
escape us,” said Magaisa. “As I
listened to the castigation of
unilateralism, of bullies and war-mongers on
the international stage, I
thought to myself, does President Mugabe realise
when he complains about
these things on the international stage that these
are exactly the same
things that his opponents complain of on the national
stage?”
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Opinion
In this
instalment of his article on the Zanu PF constitution and
succession, Derek
Matyszak argues that the Tsholotsho saga still affects
Zanu PF’s internal
politics. He further argues that while Zanu PF is
structured to allow
democracy in choosing successors to the presidium,
“guided democracy”
actually prevails. Report by Derek Matyszak,
Constitutional expert and
researcher
The Women’s League duly met on November 22 2004, and formally
declared Joice
Mujuru to be their choice as the woman to succeed the late
Vice-President
Simon Muzenda, in accordance with the instruction from the
politburo.
The direction of the wind was clear. Six out of the 10
provinces thereafter
duly nominated Mujuru as their candidate. And the
December 6 congress that
year obediently “elected” Mujuru as vice
president.
Mugabe, apparently euphoric at his successful exercise of
political muscle,
imprudently stated to the gathering: “When you choose her
as a vice
president, you don’t want her to remain in that chair do
you?”
Given what transpired, the suggestion that Mujuru had been
“chosen” by
congress was hardly accurate. Mugabe moved swiftly against those
who had
sought to defy his choice of anointed appointee. The Tuesday before
the
weekend congress, the politburo “suspended” the six provincial chairmen
and
Jabulani Sibanda, head of the Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans
Association, who had been present in Tsholotsho. It was the first of several
axings.
On December 17 2004, Mugabe announced a new and expanded
politburo of 51
members. Jonathan Moyo was removed from the politburo (and
subsequently the
party, and also as Minister of
Information).
Emmerson Mnangagwa was deposed as secretary for
administration — effectively
the party’s secretary-general and fifth in the
party hierarchy — and
replaced by Didymus Mutasa. He was given the post of
secretary for legal
affairs (twelfth in the politburo hierarchy), displacing
Chinamasa who was
removed from the politburo.
Mugabe explained
the measures as follows: “Those who were suspended will
remain suspended and
will be disciplined by the national chairman, while
their vacancies will be
filled in the future …
“There is everything wrong when chairpersons
of the party go and meet
secretly without the knowledge of the leadership of
the party, and worse
still, what would they be discussing there? There is no
party run like
that … When the war was fought, we fought as one on all
fronts. We didn’t
ask guerrillas where they came from, asi vana mafikizolo
ndovaakuti uyu
anobva kwakati? Uyu anobva kwakati? (but the newcomers are
discriminating
along tribal lines). They should know we are non-tribalists
and
non-regionalists.”
The Tsholotsho saga continues to
reverberate through Zanu PF’s succession
and internal politics. Several
issues arising from the saga require comment
for present purposes. Although
Zanu PF has been structured in a manner which
allows the choice of
successors to the presidium to be extremely democratic,
the actual process
is best described as “guided democracy”, with Mugabe as
the tiller man and
the politburo as the crew.
The politburo had no power to amend
the constitution to mandate a female
vice-president or to change the
composition of the provincial electoral
colleges. That power lies with the
central committee (subject to
ratification by congress) and congress
itself.
The congress nonetheless ratified the changes which had been
unlawfully made
by the politburo to accord with Mugabe’s intentions and
strategy. The
politburo also had no power to suspend the provincial
chairpersons, and the
national chairman no power to discipline them.
In
the role of implementer of Mugabe’s policies, using procedures often
outside
the confines of the party constitution, the politburo has become
enormously
powerful since Tsholotsho.
Rather than the congress controlling
the central committee, the central
committee controlling the politburo and
the politburo directing the
presidium, the flow of power is in precisely the
opposite direction. Zanu PF
spokesman, Rugare Gumbo, has candidly stated
that “the politburo is the
policy-making body outside
congress”.
The politburo thus has arrogated the power to itself to
dismiss members of
the PCC; to reject nominees to the central committee by
the PCCs; barred
individuals from contesting for the post of provincial
chairperson;
cancelled polls of party structures; and even gone so far (as
will be seen)
to claim the power to control and veto nominations for the
presidium from
the provinces.
None of these powers is vested in
the politburo by the party’s constitution.
The Zanu PF-controlled
state media presents Mugabe’s retention of the
presidency as being the
result of an unchallenged consensus within the
party. Similarly, the
overview of the Tsholotsho saga, outlined above, might
tend to give the
impression that after these events Mugabe was entirely
secure within the
party. This is not the case, and, at times, Mugabe’s hold
on power even
became more tenuous.
The confluence between the state and party
presidium has been noted. A
similar and extremely important conjunction
exists with the appointment, by
Mugabe, of members of the central committee
to the politburo, and the
appointment of the same individuals by Mugabe as
ministers in government.
That these powers allow Mugabe to control the
politburo was plainly evident
during the Tsholotsho saga, if they had not
been before.
To deepen the well of largesse, and further strengthen
his ability to
exercise control over the party through the politburo, Mugabe
(apparently
unilaterally and unconstitutionally) increased the size of this
body to 51
members.
Matyszak is a former University of Zimbabwe
law lecturer, constitutional
expert and researcher with the Research and
Advocacy Unit.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Opinion
THE opinion
in the current state-controlled Sunday Mail edition by Professor
Jonathan
Moyo, supporting his octogenarian handler President Robert Mugabe,
headlined “Obama uses UN to garner votes” has exposed Zimbabwean leaders as
inadvertently promoting right-wing views and stereotypes about Africans in a
bid to divert attention from their failures.
Report by Garikai
Chimuka, Netherlands-based analyst
Moyo, now in the habit of attacking
foreign leaders after his recent
assaults on South African President Jacob
Zuma when he has nothing useful
but praises to say about those running our
country, launched an unnecessary
offensive on United States President Barack
Obama, exposing his anger at
anyone criticising and standing up to
dictators.
In an attack apparently driven by malice and resentment of
the realisations
of a young African-American leader who rose to the most
critical leadership
position in the world and his refusal to indulge
dictators, Moyo cynically
described Obama as someone who has no ideas beyond
the teleprompter (also
called an autocue) he uses in his
speeches.
Moyo’s noises bear a striking resemblance to the racist
attacks on Obama by
the right-wing “Tea Party”. Moyo conveniently forgets
that even his boss,
Mugabe, also uses prepared speeches, not on the
teleprompter but on paper
since he is allergic to technology, besides being
bankrupt in terms of
ideas.
To describe Obama’s electrifying and
presidential speech at the United
Nations General Assembly last week and his
exemplary conduct as president
since he took office in 2008 as confused and
a campaign gimmick for US
elections actually exposes Mugabe and Moyo as
hopeless charlatans who have
now joined the reactionary Tea Party in
maligning blacks they don’t agree
with.
Mugabe, who recently
lunged at Jamaicans from nowhere, and Moyo can’t
appreciate Africans who
achieve greater things than themselves and hold
different views from theirs
despite their pretence of being champions of the
emancipation of black
people.
After a proud black Jamaican team, led by Usain Bolt,
electrified the
Olympics in London by setting and breaking world records,
Mugabe out of the
blue made scandalous remarks denigrating Jamaicans, while
perpetuating
racist stereotypes against them despite that they fought for
their freedom
and also helped others in doing the same.
Without
any cause, Mugabe senselessly launched astonishing attacks on
Jamaican men,
describing them as hopeless drunkards, marijuana-smokers and
school
dropouts, Moyo’s favourite phrase which he uses to insult those he
disagrees
with in the media, at a time when the whole world was still
basking in the
extraordinary exploits and glory of Bolt and Yohan Blake at
the recent
Olympics.
Such irresponsible remarks about black people coming from
Mugabe and Moyo
are just sickening. To Mugabe and Moyo, blacks are only
successful and
progressive if they are endorsed by them.
But what
is most outrageous is the similarity of their statements to those
often made
by racists about blacks.
Throughout his installment, Moyo arrogantly,
while trying to defend Mugabe,
tried to present Obama as an ignoramus. He
uses the same script that the
discriminatory “Tea Party” has been using
against Obama and by extension all
black people.
It’s not rocket
science that the “Tea Party” has been behind the racist
attacks on Obama,
making ridiculous allegations including that he did not
even go to Harvard,
his is not even a lawyer and demanding that he produces
his original birth
certificate and academic transcripts.
Mugabe and Moyo can’t afford to
join this charade to denigrate Obama
educationally, philosophically or in
terms of leadership.
Obama attended Occidental College, but received
his undergraduate degree in
political science (specialising in international
relations) from Columbia
University, an Ivy League member currently ranked
ninth in the US. He also
graduated Magna Cum Laude from Harvard Law School
where he also served as
president of the Harvard Law Review. The Harvard Law
School is ranked the
second best Law School in America after
Yale.
How can Moyo claim in all seriousness that someone with such a
phenomenal
record who came out of Harvard, taught law at Chicago Law School,
practicised and rose to become the first black US president in history
against all odds has no ideas of his own? These are the kind of insulting
narratives one would expect to hear from the bigoted “Tea Party”
mouthpieces, not any self-respecting black person.
Moyo also
accused Obama of using the UN to campaign for votes in the
November
elections. The irony of this wild allegation is perplexing. For God’s
sake,
Obama understands better than Moyo can ever do how to campaign and win
elections in the US.
That is why he flew directly from the
swing state of Ohio and then flew
straight to another battleground state of
Virginia. If he wanted to use the
UN as a campaign platform as Moyo naïvely
suggests, then why did he not
spend the whole week there campaigning? Was
Mugabe also campaigning at the
UN?
Surely, Moyo, for all
his pretence to know everything when clearly he doesn’t,
can’t teach Obama
how to campaign and win elections in the US.
Further, Moyo
inadvertently exposed the vacuous nature of Mugabe’s
hypocritical UN speech.
The focus of Mugabe speech was primarily to try to
blunt Obama’s address and
momentum (which is why he prefaced it with a
reaction), while reinforcing
the messages of the “Tea Party”racists who have
been making false
allegations about Obama’s person, leadership and policies.
Mugabe’s
Muammar Gaddafi monologue and Moyo’s pathetic attempt to belittle
Obama by
borrowing themes, refrains and style from the racially prejudiced
“Tea
Party” was a damp squib and huge disappointment.
Chimuka is an
analyst based at Wageningen University, The Netherlands.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Opinion
THE
massive contraction of the manufacturing sector is as clear as day.
Notwithstanding the innumerable factors which have caused economic decline
over the last 15 years, the decimation of the manufacturing sector has
contributed immensely to that decline.Eric Bloch Column
More than 100
industrial operations have ceased to exist, with the remainder
considerably
downsized. As a result, thousands of workers became unemployed,
while those
with technical skills left Zimbabwe to seek employment
elsewhere. Imports
have increased considerably, because similar products are
no longer
available locally.
Consequently, Zimbabwe’s adverse balance-of-trade
has worsened, with
concomitant negative effects upon financial liquidity.
Revenue inflows to
the fiscus have been markedly reduced, thereby
exacerbating government’s
bankruptcy.
The manufacturing sector’s
demise can be attributed to many causes. However,
one of the stand-out
factors has been the increase in imports of products
identical to
locally-produced ones.
In part, the increase was fuelled by price
competitiveness due to economies
of scale not available to the local
industries. This negative development
has also been intensified by the
ability of manufacturers in other countries
to make use of state-of-the-art
machinery in their production, whereas the
illiquid local industries remain
with antiquated machinery.
In addition, foreign industries enjoy
consistent and reliable energy
supplies, water, refuse and sewerage removal
as well as a well-developed
telecommunications and transportation
infrastructure.
One of the key reasons many foreign industries are
able to supply goods to
Zimbabwe at considerably lower prices is the
magnitude of direct and
indirect export incentives they get from their
governments. These
incentives, in some cases, may be in breach of the
international General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (Gatt). This is
especially so in the case of
some countries in the Far East.
At
least one of those countries provides its manufacturers with some of
their
manufacturing inputs free of charge.
In addition, they give their
exporters massive financial subsidies (in one
instance equal to 180% of
attributable manufacturing labour costs.
With free procurement of
some inputs and no sizeable labour costs being
incurred, the manufacturers
are able to produce goods at minimal cost,
enabling them to market the
products at exceptionally low prices –– far
below the production costs
Zimbabwean producers of like products have to
deal with.
Although
“protectionism” is undesirable and should not be pursued, the need
for an
upward revision of import duties and allied charges by the
government, to an
extent that would result in market price equality, is
imperative.
Customer determination on whether to purchase
local or like imported
manufactured goods should be founded upon quality,
reliability, availability
and not on price where the imported product prices
are substantially less
than those of locally-produced
goods.
Appropriate revision of import tariffs is overdue, and
should now belatedly
be effected in the forthcoming 2013 national budget,
scheduled to be
presented to parliament by Minister of Finance, Tendai Biti,
on November15.
Rein in import duty evasion
Concurrently,
the government must vigorously and urgently enhance its
operations on
containment of import duty evasion. Considerable quantities of
imported
goods unlawfully enter Zimbabwe free of duty.
To a major extent, such
goods are marketed in the “flea markets” and by
informal sector street
merchants. Some of the products enter Zimbabwe at
unofficial border
crossings, instead of through border posts. Others are
imported as so-called
“personal effects” of some diplomats and other
foreigners entering Zimbabwe,
whilst yet other products are imported under
cover of falsified import
documentation.
Without being oppressive thereby prejudicing
persons arriving in Zimbabwe,
or unduly delaying clearance of imports, the
Zimbabwe Revenue Authority
needs to enhance its containment of spurious and
evasive imports.
Biti also needs to review downwards the import duty
on manufacturing inputs.
The duties on certain production materials such as
consumable plant and
machinery spares, is yet another contributor to the
inability of many
industries to compete with imported manufactured
products.
The minister should have urgent interactions with bodies
such as Association
of Businesses in Zimbabwe, Confederation of Zimbabwe
Industries and Zimbabwe
National Chamber of Commerce in order to
constructively review relevant
import tariffs.
Export
incentives
Government also needs to introduce meaningful export
incentives (within the
constraints of Gatt). If that is done simultaneously
with the review of
import tariffs, and countering of other impediments to
substantial volumes
of production, local enterprises would be able to
re-penetrate export
markets thereby helping revive the economy.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Opinion
A
draft national code for corporate governance (NCCG), a framework which
will
guide and govern how Zimbabwean companies will be directed and
controlled is
now complete and currently going through refinement before it
can officially
be launched in October this year.
Report by By Henry Diya
This was
revealed by Eve Gadzikwa at a recent corporate governance
conference held at
the Troutbeck Resort in Nyanga.
She is the director general of Standards
Association of Zimbabwe (Saz),
chairperson of the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange,
vice chairperson of the National
Corporate Governance Code Project for
Zimbabwe Steering Committee and
chairperson of CZI Standing Committee on
Business Ethics and Standards.
Gadzikwa said this while addressing directors
and managers at a training
workshop organised by the Institute of Directors
Zimbabwe.
“This is a process that began sometime in September 2009, and
like the
constitution-making process, thematic committees had to go through
a wide
consultation process across the country so as to capture views from a
variety of sectors, and now the most important thing is to refine it in view
of the October launch,” explained Edward Siwela, executive director of the
Institute of Directors Zimbabwe.
Currently there is no existing
corporate governance code to guide the
operations of local companies, which
has seen rising cases of abuses and
malpractices at a number of
firms.
“Boards of directors are sometimes selected on the basis of who
knows who,
termed the ‘Old Boys Club’ and that negatively impacts on the
effectiveness
of the board,” lamented Johannes Mudzengerere, Chairman of the
Institute of
Directors Zimbabwe. “Board selection is critical as there are
specific
criteria that need to be employed to ensure the right board
mix.”
Global trends in corporate governance have seen modern progressive
institutions, countries and groups of countries attempting or having
introduced corporate governance structures to try and improve the way
corporations behave, protect stakeholder interests and safeguard the
business operating environment. Examples of African countries that have
developed and implemented National Corporate Governance Codes include
Malawi, Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa. As such, Zimbabwe is lagging behind
and pronouncements of the enactment of a local code are therefore a step in
the right direction.
The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) and the
World Bank are key actors in promoting policy
dialogue on corporate
governance. OECD has been central in the setting-up of
Corporate Governance
Round Tables in Asia, Russia, Latin America, South-East
Europe and Eurasia.
Indeed, Africa was not left behind. Through the New
Economic Partnership for
Africa’s Development (Nepad), African leaders
introduced the African Peer
Review Mechanism (APRM). The APRM covered issues
such as regulatory
frameworks, corporate social responsibility, and adoption
of codes of
ethics, stakeholder engagement as well as accountability of
corporations,
directors and officers.
Other efforts were the
introduction of the King Report on Corporate
Governance (CG) in South
Africa, the initiative by the Commonwealth
Association for Corporate
Governance (CACG) Guidelines, proliferation of
Institute of Directors or
such other names – promoting Corporate Governance
principles.
Zimbabwe is on a journey to formulate a national code on
corporate
Governance. The Promoters of this noble project are The Institute
of
Directors Zimbabwe, Standards Association of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe
Leadership Forum. The State-Owned Enterprises and Parastatals (SOEPS)
already have a corporate governance framework though its implementation is
highly questionable, given the perennial down-performance of these
entities.Economic challenges experienced by Zimbabwe between year 2000 and
2008, and the current indigenisation of the economy has ushered in a new
breed of entrepreneurs, changing completely and supposedly irreversibly the
structure of Zimbabwe businesses. A National Code on Corporate Governance is
going to encompass a number of considerations to be
relevant.
Foremost, the bulk of Zimbabwe’s companies are now informal
entities, small
to medium enterprises and SOEPs. Zimbabwe’s business
landscape has seen a
proliferation of family-owned businesses and these are
playing a pivotal
role in reviving the economy, so cannot be ignored.
We
have in existence, pyramid business ownership structures where various
individuals and/or families have shareholding in a various network of
companies, and this presents unique corporate governance challenges such as
related party transactions.
“Banks own shares in private companies,
the question that arises is what is
the lending practice to those entities
the banks are involved in, is it
transparent, prudent and are there
arms-length dealings between the related
entities?” questioned
Mudzengerere.
http://www.theindependent.co.zw/
October 5, 2012 in Opinion
In my last
article I argued about the desirability and merits of an
electoral alliance
between the MDC-T, MDC and other political parties to
face off against Zanu
PF and President Robert Mugabe. In this instalment I
would like to focus on
the nuts and bolts of such an alliance and how it can
be made to come to
fruition and the principal actors and factors in the
process of developing
an electoral alliance .Report by Dumisani Nkomo
Inter-party negotiating
teams
Instead of wasting time negotiating with an intransigent and bellicose
Zanu
PF, the two MDC formations should immediately dispatch emissaries to
the
negotiating table to sketch the mechanics of an electoral alliance, its
scope, magnitude and critical terms of the pact.
The over-arching
objective should not be to form one political party, but
rather a strategic
electoral alliance through an electoral pact involving
the two parties and
other so-called fringe parties including Zapu,
Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn (MKD),
among others.
The negotiations must focus on obtaining political
realities based both on
previous and current electoral strength of each of
the political parties.
This will include mapping of the relative
geographical strengths of the
parties, their competitive advantages, skills,
resources, competencies and
expertise, as well as how these can be
transformed into a cohesive electoral
unit.
The mapping should take
cognisance of the various constituencies where each
political party has a
competitive advantage. Constituencies should be
defined both geographically
and in terms of interest groups. For example,
the MDC-T may be strong
geographically in five provinces while the MDC may
be strong in three
provinces. Within these provinces, however, the MDC may
particularly be
strong in certain MDC-T dominated provinces or vice-versa.
It may so happen
that Dumiso Dabengwa’s Zapu, for example, may be relatively
stronger in
terms of membership and support in Bubi, Insiza or Beitbridge
although those
provinces may be MDC or MDC-T strongholds .
Candidates mapping
Simba
Makoni’s MKD party or project may be weak in all constituencies, but
may
offer, say, five quality candidates who may just need the support of a
broad
electoral base. Similarly, some of the smaller parties such as Zapu or
Zanu
Ndonga may be able to provide better candidates in one or two
constituencies
or wards.
What constitutes a quality candidate is a debatable subject
altogether and
there seems to be general consensus in Zimbabwe that the
quality of some of
our members of parliament and councillors is questionable
in one respect or
another in terms of either integrity or capacity or both
.
However, it must be acknowledged that there are political parties which
are
stronger than others that have more support and/ or resources and this
should not be taken for granted. For example, the fact that the MDC-T
commands a relatively large support base nationally is undisputable, but it
is also undeniable that Professor Welshman Ncube’s MDC while not growing in
leaps and bounds, is nevertheless experiencing exponential membership growth
in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces.
A detailed constituency
matrix based on a scientific formula for each party’s
strength per given
constituency or ward should be produced so that the party
with the greatest
chance of winning in a particular ward or constituency is
supported by the
other political parties.
This worked quite well in the 1980s, for
example, in the Bulwayo City
Council where PF Zapu fielded candidates in the
western areas and backed
independent white candidates in the eastern areas
with the objective of
deriving benefit from the experience of the former
Rhodesian councillors.
Zanu PF was soundly trounced in both the western and
eastern areas in
Bulawayo during the first two elections. This formula can
and should work.
The danger of this formula however, is that if
improperly implemented, it
could promote losers, opportunists, political
gatecrashers and grandstanders
“who toil not neither do they spin” at the
expense of hardworking and
long-serving cadres.
New GNU
package
The architecture of a new government of national unity (GNU) without
Zanu PF
should be part of the agreement with a general covenant that cabinet
posts
should be shared. Critically, there have to be important policy
agreements,
for example, on how the issue of devolution would be
addressed.
The MDC-T — because of empirical evidence of its somewhat
greater chances of
winning an election — should provide leadership in this
respect. But be wary
this could be its last chance to win elections against
a reformed Zanu PF,
an invigorated MDC or a new third force that could
benefit from the
implosion of the MDC-T if Zanu PF wins the elections. The
MDC, on its part,
should demand key policy and power concessions as a
pre-requisite for
participating in the alliance. The possibility of two
vice-presidents with
one from MDC would become inevitable although
undesirable given that
Zimbabwe is such a small country.
It is
inevitable that an electoral alliance will lead to another GNU. The
key
difference would be the fact that this GNU would not have the obstinate
Zanu
PF as a partner.
Role of the church and civil society
Instead of
taking sides with either the MDC-T, MDC, Zapu or any other
political party,
progressive church leaders should play a midwifery role in
catalysing the
push for an electoral pact.
International community
The international
community should insist on backing only a united front to
contest in the
elections as this is the only politically bankable and
economically viable
option. Pouring resources into one political basket will
just increase
conflict within various factions in different parties without
contributing
anything to real change.
Nkomo is Habakkuk Trust CEO and spokesperson of
the Matabeleland Civil
Society Forum. He writes in his personal capacity.
E-mail:
dumisani.nkomo@gmail.com