AFP
08 October
2007, 19:23 CET
(LONDON) - Prime Minister Gordon Brown warned Monday that
neither he nor any
other senior British government minister will attend a
Europe-Africa summit
if Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe is
there.
Previously Brown had said he would boycott the December summit
between the
European Union and Africa in Portugal if Mugabe turned up, but
it has been
unclear if Britain could be represented at a lower
level.
"I will not attend. No senior government minister will attend," he
told his
monthly press conference in Downing Street. "We are not prepared to
sit down
at the same table as President Mugabe.
"We are not prepared
to give any suggestion to anybody... that we condone an
abuse of human
rights in his country, the poverty and deprivation of his
people and his
unacceptable behaviour as president," he added.
A senior government
official told AFP later that Brown's comment referred to
the highest level
members of the cabinet -- secretaries of state.
That ruled out either
Foreign Secretary David Miliband or International
Development Secretary
Douglas Alexander attending the summit, he said.
Asked whether junior
ministers of state such as Europe minister Jim Murphy
or Africa minister
Mark Malloch Brown could attend, he said: "Either would
be
feasible."
The summit was originally planned for April 2003, but has been
repeatedly
postponed due to the adamant refusal of several European
countries --
including former colonial power Britain -- to meet Mugabe over
his rights
record.
Britain and other European powerhouses have urged
the African Union to use
its leverage and convince Mugabe to let his country
be represented at the
summit by another official, so far in vain.
A
senior British diplomatic official, speaking on condition of anonymity
last
month, said London still wanted Harare to attend, but Mugabe's
insistence on
being in Portugal was the stumbling block.
He said it was a matter for
the African Union and the Southern African
Development Community.
The
83-year-old firebrand Zimbabwean leader has come under a barrage of
international criticism for violating political and human rights in his
country and plunging it into a disastrous economic crisis.
Forbes
10.08.07, 1:10 PM ET
LISBON (Thomson Financial) - European
Commission chief Jose Manuel Barroso
said today that a long-planned
EU-African summit should take place with all
African countries, and not be
derailed by a row between Zimbabwe and
Britain.
Speaking on the
sidelines of an EU foreign ministers meeting here, Barroso
said the December
summit in Lisbon was 'not a meeting with just one country'
but a 'meeting
between the whole European Union and the whole of Africa'.
British Prime
Minister Gordon Brown confirmed earlier Monday that neither he
nor any other
senior government minister would attend the summit if
Zimbabwean President
Robert Mugabe turned up.
But Barroso said: 'That would not be fair, nor
right, and that would not
serve European interests if, because of a
political regime or a specific
dictator, we could not have a meeting at this
level with Africa as a whole,'
according to the Lusa news
agency.
Africa 'was and should continue to be a priority for the European
Union,' he
added.
'For this reason, we hope this summit will take
place and hope that there we
can discuss human rights issues honestly with
our African friends,' he said.
Questioned about who would represent
Britain at the meeting, Barroso said it
was up to each individual country to
decide who it sent.
'In terms of the European Commission, I myself intend
to go because we are
placing the greatest importance on this summit and we
want it to translate
into concrete progress,' he said.
'In terms of
its political significance, we must discuss concrete issues,
such as
emigration from Africa towards Europe, the consequences of climate
change in
Africa, and energy issues.'
Zim Online
Tuesday 09 October
2007
By Farisai Gonye
HARARE -
President Robert Mugabe on Monday bragged about how his
government was able
to evade Western sanctions and trade restrictions to
import badly needed
agricultural including from American firms.
The United States, EU,
Switzerland, Australia and New Zealand have cut
direct aid to Harare and
imposed smart sanctions against Mugabe and his top
officials who they accuse
of violating political and human rights and
plunging Zimbabwe it into a
disastrous economic crisis.
While the sanctions only target Mugabe
and his top officials, the US
government through its Zimbabwe Democracy and
Economic Recovery Act also
bans American firms from dealing with the Harare
government.
Addressing guests at a ceremony to distribute tractors
and other
farming equipment sourced by the government, Mugabe said his
government had
used "its friends" to circumvent US restrictions and import
equipment from
American manufacturers.
"We have bought
tractors, some of them from the United States of
America despite the tight
sanctions imposed on us," a confident Mugabe told
the gathering of mainly
supporters of his government.
He added: "They imposed the Zimbabwe
Democracy and Economic Recovery
Act which bans all American firms from
trading with us in any way. But we
have our own way of dealing with that
issue. We can use our friends to buy
from America and forward the goods to
us."
Mugabe blames the spectacular collapse of Zimbabwe's once
thriving
economy on Western sanctions he says are hurting the common man
more than
the intended members of the ruling class.
Zimbabwe,
once southern Africa's breadbasket, has battled chronic food
shortages and
an economic crisis that critics blame on repression and wrong
policies by
Mugabe such as his chaotic and often violent seizure of farmland
from whites
to give to landless blacks.
Mugabe denies he is to blame for the
hunger that has stalked Zimbabwe
since he launched his farm redistribution
programme in 2000, choosing
instead to attribute food shortages mostly to
erratic rains.
The veteran leader, who is battling for his
political life as pressure
mounts at home and abroad for him to step down,
used Monday's ceremony to
call for unity among Zimbabwe's main political
rivals to revive the
country's moribund agricultural sector.
He
said: "Let's work together, all of us. We all need food whether we
belong to
ZANU PF or the MDC (main opposition Movement for Democratic Change
party).
"We eat the same food, so let's unite for one goal.
When these
tractors are distributed, we won't consider whether one is a
member of ZANU
PF or the MDC. The issue of food affects
everyone."
Analysts say Zimbabwe faces a poor harvest again in the
coming farming
season even if the country receives adequate rains because of
a shortage of
fertilizer, seeds and other farm inputs. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tuesday 09 October
2007
By Nqobizitha Khumalo
BULAWAYO -
Zimbabwean theatre producer Cont Mhlanga is bracing for a
fresh
confrontation with President Robert Mugabe's government over a
controversial
play that is set to premiere in Bulawayo this weekend.
The play
entitled "Overthrown," is a gripping story of Zimbabwe's
eight-year
political and economic crisis that Western governments and the
main
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party blame on
repression
and bad management by President Robert Mugabe.
The story begins
with dead bodies lying in a mortuary. The bodies
suddenly come alive and
accuse the President of being the author of their
misery. The ghosts
eventually decide to walk to State House to assassinate
the
president.
The play, written by Stanley Makuwe and directed by
Mhlanga, is
scheduled to run at Amakhosi Theatre in Bulawayo from the 12th
to the 13 of
October 2007.
The provocative play has already
triggered shrills of protests from
state agents and other government
supporters with for example, the
state-controlled Bulawayo daily, The
Chronicle newspaper, allegedly refusing
to carry adverts publicising the
play.
Mhlanga claimed that editors at the Chronicle had refused to
carry
adverts and any promotional material for the play in a move he said
was
tantamount to curtailing free expression.
"The Chronicle
which is the only daily paper in the Bulawayo region
has informed us that
they are not allowed by their superiors to publish
adverts for the play.
This is a blatant attempt to curtail freedom of
expression," said
Mhlanga.
The editor of the Chronicle, Brezhnev Malaba, could not be
reached for
comment on the matter last night.
This is not the
first time that Mhlanga has had brushes with the
Zimbabwean government. Two
months ago, state security agents violently
stopped the premiere of
Mhlanga's political satire, The Good President.
The police said the
organisers had not sought permission to stage the
play as required under the
country's Public Order and Security Act (POSA).
Under the tough Act,
Zimbabweans must first seek permission from the police
before sitting down
in groups of more than three people to discuss politics.
An
increasingly paranoid Zimbabwean government has over the past seven
years
used the tough security laws to ban cultural works that they say are
meant
to stir the people to rise against the government. - ZimOnline
Reuters
Mon 16 Jul
2007 13:15:16 BST
By Robert Evans
GENEVA, July 16 (Reuters) - Children
in Gaza and Zimbabwe desperately need
help to ensure they have food, clean
water and schooling, and international
aid is running short, a senior United
Nations official said on Monday.
Dan Toole, director of emergency
programmes for the UNICEF children's
agency, said a shortage of donor cash
was having a dramatic effect in the
territories, which both face
international disapproval because of their
leaders'
policies.
"Isolation, both externally and internally imposed, combined
with
underfunding for humanitarian aid, is denying children the basic goods
and
services that would normally be taken for granted," Toole told a Geneva
news
conference.
"The children of Gaza and Zimbabwe deserve better.
They have the right to go
to school and be educated, drink clean water and
go to bed without being
hungry," he said.
Aid funding for UNICEF
programmes in the whole of the Palestinian
territories, including the West
Bank as well as Gaza, is running at only 36
percent of needs for this year,
while for Zimbabwe it is at 29 pct.
The two areas were typical of
UNICEF's "forgotten emergencies" where funds
are very short for initiatives
to help children, Toole said, describing
Iraq, southern Sudan, Chad, Cote
d'Ivoire and Pakistan as similarly
vulnerable.
Toole said conditions
for young people were "nothing short of unbearable" in
the Gaza Strip, which
was taken over by the Hamas Islamist group last month
after bloody clashes
with the Fatah movement of Palestinian President
Mahmoud Abbas.
The
vast majority of all Gazans rely on humanitarian aid, but relief efforts
have been largely thwarted by the region's isolation, despite a welcome move
by Israel to ease barriers to the delivery of goods, he said.
In
Zimbabwe, where inflation is running at over 4,500 percent and
unemployment
at 70 percent, "quality health care and schools have all but
collapsed," he
said.
Price controls recently imposed by the administration of President
Robert
Mugabe "have resulted in serious shortages of basic goods across the
country, including sugar, meat, flour, milk, bread and fuel," hitting
children especially hard.
"Malnutrition is growing as parents
struggle to feed their families," Toole
said.
VOA
By Patience Rusere
Washington
08 October
2007
Police in the eastern Zimbabwean city of Mutare on
Monday beat and set dogs
on dozens of people lined up to buy sugar,
witnesses and other sources said.
Reports conflicted as to how many
people were bitten by the police dogs, as
many of those said to have come
under attack by the police fled the scene.
Spokesman Pishai Muchauraya of
the Mutare branch of the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change's Morgan
Tsvangirai faction said his organization has
identified 10 people who were
bitten and has helped them obtain medical
treatment.
Eyewitnesses
said about 45 police officers descended on shoppers, beating
them with
batons and setting the dogs on them. After dispersing those who
had been
queuing, witnesses said, the police and their families reportedly
started
buying the sugar.
In another episode reflecting desperation for food in
the country,
Muchauraya said a young child was killed last week in a
stampede at a SPAR
supermarket in Mutare.
No details or comment from
police in Mutare on the police action against the
shoppers Monday could be
obtained, as calls were not going through the
telephone
network.
Sakubva resident Chipo Mwatsa, one of those bitten by the police
dogs, told
reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that she
and others
were quietly queuing for sugar thus the police onslaught was
entirely
unjustified.
UN Integrated Regional
Information Networks
8 October 2007
Posted to the web 8 October
2007
Bulawayo
A South African recruitment drive for teachers,
combined with an exodus of
education professionals escaping Zimbabwe's
seven-year recession, is
creating staff shortages so severe that some
schools are closing.
At least four schools have closed and several more
are facing the same
situation. The students are being transferred at a time
when they are
preparing to write their year-end examinations, placing even
greater
pressure on the recipient schools.
Teacher's salaries
have not kept pace with Zimbabwe's official inflation
rate of more than
6,000 percent, while neighbouring South Africa has
embarked on a recruitment
drive for teachers in the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC) to
bolster their own teacher numbers.
Firoz Patel, director-general for
planning and monitoring in South Africa's
education department, has
reportedly said they were seeking to recruit at
least 4,000 mathematics and
science teachers from the region by April 2008.
The department had already
recruited 1,500 teachers, who were being deployed
to posts in remote areas,
often shunned by local teachers.
The Progressive Teachers Union of
Zimbabwe (PTUZ), the biggest grouping of
educators in the country, said this
week that 15,200 teachers had migrated
to neighbouring states, such as South
Africa, Botswana, Namibia and
Swaziland, since the beginning of
2007.
Raymond Majongwe, secretary-general of PTUZ, confirmed that the
mass exodus
of teachers was forcing schools to close, while many
institutions were
operating with a skeleton teaching staff.
"There
are two schools in Matabeleland North [Province] which have shut down
as a
result of teacher shortages, while in Matabeleland South [Province]
there
are reports that one headmaster was forced to close down the school
after
all the teachers left," Majongwe told IRIN. He said 8,000 teachers had
left
Zimbabwe after the first term, while another 7,200 left after the
second
term.
Teacher exodus
"There has been a mass exodus of teachers ...
the situation this term is
worse because, in the last two weeks alone,
hundreds of teachers resigned en
masse and the figures of teachers who have
now left the country could be
double those of the beginning of the year. We
are still compiling the
statistics," Majongwe said.
There has been a
mass exodus of teachers ... the situation this term is
worse because, in the
last two weeks alone, hundreds of teachers resigned en
masse
Last
week, Inyathi High School in Matabeleland South Province transferred
its
students to nearby Gloag High School after all the science teachers
resigned, while Lumene Primary School, in the same district, failed to open
for the third term when none of the teachers arrived for duty. Other schools
that have failed to open in Matabeleland South are Chibila Primary in Binga,
Sizinda and Gundwane Primary School.
Zipora Mudenda, Acting Permanent
Secretary in the Ministry of Education and
Culture, confirmed that teachers
had resigned but said she was unaware of
any schools closing as a result of
staff shortages.
"As far as we are concerned all schools have been
operational, and if there
are such cases of schools not being opened or
closing down, this has not
been brought to our attention - and in such cases
the education directors
are supposed to staff those schools with relief
teachers," Mudenda said.
She conceded there was a brain drain affecting
the education profession, and
said the ministry was implementing a
skills-retention fund in a bid to
retain teachers, but the initiative was
dismissed by the PTUZ.
"The government has not done anything to retain
teachers. The retention fee
of Z$200,000 (US$0.40 at the parallel market
rate of Z$500,000 to US$1) a
month is a joke, and teachers will continue to
leave until government gets
serious," Majongwe told IRIN.
Final year
exams
The staffing shortages at schools have become a serious concern for
the
parents of school-going children, who are about to start writing their
final
year exams.
"Since the beginning of the term the students have
not been learning
anything due to a shortage of teachers, and the situation
is made worse by
the fact that the government has embarked on an exercise to
recruit
untrained teachers to fill the gaps," Martha Tshuma told IRIN. Her
child
attends Sobukhazi Secondary School in the high-density suburb of
Mzilikazi
in Zimbabwe's second city, Bulawayo.
Right now all our
teachers at school are temporary teachers, and they do not
seem to be in
charge, as they are confused by a lot of things in our syllabi
Students
in many schools in and around Bulawayo, interviewed by IRIN, said
most
teachers at their schools were untrained relief teachers. "Right now
all
teachers at school are temporary teachers, and they do not seem to be in
charge, as they are confused by a lot of things in our syllabi," said a
final-year student who declined to be named.
Majongwe said the
government was using relief teachers, but this was not a
solution and was
compromising education standards in a country once widely
regarded as
setting some of the best educational standards in Africa after
Zimbabwe won
its independence from Britain in 1980.
Last week 25 teachers resigned
from Kuwadzana High School in the capital,
Harare, while at Mzilikazi High
School, in Bulawayo, 20 teachers resigned,
Majongwe
said.
Hyperinflation has played havoc with teachers' salaries of about
Z$5 million
(US$10) per month. A promise by the ZANU-PF government that
salaries would
increase to Z$15 million (US$30) has been dismissed as
nothing more than a
perpetuation of poverty wages.
[ This report does
not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations ]
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
08 October
2007
Zimbabwe seventh graders started writing
examinations on Monday, but the
exercise was marred by widespread teacher
absenteeism as members of the
Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe
remained on strike for a third week.
Some pupils also failed to show up
for exams as they assumed these were
canceled due to the strike. In some
schools, solders were drafted to monitor
the exams.
The PTUZ last
week wrote to the government urging it to postpone exams by
one month to
give students time to prepare.
Zimbabwe Teachers Association President
Tendai Chikowore said all members of
the union had returned to work and that
the situation in their schools was
normal.
Progressive Teachers Union
President Takavafira Zhou told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri that the union is
sorry students must take exams for which they
are not fully prepared, but
that teachers are obliged fight for their
economic survival.
Reuters
Mon 8 Oct
2007, 15:47 GMT
By Nelson Banya
HARARE, Oct 8 (Reuters) -
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe on Monday said
his government's drive to
give farm equipment to resettled black farmers
would raise agricultural
production and prove critics of his controversial
land redistribution
wrong.
The southern African country, once one of the most prosperous
agricultural
producers on the continent, has had severe food shortages since
2000 when
Mugabe seized thousands of white-owned commercial farms and gave
the land to
poor blacks.
Critics say those now tilling the farms lack
proper skills and funding and
have exacerbated the country's economic
crisis.
Speaking at a ceremony to hand over thousands of tractors and
animal-drawn
farm tools to the new farmers, Mugabe acknowledged Zimbabwe is
struggling to
feed itself but said the government assistance would make a
difference.
"We have become the laughing stock because of hunger ... we
need to put our
detractors to shame," Mugabe, who blames the country's deep
economic crisis
on a combination of Western sabotage, sanctions and drought,
said at the
ceremony in Harare.
"Without doubt, the equipment and
implements ... will further increase the
capacity of our farmers in a way
that should realistically move us closer to
government's vision of a
Zimbabwe that is more than self-sufficient in food
security."
Mugabe,
who accuses Western governments opposed to his land policies of
crushing
Zimbabwe's economy in order to oust him, said increased food
production
would also help tame rampant inflation, officially running at
about 6,600
percent.
Zimbabwe's inflation, the highest in the world, has been
accompanied by
soaring poverty, unemployment of about 80 percent and chronic
shortages of
food, fuel and hard currency. Thousands leave every day in
search of work in
neighbouring countries.
Mugabe, who denies
widespread charges he has mismanaged the economy and
repressed political
opponents, also reached out to opposition groups, whom
he has frequently
accused of being puppets of former colonial power Britain.
The veteran
Zimbabwean leader's ruling ZANU-PF is in negotiations with the
Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), the main opposition party, to reach an
agreement to
end the political crisis and smooth the way for elections in
2008.
South Africa is mediating the talks.
"We all need to
eat, whether you are ZANU-PF or MDC ... let's unite," Mugabe
said. "We will
not discriminate along party lines. Every farmer has the
right to a tractor
to produce. Let's be together."
Fin24
Oct 08 2007 10:06 PM
Chris
Muronzi
Harare - Zimbabwe has handed out 50 000 ox-drawn ploughs to communal
farmers
to lift agricultural output but still needs donkeys and ox to
complete the
mission, Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe said.Mugabe
remained largely
jovial throughout his televised speech marking the
presentation of the
second phase of a mechanisation programme which is
supposed to help
turnaround the troubled southern African country's
agricultural
fortunes.Mugabe's "mechanisation programme", an effort to
empower new
farmers with state-of-the-art tractors and combine harvesters
and other
mechanised farming equipment, was greeted overwhelmingly by
supporters and
farmers alike. He said: "As farmers you also have to grow
food for the
nation and not for your stomachs so that as a country we have
enough to feed
ourselves and surplus for export so that we can earn foreign
currency for
use in our businesses. This programme is meant to increase
production in
farms." Mugabe also urged farmers to work harder and
transform Zimbabwe
into a land of plenty so that the country does not remain
the laughing stock
it has become.Under the "mechanisation programme" that
started a few months
ago, Zimbabwe has imported close to 1 000 tractors, 50
000 animal-drawn
ploughs, 70 000 animal-drawn harrows,1 000 animal-drawn
planters and several
combine harvesters which will be handed out to farmers
in due
course."Although hoes are good and we need them at our homesteads
from time
to time, the time has now come for much more sophisticated
machinery so that
we can increase volumes of the crop that we grow," he
added.Mugabe also
warned businesses to desist from overpricing saying he is
willing to fight
them.He jokingly said that although he is 84 years old, he
still can pack a
mean jab while warning defiant firms that they might not be
in the fight for
long.In June, he ordered a blanket 50% price cut of all
goods, an
announcement which triggered massive shortages of basics.Mugabe
says the
"mechanisation programme" will benefit every Zimbabwean but his
critics say
his confidantes in government and Zanu-PF will benefit the
most.The aged
leader sanctioned wanton invasion of white-owned farms several
years ago for
redistribution to landless blacks.However, the controversial
land reform
programme ended up benefiting Mugabe's henchman and allies at
the expense of
ordinary people. And as a result of the farm invasions,
agriculture has been
run down.Now, a third of the country's population is
said to be facing
possible starvation according to the World Food Programme.
The country is in
its eighth year of economic crisis characterised by high
inflation now close
to 7 000%. - Fin24
SW Radio Africa (London)
8 October
2007
Posted to the web 8 October 2007
Tererai
Karimakwenda
Confusion surrounds the situation regarding teachers in
the country after
the Zimbabwe Teachers Association (ZIMTA) made a deal with
the government
last Thursday and ordered striking teachers back to work. As
of Monday, some
teachers from ZIMTA said they were not returning to their
posts until the
agreed Z$ 14 million for September was in their
accounts.
The other union, the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe,
blasted ZIMTA
for making last week's deal, saying the money offered was
still below the
poverty datum line. As Grade 7 students showed up to write
their external
examinations on Monday, it was not clear whether there would
be enough
invigilators to man the exams. Not enough information was
available from
around the country to indicate otherwise.
PTUZ
National Coordinator Oswald Madziva told Newsreel on Monday that they
had
advised their members to go to work, not because they had accepted the
deal,
but because they wanted the teachers at a central place so they could
consult them on the way forward. Madziva said they had also sent text
messages to members seeking their opinion, and were currently collecting
more information from all their branches and a clearer picture is due to
emerge by Tuesday afternoon.
Madziva explained that they had urged
government to be sensitive to the
needs of students and postpone the Grade 7
exams. He said teachers had been
on strike for 3 weeks in February and
another 3 weeks in September which
means students have missed a total of 6
weeks of lesson time this year. The
students have also been affected by the
mass exodus of teachers from
Zimbabwe, and replacements are difficult to
find. Power cuts and shortages
of paraffin and candles in the country also
cut down their study time.
Madziva said PTUZ had no contact with
officials from ZIMTA because the 2
unions differed on principles and the way
forward for education in Zimbabwe.
A PTUZ statement on Monday described
ZIMTA as "largely a pro-government
union".
Meanwhile lecturers from
the National University of Science and Technology
(NUST) are reported to
have rejected their union leaders for being lenient
on the government and
negotiating for a minimum salary of $35 million which
the lecturers refused
to accept.
The University Educators and Teachers Association at the
institution passed
a vote of no confidence on their union leadership and
have given a notice to
go on strike if their demands for salary and living
conditions are not
addressed.
Reuters
Mon 8 Oct
2007, 14:44 GMT
(Updates with details)
By John Irish
DUBAI,
Oct 8 (Reuters) - A company run by a member of Qatar's ruling family
is
investing around $1.5 billion in Zimbabwe, to build an oil refinery and a
hotel, and says it is not concerned about the country's political and
economic crisis.
Venessia Petroleum plans to build a 120,000
barrels-per-day refinery in
Harare, while a sister company will develop a
five-star hotel in the
Zimbabwean capital, the company's general manager
Jawhar Zaidi said on
Monday.
President Robert Mugabe, shunned by the
West over policies such as the
seizure of white-owned farms to resettle
black people, is courting Asian and
Muslim governments to invest in his
country, where the economy is on the
brink of collapse.
"We have been
in the region for a while and we're not worried about the
political
situation," Zaidi told Reuters by telephone from Doha.
Consultants would
start designing the refinery, costing as much as $1.5
billion, by the end of
the year once a feasibility study was completed, he
said.
"We would
look to import crude from Qatar or another Middle Eastern
country," Zaidi
said. Qatar has the world's third largest natural gas
reserves and is a
member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting
Countries
(OPEC).
Venessia Petroleum is chaired by Abdulaziz Bin Mohammad Bin Jabor
al-Thani,
a member of Qatar's ruling family, Zaidi said.
The company,
which operates overseas as Venessia General Trading, was set up
as part of
the government's plans to help develop Qatar's energy sector,
according to
Venessia's Web site.
Venessia General Trading is investing in hotels and
oil storage facilities
in the southern African country of Malawi, Zaidi
said.
The company has permission to build a five-star hotel in Harare for
about
$136 million, he said.
The Zimbabwe government has proposed a
bill to transfer majority ownership
of foreign companies to Zimbabweans. If
it becomes law, it will force mining
and banking firms to give at least 51
percent control to Zimbabweans.
Zimbabwe has the highest inflation rate
in the world at an annual 6,600
percent.
The government has in the
past two years signed deals with countries such as
China and Iran to invest
in areas including mining, agriculture and
engineering.
Monsters and Critics
Oct 8, 2007, 16:00 GMT
Harare - Zimbabwe's President
Robert Mugabe on Monday slammed what he called
shameless and relentless
efforts by his opponents to undermine the country's
economy, as he handed
out agricultural equipment to new farmers.
The farm equipment handed out
included hundreds of combine harvesters,
tractors, ploughs and
harrows.
The distribution of equipment is the second allocation Mugabe's
cash-strapped government has made under the country's farm mechanization
programme.
The programme is meant to boost agricultural production
that has plummeted
in the wake of a controversial seven-year-long campaign
of white land
seizures.
Monday's commissioning ceremony came as an
international famine watchdog
said 40 per cent of rural Zimbabweans would
require food aid between January
and March, when the next harvest is
due.
The US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network said in its
latest report
that up to a million people living in towns and cities would
also require
food aid in the next six months.
In a speech carried
live on state radio, Mugabe repeated his accusation that
smart sanctions
imposed on his government by Western powers were meant to
cause chaos and
disorder in the country's economy.
He said other methods of sabotage
being used were what he termed
inexplicable increases in prices of
commodities by businesses and
manufacturers here.
State-ordered price
slashes in late June quickly emptied local supermarkets.
Some goods are
slowly creeping back onto shop shelves, many of them imported
and at prices
few can afford.
Self-sufficiency, Mugabe said, would prove to be an
invincible weapon.
'It is the best weapon of defending ourselves. It is
also the best weapon of
ensuring our own development,' he said.
He
called on every sector in the farming industry to increase
production.
'We want more maize production,' he said. Zimbabwe is
critically short of
the staple maize crop.
The country is also
expected to harvest only around a third of its wheat
requirements this
month, exacerbating already-chronic bread shortages.
The poor wheat
harvest has been blamed on shortages of electricity needed to
drive
irrigation schemes.
Mugabe said his government was making efforts to
secure more power and
water. 'We should be doing better from now on,' he
said.
The equipment handed out included 1,200 tractors, 50 combine
harvesters,
1,600 ploughs and harrows, as well as tens of thousands of
animal-drawn
implements to be used by peasant farmers.
© 2007 dpa -
Deutsche Presse-Agentur
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 8th October 2007
I do not
like crystal balls - they are notoriously unreliable and can be
misleading.
But I felt that we must do some thinking about what lies ahead
of us and
what we all have to do to get through the next 9 months. First of
all a time
table.
I think that the deal being negotiated with Zanu PF under SADC
tutelage will
be complete by the end of October. It then has to go the SADC
leadership for
endorsement and confirmation from Mr. Mugabe that the deal is
acceptable.
Once that is done it will have to go through an acceptance and
implementation phase in Zimbabwe including a Parliamentary process. This
cannot take less than 6 weeks and that takes us into December. Nothing much
will happen until we get the silly season behind us and that takes us into
January 2008.
The deal will try to create reasonable conditions for
two things - a
political campaign between political parties in Zimbabwe and
the subsequent
conduct of a poll of all registered voters. The critical
thing is how do you
do this and in my view the conditions required simply
cannot be created in
three months. I therefore think that June 2008 will be
the earliest that the
actual poll can take place.
What everyone has
to understand is that this is the only show in town. There
is no other route
back to sanity and we are stuck with this process even if
we do not think it
will work or we think it is a set up and we are the fall
guys.
I
think about the present situation and wonder if we will ever get to
December, let alone March or June! Just today I had to buy 40 litres of fuel
for my vehicle so that I can go up to Harare on Wednesday for a policy
workshop. 40 litres cost me Z$28 million. While I was there - buying diesel
from a young couple who were pastors at a Community Church in Chipinge and
are now trying to make a living trading fuel from their home in Bulawayo, I
bought some beef from another young man - also from Chipinge who had
slaughtered three cattle and was selling the product in one kilo lots out of
their kitchen. He was going to then buy fuel and head back to
Chipinge.
Just look at these exchange rates - April 21 950 to US$1; May
29 167 to
US$1; June 175 000 to US$1; July - no trade (price controls);
August 192 300
to US$1; September 350 000 to US$1; October the 8th 585 000
to US$1. That is
the devaluation of the local currency on the open market in
6 months. The
dollar has devalued to 27 times its value in April 2007.
Prices are again
moving by the day and there is no end in sight. If my
estimate of present
inflation is right - about 20 000 percent per annum, we
can see how rapidly
the local currency is depreciating and there is no hope
of the State every
keeping up with the pace of change.
The DMB -
operating under price control is paying its suppliers 38 000
dollars a litre
for fresh whole milk delivered to its dairies. That is 45
Rand cents a litre
or 6 US cents a litre. Quick way to go bust! So we have a
critical shortage
of milk and all milk based products. The official price of
maize meal - and
we consume 3000 tonnes a day, is Z$13 800 a kilogram or
Z$14 million dollars
a tonne. The free market price is R3 500 a tonne or
Z$300 million a tonne -
a direct subsidy by the State of Z$340 trillion
dollars a year.
That
is one parastatal on its own. Add to that the railways, ZESA and a
myriad of
other State controlled institutions and you know why the Reserve
Bank must
print money - trillions of dollars of new money every day. Money
supply
according to outdated statistics provided by the Reserve Bank is now
over 18
000 percent up year on year - close to the estimated inflation
numbers.
Bus fares are now Z$300 000 a day for most workers - they
earn much less
than this, on top of this they must search for food and other
basics every
day and pay through the nose for everything when they find it.
Add to this
miserable scenario the shortages of water and electricity black
outs for
half the day every day and you can easily understand why 4 million
people
have fled the country to South Africa and thousands more decamp every
day. I
have seen estimates of our population that put it as low as 8 million
people
left in the country. I think that is low, but it is certainly not the
12
million estimate I see used by the media every day.
We entered the
hyperinflation League of Nations in March 2007. Only 21
countries have been
through such conditions in the past 100 years. The
duration of such
conditions ranged from 2 months to 48 months. They all
recovered from this
nightmare in a comparatively short time by adopting a
fairly standard series
of reforms and these were either adopted by the party
in power and
implemented (Mozambique) or they were implemented by a new
government once
the old regime had been overthrown or voted out of office
(Zambia).
My own guess is that Zanu PF is now incapable of making the
painful changes
that are required to get things right again. The man in
charge is beyond it
all and the succession struggle is tearing Zanu PF
apart. Zanu PF is
committed to the course they have set and they have no
alternative strategy.
Their most recent grand recovery plan is simply not
worth the paper it was
written on. Therefore I think we are stuck with
hyperinflation until the
elections. That will mean that Zimbabwe will have
to cope with these
horrendous conditions for another 9 months, at the very
least.
How do we cope? Individually we will simply have to go on making a
plan and
getting by on a daily basis. In our business lives those of us who
want to
be here and ready to take advantage of the turn around must also
strategize
and ensure that our business survives. Operate on a cash basis
and watch the
fundamentals every day. Do not give in to the intimidation or
price controls
and resist the so-called "indigenisation".
If the SADC
process is the only game in town, then the MDC remains the only
organisation
that can unseat Zanu PF in the coming election. I think we are
going to get
a shot at that for the first time under reasonable conditions.
You should
play your part in that process - we need your help and
cooperation. We must
restore the political structures destroyed by the State
across the country,
campaign for the hearts and minds of the voters and
prepare to effect the
turn around that we are all looking for after the
election has done its
thing.
I can tell you that the leadership of the MDC is doing their bit -
we are
working around the clock and making sacrifices to get things moving
on the
ground. We are taking risks on a daily basis and in some instances
putting
our lives and freedom on the line. What are you doing? No point in
moaning
and complaining - our future has always been in our own hands, this
time we
at least have some external assistance and support - even if it is
conditional and half hearted.
The Combined Harare Residents
Association (CHRA) is increasingly worried
over the water situation in
Harare. This follows reports by residents in
Belvedere that they have gone
for a week without water. Residents complain
that they have failed to do
their daily chores as a result of the situation.
The situation is even more
appalling for families with infants. Children
have had to go to school
without bathing as the little water available is
reserved for cooking. CHRA
fears that the water situation is slowly
deteriorating as has happened in
Mabvuku and Tafara. In this area residents
have not received running water
for 6 months.
CHRA ward five member, Mr Dullab is coordinating petitions
to the Zimbabwe
National Water Authority (ZINWA) over the water situation in
the area. Other
areas in Harare like Budiriro, Dzivarasekwa, Glen View and
Kambuzuma have
also complained on the water situation with residents going
for days without
water. When it does come it has no pressure and is muddy.
Ironically,
residents received ballooned bills of between 5 million and 25
million
Zimbabwe dollars. ZINWA hiked its rates backdated to August 1 2007
after it
forwarded to cost of reticulation to residents. CHRA has condemned
these
increases as unjustified as there is no corresponding increase in the
quality of water service provided.
Water problems in Harare surfaced
when the Zimbabwe Government ordered ZINWA
to takeover sewer and water
administration from the City of Harare. The
water authority has failed to
provide adequate and clean water supplies.
CHRA continues to lobby
government and Parliament to rescind on its decision
as there is amply
evidence that ZINWA has failed. There is enough evidence
that ZINWA cannot
run water affairs in Zimbabwe, it has no financial and
technical capacity.
Various sections of the Zimbabwean society,
parliamentary committees and
civic bodies continue to expose the incapacity
of ZINWA to run water
affairs.
Farai Barnabas Mangodza
Chief Executive Officer
Comment from Business Day (SA), 8 October
Dianna Games
The man of the moment in
Harare's power elite, the minister of
indigenisation and empowerment,
recently thundered in Zimbabwe's parliament:
"When you are carrying out a
revolution, you do not do it in half steps."
The minister, Paul Mangwana,
was speaking during the debate on the
controversial Indigenisation and
Empowerment Bill, which requires
foreign-owned companies to cede at least
51% of their shareholdings to
indigenous Zimbabweans. He fulminated about
destroying colonialism and
continuing the struggle. There are some concerns,
even among those
supporting the legislation, about the wide powers the act
would give the
minister, put into the job by President Robert Mugabe.
Mangwana is not a man
known for restraint. As acting minister of
information, he presided over
legislation that prevented independent
broadcasters from operating in
Zimbabwe.
As social welfare
minister, he accused nongovernmental organisations of
being British agents
working for regime change, the result of which was
legislation, which never
became law, that made it illegal for hundreds of
humanitarian organisations
to operate independently in Zimbabwe. The
indigenisation bill may suffer the
same fate. Many suggest that the
legislation is another intimidation tactic
to show who is boss, in which
case Mugabe's work may already be done. But if
it does become law, there are
fears about how it will be implemented. Past
experience shows the
heavy-handed and often brutish implementation of new
populist laws. Many
South African companies have shareholdings of less than
51% in Zimbabwean
companies and are probably breathing easy. But they should
not relax their
guard. This is not a government that respects its own
undertakings.
I was discussing the issue with a Nigerian banker the
other day. He told me
about a similar experience in his country. In the
mid-1970s, the new
military government of Murtala Muhammed introduced an
Indigenisation Decree,
which ordered the control of the economy by
Nigerians. The decree listed
three categories of ownership - 60% foreign
ownership was allowed in
businesses with a high technology and skills
component, notably the oil
industry; 51% local ownership was ordered for a
mid-tier of business,
including banking and construction; and 100% ownership
was decreed in
smaller businesses such as retail. Many multinationals,
notably
international banks such as Standard Chartered, Citibank and
Barclays,
pulled out. This economic policy, along with political instability
and poor
governance, led to serious economic decline. New business owners
had little
to celebrate. A decade later the decree was repealed. Now,
economic
liberalisation, coupled with better governance and private
sector-friendly
policies, have made Nigeria a rapidly growing economy in
which foreign-owned
multinationals profit alongside strong locally owned
companies. But it was a
long wait - and many would argue an unnecessary one.
More than one
generation was lost to these political shenanigans. Zimbabwean
business
people maintain that at this stage, creating jobs is more important
than who
owns whom.
Despite the fact the indigenisation bill has
sailed through parliament and
the senate on a tide of emotion, the details
remain murky. Old Mutual, for
example, is 100% foreign-owned but holds
significant stakes in many local
companies through the investment of managed
pension fund money. Foreign
banks are mostly holding indigenous capital and
are the institutions to
which local capital flees when the domestic banks
look shaky. These are
choices consumers make, not the foreign banks. In
trades done on the stock
exchange, the use of nominees means brokers do not
always know who they are
investing for. And so on. Should Mugabe give the
law his nod, it will be a
victory only for short-term populist expedience
but a long-term disaster for
economic recovery. A priority for most
Zimbabweans right now is simply
having a job. All the rest is "just
grammar", as Nigerians would say.
Afrique en ligne
Harare, Zimbabwe - Britain announced Sunday it was giving
eight
million pounds sterling to Zimbabwe for food aid for an estimated four
million people facing starvation.
In a statement, the British
Embassy in Zimbabwe said the money would
be given to the World Food
Programme (WFP) to buy and distribute food to
starving people in the
country.
Drought and poor agricultural policies have led to
frequent food
shortages in Zimbabwe, with the authorities saying the country
this year
needed to import at least one million tonnes of food to avert
hunger.
The government has already started importing maize,
Zimbabwe's staple
food, from neighbouring countries such as Malawi, Tanzania
and Zambia.
The British Embassy said it would work with other
international aid
agencies, in addition to the WFP, to avert starvation in
Zimbabwe.
"Our eight million sterling pound contribution will go a
long way to
reduce hunger and vulnerability in Zimbabwe and will be spent on
much needed
food aid through the World Food Programme," it
said.
"We are working closely with other donors to further
strengthen WFP's
monitoring systems to ensure that food aid reaches everyone
who needs it,"
the embassy added.
Harare -
08/10/2007
Panapress
It was after the Canadian farmer had been missing for a few days that his neighbours became concerned.
Later, they found what was left of him.
Tied to a lonely tree under the bright Zimbabwean sun, he had been forced to drink sulphuric acid.
This brutality, horrific as it maybe, is not unique in a country quite literally tearing itself apart.
The ‘lucky’ ones are those such as Althea Human, who manage to get out of the country with their lives –along with an estimated 4000 people who are crossing the border to South Africa every day-.
Althea sits across from me, a pretty, brown haired young woman with haunted eyes. Born in Harare in 1984 her eyes seem to see the sun warming the beautiful country she remembers.
“I had a great childhood growing up on the farm doing all sorts of crazy things,” she says reminiscing about happier days.
However, life in Zimbabwe is no longer the same and she’s not willing to take the risk. After all what sort of a life would it be now?
Her brother, Marius, who’s still in Zimbabwe, refusing to leave the only home he’s ever known, painted a bleak picture when his sister asked why he wasn’t emailing.
“I live in Zim, there is no zesa (electricity) and when we have zesa there is no net to mail.”
Marius says power is only running for 10-15 hours a week, due to bills outstanding with South Africa and Zambia. Water runs once every two days, and you really can watch the price of bread rise while waiting in the shopping line.
Once known as the bread basket of Africa, Zimbabwe is bordering on mass starvation after 95% crop failure; supplies of staples such as maize meal are running low.
If food can be found, it takes bags full of money to buy even a loaf of bread due to hyper-inflation where the black market value of 1 million Zimbabwean dollars is US$5.50.
In June this year Mugabe accused businesses of working with Britain by raising prices in an attempt to destabilise the economy.
To punish them, President Robert Mugabe ordered all prices to be cut in half.
Many importers can no longer afford to do business as they lose money the minute they sell goods; meaning even less food on shelves.
Any retailers who ignored the direction could be imprisoned and Mugabe threatened to forcefully nationalise factories that stopped producing, even although he didn’t have the manpower to run them.
An African correspondent who prefers not to be named, since it's getting increasingly difficult for independent journalists to get access to the country, says “ 7000 have already been charged for contravening the directive about prices.”
“We are saying to all factory owners ‘you must produce’,” said Mugabe. “If you don’t produce, we certainly will seize the factories.”
The New Zealand Herald reported that one Zimbabwean landlord now asks tenants to pay him in sugar, oil, flour and salt.
“Instead of giving me cash, which loses value while I hold it,” said Norah Mutasa told the paper.
The story of Zimbabwe’s fall from grace is a complicated one.
Once called Rhodesia, after British imperialist and business man Cecil Rhodes, it was under partial British rule from 1888 to independence in 1980.
Like much of the rest of Africa, Zimbabwe suffers from a heritage of colonialism and vast inequality between the indigenous black Africans and their former European masters.
This lead, as it often has, to war in the 1970’s and it was during the years of guerrilla war that the young hero Robert Mugabe, a leader of one on the patriotic movements was first noticed.
In 1978 a power sharing deal was brokered with the white government of Prime Minister Ian Smith. His regime was near the brink of collapse after years of war and international sanctions.
Through the deal Zimbabwe got its first black Prime Minister, Bishop Abel Muzorewa, who was widely regarded as a sell-out.
The power was still not fully in the hands of the majority, however, and the guerrilla war continued until a mediated peace was arrived at two years later.
In the free elections of February 1980, Mugabe and his Zimbabwean African National Union party, ZANU, won a landslide victory.
He has won ‘re-election’ ever since, and plans to stand again next year.
The validity of most of the elections, however, especially that in 2002, has been questioned by international organizations after reports of intimidation and opposition votes being destroyed or lost.
At first Mugabe’s rule seemed nothing more than nationalistic, but, it was soon understood that he had a vendetta against white Zimbabweans.
He was also under a lot of pressure from the majority of poor black Zimbabweans to provide them with some way to support themselves and their families.
Many agree that land reforms were the correct way to right this imbalance, but the way they were implemented was where it went wrong.
“In the beginning Mugabe wanted to negotiate, he said give us two farms and teach the black people how to run it,” says Althea as she remembers the storm clouds brewing.
She lived on a massive plantation made up of five farms put together, “one cattle, one coffee, one sheep and macadamias”. It covered 3000 hectares and employed around 1500 workers.
“So originally the whites were like ‘okay we’ll give a certain amount’, then Mugabe said ‘no’.
“He wanted more, say give us four farms and you have one. “So the whites said no, we’ve been on these farms for centuries; my great-great grandfather was one of the voortrekkers who went up and got deeds in 1903.”
It was in 2000 after the farmers stood their ground, that it started to get nasty.
Gangs of ‘war vets’ made up of mostly 18-21 year olds would roam the countryside and attack the people who worked for white farmers.
Mugabe had promised to pay them and look after their families.
“Some are younger than I was, they weren’t even sperm at the time of the independence war,” say Althea.
At first the ‘war vets’ were in relatively small groups and only armed with sticks.
They were often beaten off by the farm workers, each of whom had something to defend, such as a hut on the property for his family with toilets and electricity.
Soon the ‘war vets’ began to bus into areas in larger numbers armed with AK-47s. Any who resisted were shot.
Black workers were forced to flee, almost 1 million are estimated to have lost their jobs.
Many fled to the outskirts of the big cities where they joined vast shanty towns such as, Chitungwiza –Harare’s biggest township-, which Mugabe had bulldozed in June 2005 after claiming it was ‘illegal’ housing.
In reality he was trying to destroy support for the opposition Movement
for Democratic Change party, MDC.
The destruction of Chitungwiza and other townships, has led Amnesty International to estimate there are almost 700,000 internally displaced people in Zimbabwe, many struggling to survive.
The farms in the meantime fell into disarray.
If white farmer still refused to leave, Mugabe’s thugs turned up at his house.
“Like Martin, they came to his house, killed his dogs and burnt him alive in the house; he had sent family to Harare,” says Althea, almost emotionless as if death has become so much a part of life it was no longer shocking.
Farms were turned into fortresses, defended by whoever was at home; people who had grown up hunting.
“My dad and 2 brothers would take turns, like at war, and sit up at night when the blacks would come and take shots at the house.
“So all the men would have little radios on channel 12 so they could call each other if they had trouble, then come to that person’s house and take shots at war vets; not at them, but to scare them.”
“I remember one holiday we went home from boarding school and say 500 of them surrounded the house.
“It was so scary, the dogs were going mental, so they threw stuff at the dogs to try and kill them.
“We started shooting to scare them, get them to run off.”
But, it wasn’t only in the countryside that the situation was grim.
“I visited friend in Chinoyi, the men had gone out; stuff wasn’t as bad there.
“About 40 blacks came and burnt and ransacked the cars.”
“There were just three of us women so we thought, ‘okay’, ‘hide don’t let them know we’re in house’, so we took panel out of the roof and hid in there.
“They came in, but we were in roof.
“We were stuck in there for about 8 hours, praying they wouldn’t burn house.
“It was so fucking scary, you don’t know if that’s last day,” she says, then amazingly she laughs, warm, slightly shaky, laughter.
When asked how she can laugh, Althea explains that it’s all that has got her through.
“I came to a crossroads, either I live life to fullest and make best of it, or I wallow in the past and get stuck in this rut and feel like crap; I decided I didn’t want to wallow in the rut,” says Althea her strength returning.
From 2002 there has been a mass exodus.
“Even if farmers couldn’t sell their farm they went to town and sold goods, clothes furniture.
“Or they just they put everything in cars organised a place in UK and left.”
Althea’s father managed to sell four of the farms to large foreign owned ‘tea estates’.
“Eventually they took our last farm in November 2005.
“We were losing cattle and coffee, you can’t maintain the farm.
“They drove up to our house and gave us letter giving us five days to move out, if we didn’t…, so we packed all stuff and moved to the city.”
“Then they sued us for our own furniture,” she says still laughing with disbelief.
That was in November 2005, since then the situation in Zimbabwe has gone from bad to worse.
The whites that are left live in shared flats in the cities like Harare or Bulawayo.
Farms that were once lush and well maintained, a rare sight in a hot dry country, have fallen into disrepair under owners who have no training in how to run them.
This causing the huge food shortage.
“The government is now hiring whites to run farms, my brother is breeding ostriches,” says a smiling Althea, the irony of the situation not lost on her.
Zimbabwean Sunday newspaper, The Standard, reported in September that disgruntled cane cutters say they were better off under their previous employers, the white commercial farmers.
"We are living in poverty since these war veterans took over the farms," said Justin Chauke, who works for a war veteran known as Comrade Satan. "They pay us a meagre $200,000 a month –about $1-, and we do not know how they expect us to survive."
Chauke said: "This is tantamount to slavery. We have nowhere to go since some of us are not educated. Our former employers, though white, paid us handsomely and we and our families could afford a decent life."
As the old saying goes, ‘power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely’; this adage has been strikingly true with regard to 83 year-old Mugabe.
When asked about the situation in Zimbabwe today, the former United Nations Under-Secretary-General Anwarul Chowdhury talked of Mugabe as a megalomaniac and said really there is very little that can be done, as he is beyond reason.
The UN also, cannot agree of a course of action.
The irony in Africa is that Mugabe still has support from many of Africa’s leaders, who frown upon current sanctions.
“He is still regarded as one of the leading liberation heroes of Africa,” said the African correspondent.
However, some of his closest friends and supporters are beginning to lose faith.
Prominent Zimbabwean academic and long time Mugabe supporter Ibbo Mandaza believes that for the good of the country Mugabe must go.
“We cannot even begin thinking of resolving the economic crisis here as long as he remains in power.
“He must quit for his own good and that of the country.”
However, Rhetoric like this may be little more than pipe dreaming.
The African correspondent believes it is “only the Zimbabweans’ resilience and the occasionally heavy-handedness from the security forces that prevents the country from descending into anarchy.”
“On the bright side, Zimbabweans in general still have one of the highest levels of education in Africa, a pride in their country and a work ethic which makes them highly valued in neighbouring South Africa.”
Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the MDC –who was beaten almost to death in 2007 -is currently in Australia trying to garner support for change.
“I believe that this Zimbabwean situation has assumed almost that international crisis stage.
“Therefore the role of international community is very, very important.”
Tsvangirai like many other members of the opposition has been badly beaten up many times by Mugabe’s cronies who know no other way to react.
Zimbabwe’s motto is "Unity, Freedom, Work". Right now it looks like it’s going to take a lot of work to get Zimbabwean’s free of Mugabe’s rule so they can unite and save their dying land.
Especially from an international community who have suddenly decided that it is not their place to get involved; possibly because Zimbabwe doesn’t have huge oil reserves.
“Hopefully he’ll die in the next few years and I can go home,” says Althea.
My father, himself born in Zimbabwe, agrees.
He said half jokingly that someone should just shoot Mugabe because it would make things a whole lot easier.
This is an extreme position, but perhaps an extreme situation breeds such a response.
The BBC reported that Morgan Tsvangirai is more positive.
"The people of Zimbabwe are resilient ... and have a shared commitment to see the dictatorship go," he added.
"The people will always prevail. No dictatorship is permanent."
ENDS
The Zimbabwean
HEADLANDS
Simba
Makoni, the former minister of Finance and Economic Development, whom
many
hope will stand for the Presidency at the next elections, has described
leaders within the ranks of the ruling party as dictators and selfish
individuals bent on serving their interests first instead of those of the
people of Zimbabwe.
He also described the land reform programme, which
the country embarked on
in 2000, as a complete failure.
Makoni, who is a
member of the Zanu (PF) Central Committee and Politburo
socked party leaders
from Manicaland Province and traditional leaders when
he castigated the
haphazard manner in which the land reform programme was
conducted.
Makoni
was invited to speak on behalf of Lands minister, Didymus Mutasa, at
a
recent function organised by the governor of Manicaland, Tinaye Chigudu,
at
his farm in Makoni District.
Before launching his blistering attack, Makoni
requested permission to speak
on his own behalf instead of representing
Mutasa.
"What I am going to say here is not what he was going to say but
these are
my own words which must not be linked to him," said
Makoni.
"Why is it that after the country embarked on the land reform
programme
there has been hunger in the country? Let us not blame it on
droughts but on
our greedy leadership. It is very embarrassing for a country
like Zimbabwe
to go and beg for food from countries like Malawi, but it is
now happening."
Makoni said infrastructure did not just come from heaven.
Some people would
have worked tirelessly to build such houses but some
Zimbabweans only wanted
to get such huge investments for free, he said amid
a deafening silence.
He also described the leadership as lazy, greedy and
corrupt.
"I am happy for Minister Mutasa's failure to grace this important
occasion
because it gave me a rare opportunity to say what I feel about my
country,"
he said. - CAJ News
www.kubatana.net
Ronald Suresh Roberts, Business in Africa
July
2007
The word 'Zimbabwe' is the Pavlovian Bell of the white South African
mind.
Once the word rings out, all remnants of liberal good sense retreat,
replaced by salvation and loud barking. Consider Helen Suzman, interviewed
by the London Weekend Telegraph under the headline 'Democracy?' "It was
better under apartheid," says Suzman. You might think, reading this, that
Suzman was talking about South Africa and seeking a return to its apartheid
past. But you would be wrong on both counts. Despite the headline, Suzman
was not seeking a return to the apartheid past and her thoughts were
dominated by Robert Mugabe rather than South Africa. "For all my criticism
of the current (South African) system, it doesn't mean that I would like to
return to the old one. I don't think we will ever go the way of Zimbabwe,
but people are entitled to be concerned. I am hopeful about any future for
whites in this country - but not entirely optimistic."
The headline
was flatly contradicted by the quoted content of the interview.
Something
more than incompetence was at work here: the headline felt right,
despite
its obvious contradiction of the interview, because Zimbabwe indeed
operates
in the colonial subconscious as an alter ego for South Africa
itself. Most
South African discourse on Zimbabwe is less about Zimbabwe than
it is about
South African and colonial whites granting themselves permission
to indulge
in dystopian nightmares that are starkly at odds with the new
South African
realities. Zimbabwe ceases to exist as a country with a people
and a
politics of its own. It becomes a prism through which apartheid
liberals
project their deepest and darkest - especially darkest - South
African
preoccupations.
In 2004 the Democratic Alliance (DA) erected a giant
billboard in
Johannesburg's northern suburbs with a double portrait of Thabo
Mbeki and
Mugabe. Once the line between the distinct realities of Zimbabwe
and South
Africa is racially blurred in this way, the absurd becomes
conceivable. The
swart gevaar campaign of the DA in 2004, based upon the
plainly spurious
suggestion that the ANC would use a two-thirds majority to
amend the
Constitution, was not really catching fire. It had to be sexed up,
as by
Tony Leon's statement, a few weeks before polling day, headlined 'Tony
Leon:
Zimbabwe: politically motivated genocide.' The text then read: "After
much
careful consideration and analysis of the available evidence, including
the
recent revelations on BBC television of government sponsored murder and
torture training camps, we believe that there is now a possibility that the
Mugabe regime may begin to engage in the systematic murder and torture of
its political opponents in the run-up to the next election in Zimbabwe. It
is thus not impossible that there may be a politically motivated genocide in
Zimbabwe."
In a more subtle but equally insidious register is Helen
Suzman's comment:
"This (South African) spends like a drunken sailor,"
Suzman told the
Telegraph. Suzman simply could not make such a statement
about 'South
African' public finances without shifting, through a kind of
racial alchemy,
to reliance upon the facts of Zimbabwe. Whatever else the
sins of the
democratic government of Thabo Mbeki and Finance Minister Trevor
Manuel,
they are hardly offences of wild spending, as the country's steadily
rising
credit rating since 1994 attests. Only through the racial blurring
that
creates a unitary Mugabe-Mbeki composite character can such a thing
even
seem plausible. Suzman subconsciously slips into a mindset that the
openly
racist Dan Roodt deliberately cultivates. Roodt's two essays,
collected in
The Scourge of the ANC, repeatedly discuss a composite
character: a 'Mbeki'
who is actually shadowed by and merged with Mugabe.
Roodt prefers not to
deal with Mbeki himself. When Tony Leon referred to
Haitian democrat Jean
Bertrand Aristide as the "Mugabe of the Caribbean", he
was deliberately
performing a similar racial and ideological
trick.
The dyspeptic Mail & Guardian columnist, Robert Kirby,
regularly wrote of a
fictionalized character called "Thabob Mugabeki", a
troll who occasionally
darts out from under his presidential bridge "to
frighten passing Europeans"
and whose subjects are accustomed to being
"clubbed to death for not
starving quickly enough". Such a composite figure
operates, in all
seriousness, throughout the white South African discourse
of Zimbabwe. The
name itself, Mugabeki, decorates the racist blogosphere
while RW Johnson
identifies something he terms "Mugabe-Mbeki speak". Rhoda
Kadalie claims to
have discovered for South Africans what she calls "our own
internal
Zimbabwe". William Gumede, in his usual self-contradictory style,
has
suggested that: "Although the ANC in South Africa and Zanu-PF are light
years apart, the spectre of 'Zanufication' haunts South Africa." And, of
course, Zwelinzima Vavi: "we may be on our way to the Zimbabwean crisis in
the long run."
Having mentioned Mugabe earlier in one of his
paragraphs, Roodt indulges in
the suggestion that Mbeki is no 'statesman'
but rather a "petty African
terrorist and schemer". In a trope
inter-changeable with Suzman's Telegraph
interview, Roodt writes: "Like his
friends and comrade, Robert Mugabe, Thabo
Mbeki intensely dislikes white
people and regularly lurched into tirades
against him." Roodt bluntly states
his thesis:
"The future of South Africa will not be so much different to
contemporary
Zimbabwe".
Suzman "became powerfully animated" when the
talk turned to Zimbabwe.
According to the Telegraph, Suzman "gestured
fiercely with the manicured
middle finger of her right hand" and said:
"Mugabe has done that to the
whites, and I think that is exactly what Mbeki
admires about him. Don't
think for a moment that Mbeki is not anti-white -
he is, most definitely.
His speeches all have anti-white themes and he
continues to convince
everyone that there are two types of South African -
the poor black and the
rich white." This, of course, blatantly misrepresents
Mbeki's 'two nations'
theme, which was intended as a move towards one nation
by dismantling a
divisive past, rather than as a means for giving the vulgar
middle finger to
whites.
To the unsubstantiated bogey of an
'anti-white' Mbeki, Suzman added: "Mugabe
had destroyed that country while
South Africa has stood by and done
nothing."
All such chatter is
less about the real problems of Zimbabwe than about the
conscious and
subconscious ears, resentments, jealousies and desires for
historical
vindication of white South Africa. The quest is not to solve
Zimbabwe's
problems but the fear of racial 'contagion' by them. The war
against such
realities necessarily relies upon the liberal's traditional
weapon of
stereotype. As Ken Owen has noted, "Zimbabwe has become a pretext
for
renewed demands for President Thabo Mbeki to 'do something', failing
which
he is to be denounced as unfit to govern."
Owen concluded that Suzman and
her successors 'display a more venomous and
more reckless passion towards
Mugabe's oppression that they did towards
apartheid."
Or Israel. Owen
also pointed out that Suzman, a longtime fundraiser for
Israel, wanted an
outcry against Zimbabwean land-seizures but not against
"Israel's seizure of
East Jerusalem and parts of the West Bank". Indeed,
Suzman supported the
Goethe Institute's silencing of Intelligence Minister,
Ronnie Kasrils, after
he had been invited by NGOs to speak on Israel. The
Goethe Institute
initially consented and then revoked the platform. Suzman
supported this
censorship because the Institute should not be used "as a
venue for Ronnie
Kasrils to make his outrageous assertions about Israel".
Moreover, while
Kasrils had a right to differ with a South African
government position that
was more quiet and diplomatic towards Israel than
was his own, "he should
not make statements thereon". So Mbeki's quiet
diplomacy on Zimbabwe was
bad, but on Israel was good - and how dare Kasrils
defy the later, although
Suzman herself defied the former?
One could with equal absurdity argue
that anti-black hatred is 'fostered' by
Suzman's pronouncements against
Mugabe. If you doubt the last assertion
simply consider the experience of
Christan Lamb, who arrived in Johannesburg
to promote her book, House of
Stone: The true story of a family divided in
war-torn Zimbabwe, an unsparing
critique of the human toll that Mugabe's
policies have taken upon Zimbabwe.
But Lamb was unpleasantly surprised. She
discovered at first hand that the
discourse of Zimbabwe in South Africa has
less to do with the problems of
Zimbabwe than with the quest for vindication
of the old displaced settler
elite that "took the gap" to apartheid South
Africa after white supremacy
lost the war there in 1980: "Within a day in
Johannesburg, I experienced at
first hand the difficulties of engaging with
Zimbabwe. I was due to address
a lunch about my new book on the country,
when the man next to me said:
'Rhodesia used to be a wonderful place - they
didn't let blacks walk on the
pavements'. During the entire discussion not a
single person referred to the
neighboring country as Zimbabwe, its name for
the past 26 years. They
insisted on calling it Rhodesia."
Zimbabwe presents, especially among
those for whom it remains 'Rhodesia',
the most neurotic form of
mother-country confusion. To salve this neurosis
the settler press needs to
use each episode in today's Zimbabwean woes in
order to drive home the good
news that: "Racism is not the only evil in the
world."
Every twist
and turn of the Zimbabwean saga indeed provides a convenient
opportunity to
say to Mbeki: 'Just Shut Up' about apartheid and
post-apartheid racism. "In
his weekly African National Congress newsletter
yesterday, Mbeki said South
Africans should use next week's annual Human
Rights Day to address the
continuing scourge of racism in the country. He
made no mention of
Zimbabwe," wrote Business Day.
The soul such commentators want to save is
the white one that felt apartheid
was not all that bad and Ian Smith was
slightly right. This very same
soul-saving of the guilty apartheid soul
through blaming Mbeki for
Zimbabwe - is at work in Helen Suzman's letter,
published alongside Business
Day's editorial on the same day, pitching
apartheid Prime Minister John
Vorster as the man to be emulated. Mbeki ought
to threaten "to instruct
Eskom to turn off the lights in that wretched
country, following the example
of John Vorster when Ian Smith went ahead
with his unilateral declaration of
independence," Suzman wrote. She was
saving her own soul. Zimbabwe was
merely the means. "World Bank president
Paul Wolfowitz told this newspaper
that the world was looking to South
Africa for leadership on the crisis in
Zimbabwe," wrote a sonorous Sunday
Times editorial headlined: 'Mbeki has
lost the plot.'
The world (or
at least Sunday Times editor Mondli Makhanya) was apparently
not looking to
Wolfowitz, the foremost ideological architect of the George W
Bush regime
change in Iraq, for accountability in that bloody mess.
Wolfowitz apparently
hasn't lost the plot.
* This is an edited extract of Ronald Suresh
Robert's book, Fit to Govern:
The Native Intelligence of Thabo Mbeki
www.kubatana.net
Mass Public Opinion
Institute (MPOI)
September 2007
Introduction
In democratic
polities, voting is the supreme act of citizen participation.
In fact,
voting is one of the 'procedural minimum' of democracy. Granted
there are
numerous ways and methods of participation but voting is easily
the most
visible and in all likelihood, the most effective method of
'speaking truth
to power.' In Zimbabwe, the fundamental battle cry for all
nationalist and
liberation movements was: "One man, one vote." The
nationalist demand was
for voting as an inalienable right. In his Voting for
Democracy: Electoral
Politics in Zimbabwe (1992, 6), Jonathan Moyo made an
acute observation:
"The right to vote has a historical significance in
Zimbabwe which dates
back to the struggle against colonialism for
Independence. How that right is
being exercised in post-colonial Zimbabwe is
a matter which should not be
taken for granted."
There are numerous electoral systems in our global
community and where
voting is concerned, some systems require adult citizens
to register (as in
the USA) while in others (e.g. many European countries)
citizens do not have
to register or may do so in a simple, convenient,
almost automatic way. In
the former category, the requirements for voter
registration (e.g. residency
laws) and ponderous registration procedures
present serious obstacles to the
prospective voter. Zimbabwe falls in this
category.
In conducting this study, we did not take anything for granted
and we
approached it with an open mind.
In Zimbabwe, voter
registration constitutes the most crucial component and
qualifier for
participation in elections. Registration is entirely
voluntary. The Zimbabwe
government allows its citizens to register or check
their registration
status each time there are planned elections and this
normally kicks off
about nine months prior the elections. Zimbabweans who
turn 18 can also
register since they would have become eligible. The
government also provides
time for inspecting the voters' register.
Researches have consistently shown
that while a majority of Zimbabweans
express much enthusiasm and desire to
vote, fewer take the necessary and
required step towards voting, i.e.
registration and fewer still actually
turn out to vote?
Since the
turn of the millennium, elections in Zimbabwe have proved to be
highly
contestable political activities and their outcomes equally
controversial.
This has escalated political conflict and tension in society
while the
government elected via these elections suffers from legitimacy
questions.
This survey study sought answers to a whole range of
elections-related
issues and sought to do by asking the voters themselves.
Below, we tender
the survey findings. On the whole, rural Zimbabweans are
more upbeat about
elections than their urban counterparts.
See full document
The Times
October 9, 2007
Ivo Tennant
Peter Chingoka, the chairman of
Zimbabwe Cricket and a controversial,
hardline figure within the game, has
been refused a visa by the Foreign and
Commonwealth Office (FCO), according
to the International Cricket Council
(ICC). He will not be allowed into
London to give evidence to the tribunal
hearing at which Darrell Hair is
suing the governing body for racial
discrimination. Instead, he will be
cross-examined by video link.
An ICC spokesman said that no reason had
been given and the FCO would not
comment on individual cases, but it can be
surmised that this is in
connection with the recently stated strong stance
taken over Zimbabwe by
Gordon Brown. Chingoka, 53, was granted only a
five-day visa to visit
Britain earlier this year, having been refused an
entry visa on account of
his association with Robert Mugabe. It was feared
at the time that this
might jeopardise the appointment of David Morgan as
ICC President-elect.
Chingoka was the first black Zimbabwean to make his
name within cricket and
was educated at a private multi-racial school in the
country. In 2005 some
high-profile Zimbabwean cricketers rebelled against
his politicised
standpoint. Chingoka is considered an important witness at
Hair's hearing as
he was a member of the three-man subcommittee that
recommended to the ICC
Board that Hair be demoted as an international umpire
after he accused
Pakistan of ball-tampering in the final Test at the Brit
Oval in 2006.
The tribunal heard Morgan's witness statement on the sixth
day of the
hearing. The chairman of the ECB at the time the Oval Test was
awarded to
England, Morgan said that initially he did not support the
subcommittee's
resolution that Hair be demoted. "However, I was in the
minority and
ultimately supported it," he said.
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
08
October 2007
Zimbabwean human rights groups say that
while documented cases of abuses
have declined since July, the situation in
the country is nevertheless
worrisome given that politically related
violence and other abuses tend to
rise in electoral periods.
The
Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum said some 547 people were the victims of
human rights violations in August compared with 1,219 reported cases in
July.
The report said the country's political environment is "largely
defined
by.torture, intimidation and politically motivated violence" against
rights
defenders.
The report highlighted other violations including
abduction or kidnapping,
assaults, restriction of freedom of expression or
movement, political
discrimination, victimization, unlawful arrests and
detention.
The Forum said that in August, about 30 members of the
Zimbabwe National
Army circulated in the Harare high-density suburb of
Dzivarasekwa beating up
women and children who were selling various wares.
In an unrelated incident
on August 8, more than 70 uniformed soldiers "ran
amok in Esigodini in
Matebeleland South, where they assaulted villagers
(and) looted the village
headman's shop" in what was seen as retaliation for
a scuffle involving army
officers and local villagers.
The Zimbabwe
Peace Project, a member group of the Human Rights Forum, issued
its own
rights report for August, listing cases of murder, assault and
political
intolerance. The Peace Project report said the state price-cutting
blitz
since July has been marked by corruption, looting and harassment by
soldiers
and police officers.
The Peace Project said agricultural "inputs and food
continue to be
distributed along partisan lines" excluding those known to
oppose the ruling
ZANU-PF party.
The report also alleged that
officials from the Office of the Registrar
General carrying out a mobile
voter registration exercise that ended in
mid-August seemed to be under the
control of politicians"as they failed to
professionally manage the
process."
Zimbabwe Peace Project National Director Jestina Mukoko
reporter Carole
Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the rights
abuse trend
suggests trouble ahead as the country prepares for national
elections in
March 2008.
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
08 October
2007
A showdown was looming in the Zimbabwean cabinet
Tuesday between President
Robert Mugabe and Reserve Bank Governor Gideon
Gono over legislation,
already passed by parliament and awaiting the
president's signature, that
would allow the government to take a 51% stake
in any company not controlled
by blacks.
Gono is warning that the
so-called Indigenization and Economic Empowerment
Bill would further cripple
the economy - but Mr. Mugabe is expected to sign
soon.
Party insiders
say political expediency is at war with sustainable economic
policies, as
ZANU-PF hawks Indigenization Minister Paul Mangwana, Mines
Minister Amos
Midzi, Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and others argue
that the
indigenization program, seemingly a populist initiative, will be a
plus for
ZANU-PF in 2008 elections.
Lined up against them are Gono, retired
General Solomon Mujuru and
technocrats such as former finance minister Simba
Makoni, who argue that the
indigenization program could put the last nail in
the coffin of Zimbabwe's
moribund economy.
Gono last week accused
unnamed senior officials of "positioning themselves
to muscle into certain
mining, manufacturing, financial and other entities
that are currently
performing well and contributing to the foreign currency
inflows of the
country."
He warned that he will resist moves to "forcibly push the
envelop of
indigenization into the delicate area of banking and
finance."
But Magwana says there is no turning back on
indigenization.
Chief Economist Prosper Chitambara of the Labor and
Economic Development
Research Institute of Zimbabwe told reporter Blessing
Zulu of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe that divisions over indigenization
reflect an economic impasse.
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
08
October 2007
Zimbabwean state prosecutors on Monday
withdrew all charges against 30 of
the 31 opposition activists who were
arrested in March and held for months
on an assortment of charges including
their alleged involvement in a spate
of firebomb attacks.
Harare
Magistrate Kudakwashe Jarabini discharged the officials and members
of the
Movement for Democratic Change faction of Morgan Tsvangirai, after
the
prosecutor indicated the state was withdrawing charges including
banditry
and sabotage. The prosecution indicated, however, that it might
issue
summonses in the case later.
The activists include Glenview member of
parliament Paul Madzore and
Tsvangirai advisor Ian Makone. Still facing
charges is activist Ishmael
Kauzani, against whom, the prosecutor said, the
evidence was strong enough
to proceed with his case.
Many of those
whose cases were dismissed Monday were arrested on March 28 of
this year
when police raided the Harare headquarters of the MDC faction.
Some spent
four months in remand prison where they were denied medical
attention.
Lawyer Alec Muchadehama, counsel for the accused, told
reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabw that the state's
decision to
withdraw the cases indicated that the charges against them were
empty to
begin with.
SW Radio Africa
(London)
8 October 2007
Posted to the web 8 October 2007
Lance
Guma
The National Spokesperson for the National Constitutional
Assembly (NCA)
Madock Chivasa was remanded out of custody by a Masvingo
magistrate on
Monday. Also released were Youth Forum coordinator Wellington
Zindove.
Chivasa told Newsreel he is being charged for what authorities have
termed
criminal nuisance following his remarks that the police force were
Robert
Mugabe's dogs. Police claim this statement undermined their
authority.
The case will be heard again in court on the 21st October
while Chivasa paid
Z$10 million dollars bail to secure his freedom. He is
required to report
twice every Friday at Avondale police station. This means
visiting the
police station in the morning and in the evening in one day.
The NCA who are
fighting for a new constitution say they note with great
concern that their
spokesperson was arrested and detained for 6 days for
merely addressing a
public meeting that had been sanctioned by the
police.
Zanu PF youths allegedly bussed into the city by Masvingo
South MP Walter
Mzembi disrupted the meeting, and instead of arresting the
violent youths
police picked up known government critics among them Zindove
and student
leader Edison Hlatshwayo. Hlatshwayo remains in custody after
the magistrate
said he had several other cases pending in the courts.
Chivasa meanwhile
says they were denied food and legal representation during
their detention,
a deliberate ploy to try and sap their morale.
Reuters
Mon 8 Oct
2007, 18:20 GMT
HARARE, Oct 8 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe police have arrested a
U.S citizen on
charges of smuggling and illegal possession of arms and
ammunition, state
radio reported on Monday.
The Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation said the man was arrested at Victoria
Falls airport on Friday
when he tried to board a plane with two pistols and
300 rounds of
ammunition.
Police and officials at the U.S. embassy in Harare were not
immediately for
comment, but ZBC said the American was expected to be
charged in court in
the northwestern town of Hwange in the coming
days.
The man arrived in Harare on Sept. 21 and had been travelling
around the
country, the radio said.
The Zimbabwean government is
battling a severe economic crisis many which
critics blame on President
Robert Mugabe's policies.
But Mugabe, 83, and Zimbabwe's ruler since
independence from Britain says
the crisis -- which has left the southern
African state with the world's
highest inflation rate of 6,600 percent -- is
a result of sabotage and
economic sanctions by Western powers, including the
United States, who are
trying to oust him.
Business Report
October 08, 2007 Edition 1
Donwald Pressly
Cape Town -
There was nothing worse for an economy than when a piece of
property could
be taken away from an investor, Reserve Bank governor Tito
Mboweni said at
the weekend in a thinly veiled criticism of Zimbabwe land
grabs.
Addressing the Cape Town Club ahead of this week's monetary
policy committee
(MPC) decision on the repo rate, the governor steered clear
of commenting on
a possible change to the rate, but painted a picture of the
ingredients of a
nation state that provided the underpinnings of
stability.
Referring to the Washington consensus, Mboweni referred to
"policy positions
that have proven themselves to work". He emphasised that
South Africa had
demonstrated which policy positions did so. "We know what
works and doesn't
work."
Referring to property rights, he said: "If
people are convinced that they
have got their private property rights
secured, they will invest because
they know that their investment will not
be taken away. We know that if
there is a disciplined fiscal policy regime,
investors will respect it."
Equally, investors' confidence was built by a
prudent monetary policy
regime.
If one focused on microeconomic
reform, trade liberalisation, support for
industries and labour market
policies, "we know that will give confidence to
people". if one enjoyed the
rule of law and could enforce the laws, it
underpinned
stability.
Asked directly about whether he spoke to his colleague in
Zimbabwe, central
bank governor Gideon Gono, Mboweni said Gono did indeed
phone him. "I think
my colleague in Zimbabwe is in a very difficult
situation. He has tried to
maintain the highest standards of a central bank.
He has indicated from time
to time where he disagrees with the government.
It has been very brave on
his part."
Appearing to back Gono's
warnings about recent legislation that will take
majority stakes in
Zimbabwean companies out of foreign investors' hands,
Mboweni said it was
critical for citizens of any country to tackle
legislatures if they did not
pass good laws. It was too late to complain
once the legislation was in
place.
"There is nothing as bad for the economy as some thinking . you
have a piece
of property. [You] plant avocado trees and tomorrow someone
would come and
take them. That is a bad idea. I would not invest in a
situation where it is
uncertain whether this investment belongs to
me."
Turning again to Gono, he said the Zimbabwe central bank had
conducted
itself most honourably in upholding the conditions of its account
with the
SA Reserve Bank. The account was "fully paid up" at the start of
every
financial year.
"We have never had a situation where we had to
remind them that they owe
us," said Mboweni, noting that "good people showed
themselves in action and
not words", another clear reference to
Gono.
Mboweni took pains to congratulate US President George W Bush on
his actions
during the subprime mortgage crisis. Bush was motivating a bill
before
congress to provide some tax deductions as an intervention to avert a
financial meltdown. "For someone who is not taken seriously, he has shown
commendable political leadership."
Mboweni noted that "the dust
appears to have settled" in international
financial markets as the Reserve
Bank prepared for the MPC meeting on
Thursday. He said South African money
markets were "relatively unaffected"
by the subprime
matter.
Nevertheless, after trading below R6.80 a dollar in July, the
rand
depreciated to more than R7.60 in mid-August. Domestic bond yields
retreated
and the JSE's all share index fell quickly from almost 30 000
points in July
to below 26 000 in August.
As calm returned, Mboweni
noted, the rand appreciated to below R7 a dollar
and the all share ratcheted
up gains above 30 000, "surpassing the records
reached before the crisis".
Government bond yields firmed.
Saying former foreign minister Pik Botha
would have referred to recent
events as "just a picnic", he added that there
did not appear to be any
evidence "at this stage" that the turbulence in
international financial
markets would have marked effects on the domestic
growth outlook, although
this "will depend to some extent on the impact on
US growth performance".
But he warned that the world's markets might not
yet be out of the woods,
noting that global private banks were exposed to
the subprime market to the
tune of $1.5 trillion (R10.2 trillion) to $2
trillion. Initially the
developments in the financial markets appeared to be
limited to a liquidity
problem. They later turned out to be credit problem
as well. "The big
question now is to what extent these developments will
affect the real
economy.
"It seems logical that the US economy will
bear the brunt of the subprime
crisis. The tightening of lending standards
and therefore the restrictions
of credit extension to weaker households
could exacerbate the housing
downturn in the US even further."
But as
the International Monetary Fund had noted, most of the world was
likely to
"emerge relatively unscathed". The recent shifts away from the US
as the key
driver of global growth, together with the better balance
achieved during
the last two years, represented significant support for the
global
economy.
"As for emerging markets, lower external debt, better reserve
levels and
more prudent fiscal management, leading to much more improved
fundamentals,
have undoubtedly already delivered dividends," said
Mboweni.
zimbabwejournalists.com
8th Oct 2007 01:09 GMT
By Chenjerai Chitsaru
NOW, I was walking along,
minding my business when..a young man sitting on
the pavement between Nelson
Mandela Avenue and Sam Nujoma Street , accosted
me.
"Accosted" may
sound a bit like what someone has called "terminological
inexactitude",
because he was sitting down and was by no means threatening
or
peremptory.
In fact, he was practically deferential, addressing me with
the respectful
"Mudhara".
I responded by stopping in my tracks,
between these two thoroughfares in
Harare, named after two distinguished
sons of Africa, whose countries are
enjoying a life of super-abundance
unheard of and unknown in Zimbabwe for
donkeys' years, although we have been
independent for more years than either
South Africa and Namibia.
To
dwell on that particular conundrum might take more space than that is
allowed here.
Let us just say that in terms of the blessings and
bounties of independence,
we have been grossly short-changed, if we compare
ourselves with the two
named countries.
It turned out that what this
young man wanted from me was nothing as
extraordinary as offering to sell me
a new brand of condom or a new formula
on how to get rid of a corrupt,
incompetent and self-absorbed government -
without shedding blood or hiring
mercenaries.
"Your shoes, Mudhara?" he said. "I can make them look
better."
"My shoes? What's wrong with them?" In the crisis mould in
which we have
been ensconced since 2000, frayed nerves are more the norm
than the
abnormal.
"I can make them look better, that's
all."
Curiosity, it is said, killed the cat. Curiosity has also killed
many
journalists. Like the cat, the journalist cannot help being curious:
how can
you come across The Big Story if you are not curious?
But in
Zimbabwe today, you are better off ensuring you keep your money and
your
life where they will be safe than taking any chances, even if you might
win
the equivalent of the Pulitzer for your newspaper and yourself.
So, I
walked on, satisfied that I had not committed one of those sins for
which
you might not have a perfect response, if, at the Pearly Gates, they
asked
you: "Why didn't you help an obviously helpless, desperate soul?"
There
was more temptation to come. Along The First Street Mall on the same
day, I
met a distant relative who gave me this tale of woe: her bank had no
money.
"What do you mean? They said your account was overdrawn or
what?" I asked,
knowing I sounded really mean.
"No," she said. "They
don't have any money to give to their clients. They
have run out of
money."
How does a bank run out of money? I ask you. Money is their
business. How
can they be a bank if they have no money? Then I remembered
where I was,
which country I was in: This is Zimbabwe - anything can and
does happen.
It's a Barnum and Bailey world - a world of make-belief, a
circus, as phoney
as it can be.
In this vale of tears, the government
has announced it has a new economic
blueprint in the works: since 1980,
there have been many five-year, two-year
and even one-year economic plans.
Some of them must have worked, for the
country didn't exactly go
bankrupt.
But the operative word here is "development". Not many of these
plans have
led to the physical or even spiritual development of the country
- at large.
A few individuals have developed, in terms of pot bellies
mostly, if you
want to be thoroughly unpleasant, and in the number of farms,
houses, cars
and mistresses - if you want to be thoroughly
obnoxious.
Off-hand, I can tell you about Zimcord, in the very early days
of
independence. It must have achieved some development, particularly in
terms
of expanding education to the remotest parts of the
country.
Other subsequent plans followed - The First and then The Second
Five-Year
National Development, then came Zimprest, the acronym for a
programme which
included "social transformation" among its
objectives.
That, if you can remember, in this welter of "plans" and
"programmes", came
after the most famous or notorious of the lot - the
Economic Structural
Adjustment Programme (Esap).
Esap was authored by
the International Monetary Fund, although the
government insisted it had a
"home-grown" element. The truth was that Esap
was so intrinsically
capitalist in organic terms it went right up the
socialist nose of President
Robert Mugabe who, as we now know, is besotted
with the "unorthodox" method
of running the economy of the country.
To many cynics, this translates
into how the liberation movements ran their
camps in Mozambique , Zambia or
Angola. Fortunately for Namibia and South
Africa, neither Swapo nor the ANC
decided to transplant the crude liberation
camp economic blueprints of the
struggle to their civilian-run governments
after independence.
Gideon
Gono, the governor of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe , announced his
monetary
policy last week. It had the momentous significance of being made
after one
of the most disastrous policy flip-flops of this government - the
price
blitz and the abrupt about-face which followed.
To his credit, Gono had
opposed the price blitz from the beginning. Many of
his critics who have
tended to give him the benefit of the doubt in some of
his weird monetary
aberrations - particularly on the devaluation the
Zimdollar - wondered why
he didn't resign in the wake of this public rebuff
from the
government.
Many of them now wonder if Gono is aware that his failure to
jump ship then
could prove his final undoing on The Day of
Reckoning.
This will be when Zimbabweans must decide what to do with the
people who
destroyed their dream of a country flowing with milk and honey,
instead of
this one in which the stench of rotting corpses and garbage and
the noxious
fumes of burning dumpsites is overwhelming.
Many people
still wonder at the amazing gutlessness of the captains of
commerce and
industry in allowing the government to go off scot-free after
the disaster
wreaked on the nation by the price blitz.
How many businesses were
closed? How many lives and livelihoods were
destroyed?
Above all, what
price is Zimbabwe likely to pay in terms of a slowdown in
foreign direct
investment as a result of this single act of economic
madness?
We now
know that the government is more concerned with political posturing
than
with presenting to the world the image of a cool, calm and collected
regime
which is mindful of its ultimate responsibility - ensuring that its
citizens
gain the maximum material and spiritual benefits from its mode of
governance.
For instance, the amount of time expended on the summit
in Portugal in
December and whether or not Mugabe will be invited is totally
disproportionate to the probable benefits to the people, in terms of whether
they will have more reliable water and power supplies, for
instance.
It is hardly likely to improve the clout of the Zimdollar in
relation to the
major currencies of the world, nor will it have an impact on
the muck of
hyper-inflation in which most of us are drowning
today.
Next year, a few months after the Portugal summit has come and
gone,
Zimbabweans may be confronted with their sternest political test yet -
to
decide in what we have been promised by President Thabo Mbeki and other
leaders in the Southern Africa Development Community (Sadc) will be a free
and fair election, whether to say a permanent farewell to people who have
turned our country into a circus.
It's become a nation whose leaders
love the sound of their own voices more
than they do the wails of little
children trying, in vain, to suck milk out
of the sausage-skin breast of
their sick, malnourished mother.
It is by no means an exaggeration to say
that if they are held at all and
have all the hallmarks of freedom and
fairness that other Sadc leaders,
including Mbeki, have allowed in their own
countries, the 2008 presidential
and parliamentary elections will end in
favour of the people - the people
who have endured so much pain and
suffering under Zanu PF.
SW Radio Africa
(London)
8 October 2007
Posted to the web 8 October
2007
Tichaona Sibanda
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai is in the
United States on the first leg of a
two-nation tour of North America to
appraise party supporters and
pro-democracy groups on the progress made so
far at the SADC led mediation
talks.
Rocked by a backlash from its
supporters and its partners from the civil
society for supporting
constitutional amendment bill number 18, the MDC
leadership has been jolted
into action to explain why it voted with Zanu-PF
in Parliament a month
ago.
Following a nervy and tense period that saw the MDC's major
allies labelling
them 'sell-outs', the party was quick to issue an apology
for not updating
key stakeholders and its supporters on the mediation talks
led by South
African President Thabo Mbeki.
Elton Mangoma, the acting
treasurer-general told civil leaders during an all
stakeholders'
constitutional conference in Bulawayo last week that the
opposition was
gravely concerned by the shaky alliance that now existed
between the MDC and
civil society.
'We accept the blunder that was made by the MDC on the
Constitutional
Amendment Bill and we therefore apologise for that,' Mangoma
said.
As a follow-up, the party dispatched its entire cabinet last week
to meet
with Mbeki's mediation team and explain the need to either open up
the
talks, or alternatively give regular media briefings.
Hebson
Makuvise, the MDC chief representative in the UK told Newsreel on
Monday
that Tsvangirai had several engagements in the United States and
would fly
to Canada for further consultations with both party activists and
pro-democracy groups.
'It is very important for the party to remain
steadfast and focussed on the
important job that lies ahead. Free and fair
presidential and parliamentary
elections are within the country's grasp and
we don't want to be caught off
guard. It is important therefore that
Tsvangirai briefs all key stakeholders
and this is the first of many trips
planned,' Makuvise said.
For those who dont know what VoIP is -
VoIP
services convert your voice into a digital signal that travels over
the
Internet. If you are calling a regular phone number, the signal is
converted
to a regular telephone signal before it reaches the destination.
VoIP can
allow you to make a call directly from a computer, a special VoIP
phone, or
a traditional phone connected to a special adapter. In addition,
wireless
"hot spots" in locations such as airports, parks, and cafes allow
you to
connect to the Internet and may enable you to use VoIP service
wirelessly.
Why use VoIP - lowers cost and puts the control
of telephone call on ethe
user.
Letter to
Potraz
POSTAL & TELECOMMUNICATIONS REGULATORY AUTHORITY
(POTRAZ)
Harare , Zimbabwe.
Dear sir / madam
,
Dear Potraz,
I write this letter to seek
clarification on your organization's stance on
VoIP.
What is the
current status and what efforts are being made by your
organization to make
VoIP a reality in Zimbabwe?
Am not sure if you are fully aware of
the implications of not legalizing
VoIP has in Zimbabwe. As things stand now
Zimbabwe is losing a lot of
potential VoIP traffic to neighboring South
Africa for terminating calls
into the region and beyond.
Will
touch on a few
a.. Generating forex - 80 % of companies in the
US alone have call centers
(inbound and outbound) located off shore.
Presently most of these call
centers are in India , Malaysia , Singapore and
now Kenya and South Africa.
All this is possible because of VoIP.A caller in
the US calls a local US
number that is routed over the Internet to a call
center AOL , Cisco , Avaya
, Lucent , Chase Bank all have a call centers in
Cape Town just to mention
a few Its an advantage for the companies as they
cut off their payroll costs
and advantageous to the local (off shore)
countries who are always paid in
hard currency for the services
rendered.
a.. We whim and cry about the failure by indigenous
Zimbabweans to come up
with tangible and practical solutions that will
create employment and
generate forex in an effort to address the economic
woes that haunt
Zimbabwe - and there you have an organization that will NOT
implement VoIP?
b.. Calls centers do a variety of things including what I
have listed
below
a.. Place outbound calls
b.. Take sales
orders
c.. Provide customer service
d.. Provide technical support
e.. Generate and qualify inbound leads
f.. Process applications
g..
Schedule appointments
h.. Respond to and manage email
i.. Provide live
web chat support
a.. A typical call center looks like this.
b.. 40 call agents. This literally 40 people waiting to answer the phone
and
attend to specific customer problems. Also this call centers normally
operate 24/7 .So give and take you have a turn around shift of about a 100
people in one call center just setup for one company. There are hundred of
thousands companies abroad seeking to OUT SOURCE call centers to English
speaking countries !! Zimbabwe is by design inherently the best candidate
for this kind of deployment based on the education level of the
country.
a.. Allowing VoIP implementation will mean companies will
be able to setup
up Call Centers, create employment, generate forex .So do
the Math. If
Zimbabwe can have 100 call centers with with staffing of about
100 people
per call center we are looking at a take of employment figure of
100,000.Hosting a call center is unlike say chemical manufacturing where raw
materials have to be sourced always in hard currency. Service by call center
consists of in bound calls that hit the call center gateway. The agent
answers checks the info online via a computer and then takes the next
call.
a.. Setting up a call center requires Internet Connection,
computers for
agents, Call Center software and of course trained call
agents.
a.. Outbound call centers - In this setup the call center
is setup to dial
out as opposed to receiving calls.This is very much used by
telemarketers
who want to sell their products and service by placing
hundreds of calls
from their desktop using VoIP.
a.. Call
Terminations and routing - Presently South Africa point is the
core transit
point for both voice and data from the west to the east.
Terminating Void
calls simply means
a.. Zimbabwe will host voice gateways and
switches to process calls
(billions) from one side of the world to the
other.
a.. Virtual numbers - Void makes it possible for people to
have a
telephone number literally from any part of the world.Since the
inception of
VoIP a decade ago , its has been possible for say myself living
in New York
to have a London telephone number. So if I have lots of clients
or family in
the UK but I live in the US - all I need is a UK Virtual
number. My contacts
will call me on the UK number that will be routed over
the internet (VoIP)
and will ring my specified destination in the US. So
what? All it means that
my contacts in the UK are making a local call to a
London number (cost) that
however rings my US number. The call has 3 legs.
First leg is UK call to my
London number (local call), second leg is the
call traversing the internet
to the US (www), the third and last leg is the
US gateway ringing my local
New York number (local call).Now how can it be
useful for Zimbabwe?
Easy.POTRAZ must come up with VoIP number to be
allocated VoIP Providers.
Say Potraz may allocate 087 XXX XXX for VoIP
numbers.Potraz can generate
hard currency. How? OK there are about 2 million
Zimbabweans living in the
UK and US and Canada and SA etc.Of those in the UK
and Americas 95 % are
internet savvy. So If I was Potraz I would sell these
virtual numbers to
DIASPORIANS who want to lower the cost of keeping in
touch with family back
in Zimbabwe? How? Say I buy a virtual number from a
licensed VoIP provider
and my Zimbabwe number is say 087 300 3456.Now - my
Zimbabwe contacts ,
business , and friends all have to dial my ZIm number
(local call ) and that
call will be ring me in New York J So are we really
serious that we have no
forex generation plans ? OK do the math. Multiply
1,000,000 virtual numbers
by just a setup up fee if $ 50 and a monthly
service fee of $20.00 for say
1000 minutes. Do the Math 1,000,000 x $ 50 = $
50,000,000 J almost what we
owe Mozambique for electricity and a monthly
guaranteed revenue of about $
20,000,000 (USD) Damn maybe I should join
PTC!
a.. Of course one needs high speed , reliable internet
connections and
reliable back up power (Zesa).
a.. Creating
competition - such aggressive technologies help in
cultivating competition.
And the customer is always the winner. Too many
regulations stifle
innovation and creativity. Naturally - established Telco
operators don't
want VoIP in Zimbabwe as this will bring to their door step
fierce
competition.
a.. "African regulators have been reluctant to
legalize VoIP, based on a
largely misguided attempt to protect the revenue
base of the incumbent
fixed-line, and in some cases, mobile telcos,
according to a report
commissioned by the Commonwealth Telecommunications
Organisation (CTO). The
report is titled " - An overview of VoIP regulation
in Africa: policy
responses and proposals.
a.. Case in point
already is an issue where Econet sued some company in
Harare for diverting
its international traffic.I am not a legal expert but I
can tell you that
those guys simply routed calls over the net and saved the
country of the
scarce forex.If POTRAZ continues to ignore the VoIP calls
hundreds of
"illegal" VoIP operators are springing up. So POTRAZ must move
and be
decisive about this. By passing national operators is very easy - one
only
requires a Linux box Asterisk, internet connection, SIM card and a
GSM/VoIP
gateway. These entire one can but online and be routing calls from
US to
Zimbabwe minus (Econet, Telone, and Telecel).
a.. My point is if
VoIP is NOT enabled - creative people will be forced to
by pass the system.
By passing the system is NOT what we preach and
encourage - but when I am
left with no options to put forward a business
plan that will create
employment in my country and generate fore for my
country - I might be left
with very few options other that to mass deploy
"unauthorized" toll by pass
for less than $ 200 cost wise.
If POTRAZ lacks technical expertise on
how to go about this there hundreds
of Zimbabweans in Zimbabwe and abroad
who know this VoIP inside out.
a.. This same VoIP technology is
at use for IPTV - TV services delivered
over IP networks. Presently some of
us watch ZBC/TV for free on the
internet - like a delayed broadcast. Now
legalizing VoIP will set a proper
implementation tone where local providers
like Newsnet or Radio from
Zimbabwe can charge a modest fee like $ 5.00 per
month for accessing
programs. For instance Zimbabwe PSL soccer could
generate interesting
revenues from the Diaspora. Bear in mind that the bulk
of the revenue
generators are based outside Zimbabwe and as such are their
income is an
independent variable of the state of the Zimbabwe economy. In a
nutshell
enable VoIP technologies. Allow those who can create and provide
services
for those in Diaspora and those at home. If indeed there is a
genuine forex
in Zim , then it will be interesting in Potraz has a the big
picture of
VoIP.
a.. SA 2010 - while everyone is busy preparing
hotels and stadiums does
any one out there see an opportunity of Zimbabwe
setting up world class call
centers based in Harare and Bulawayo to address
all travel , safety , match
plans etc ? Hello ? A call center can be any
where in the world the TOLL
FREE number assigned to it can be UK , US ,
France , Brazil number BUT the
call will be answered across the border in
Zimbabwe about games info in SA.
Any one understands this ?
a..
POTRAZ your website does not reflect the crucial role you play in
regulating
Telecoms and Internet .ALL the links don't work .Do something.
a..
Open up VoIP and stop being forex cry babies.
http://www.potraz.gov.zw/
I
await your questions and comments.
Robert Ndlovu (IT &
Telecoms Consultant)
New York
USA
robertndlovu@yahoo.com
+
1 408 480 8471
07
October 2007
Your Excellency; Mr. R.G Mugabe
Salutation; President
of the Republic of Zimbabwe
the Chancellor of NUST
We, the students at
the National University of Science and Technology (NUST)
would like to
express our great concern on the state of Education in the
country. On the
12th of October 2007, you will be capping half baked
Graduands at the 13th
Graduation Ceremony at NUST whom only attended
Lectures for less than 30% of
their stipulated learning time. This was
because your Government's failure
to address the multi-faceted
socio-economic and political crisis bedeviling
our beloved Zimbabwe.
The learning environment is not conducive as
students endure days without
meals, high tuition fees, accommodation
shortage, lecturers exodus, shortage
of books and learning equipment. We
would like to remind you that Library at
NUST is still under construction
and the university is 25% complete 17 years
after its establishment. 2007
will be remembered as the year when students
just went for exams without
learning as Lecturers were on strike.
We gravely concerned by your
governments' treatment on student activists and
human rights defenders.
Thousands of students are either expelled,suspended,
arbitrarily arrested,
detained tortured or killed for demanding better
Education. Your Government
has surpassed the fascist Smith regime in
violating human rights. This
shocks us especially considering that your
Government came on the premise of
liberating its people.
The country is at the cross roads.
I
remain,
Clever Bere
Students' Union President
National University
of Science and Technology
Macleans, Canada
Robert Mugabe
continues to keep the opposition off balance and divided, and
himself in
power
PATRICIA TREBLE | October 8, 2007 |
Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe
has a standard polemic when he talks about his
country's travails: blaming
Western neo-colonial policies for the problems.
He was expected to trot out
those clichés once again in his address to the
UN General Assembly on
Wednesday, ignoring how his regime's erratic policies
have plunged his
formerly well-off nation into despair. But he has a lot to
account
for.
Zimbabwe's economy began imploding after Mugabe seized white-owned
commercial farms in 2000. His solution was to print money. The latest
inflation rate is 6,593 per cent, while the unofficial number tops 10,000
per cent. Stores were stripped of basic necessities after the government
introduced comically low price controls. Prime agricultural land handed out
to Mugabe cronies lies fallow, with predictions that more than a third of
the country will face food shortages. And even with 80 per cent
unemployment, the government is pressing ahead with a law forcing the few
firms still operating to transfer 51 per cent control to
blacks.
Recent reports say that the 83-year-old president has made a few
political
concessions to placate Zimbabwe's increasily concerned neighbours.
The
nation's political parties, in talks mediated by South Africa's
President
Thabo Mbeki, have apparently agreed to create a truly independent
electoral
commission for next year's elections. There is even a report that
the deal
will allow everyone born in Zimbabwe to cast a ballot. If true,
suffrage
would extend to the three million-plus citizens, many from the
educated
middle class, who crossed crocodile-infested rivers to work
illegally in
South Africa. But analysts worry that whatever the final deal
looks like, it
will amount to little more than another way for Mugabe to
keep the
opposition off balance and divided, and himself in
power.
1. Estimated population in 2000: between 12.5 and 13 million
2. Current estimates indicate the population could be as low as 8 million
Economic Collapse
1. The world’s fastest shrinking economy
2. 1996 GDP growth of 10%; 200 GDP expected to decline by 12 per cent.
3. GDP shrank by 42% between 1998 and 2006
4. Exports: R 50 billion in 1997, R 9 billion in 2007
5. World's highest rate of inflation: 20% in 1997 now in excess of 5 000%, (The Consumer Council of Zimbabwe calculates the rate of inflation for June 2007 as more than 13 000% for an urban family of six). Private sector estimates put inflation at 22 000 per cent in October 2007.
6. World Bank: "The Zimbabwean economic meltdown is
the worst outside a
war zone"
7. Fifth on the World Failed States Index after Somalia, North Korea etc.
8. Zimbabwe ranks last of 130 countries on the Fraser Institute’s Annual Economic Freedom of the World Report.
9. Zimbabwe is ranked 151 out of 177 countries on the United Nations Development Programme’s Human Development Index
10. The Zimbabwe dollar was devalued in August 2006 by 60%, three zeros were removed from the currency and the new official exchange rate to the US$ was set at 250:1. The parallel market exchange rate has gone up from Z$1 500 in August 2006 to its current (mid-October 2007) rate of about Z$500 000.
11. During October 2007, the parallel market exchange
rate for one US$ reached Z$500 000.
Annual inflation rates in Zimbabwe | |
Month | Rate |
November 2006 | 1,099% |
December 2006 | 1,281% |
January 2007 | 1,594% |
February 2007 | 1,730% |
March 2007 | 2,200% |
April 2007 | 3,714% |
Industrial productivity is now below 30% of capacity
More than 5 000 executives, businessmen and managers have been arrested and fined for defying a government edict in June to slash all prices by around 50%.
In 1980 there were 102 diesel locomotive in operation on the National Railways; today there are just 11.
Agricultural Sector
1. Up to 70% of commercial agriculture has been destroyed
2. Large-scale commercial maize (corn) production now accounts for less than 5% of the country’s total maize production.
3. Only an estimated 10% of the country's winter wheat crop had been planted due to shortages of fuel and fertilizer
4. National cereal production is down 44% on 2006.
5. The maize harvest estimate is 799 000 tonnes (46% down on 2006)
6. 2.1 million people (urban and rural) will require food aid from July 2007
7. 4.1 million people (urban and rural) will require food aid from January 2008
An estimated 150 000 former farm labourers are in need of food aid because they lost their livelihoods following the chaotic and violent take-over of the commercial farms
Zimbabwe has been named as one of the Global Hunger Hotspots by the World Food Programme.
Tourism Sector
1. Zimbabwe’s tourism industry was one of the fastest-growing economic sectors in the country with an annual average growth rate of 18.5% (tourist arrivals) from 1989 to 1998.
2. Tourism receipts increased by an average annual growth rate of 25% over the same period. In 1998, the industry was estimated to be employing 180 000 people, both directly and indirectly.
3. Zimbabwe's revenues from tourism fell from US$700m (£375m) in 1999, to just US$60m in 2004.
Unemployment
Over 85% unemployment. The disruption of the business sector through chaotic price controls will further escalate unemployment levels.
Emigration / Brain Drain / Refugee Crisis
1. 75% of Zimbabweans with a job are employed outside their country.
2. 25% of all Zimbabweans are in political or
economic exile – the biggest proportional mass movement of a population in
peacetime ever in
modern history.
3. Brain drain: In 2005, a study by the Scientific and Industrial Research and Development Centre (SIRDC) reported that close to 500 000 of Zimbabwe's "professional cream" had left in recent years to work abroad. However, the study noted that the figure could be a "gross under-estimation" of the real number of Zimbabwean workers in the diaspora.
4. Between 3,5 and 4,5 million Zimbabweans exiles are estimated to be in South Africa where the majority struggle to survive and send money and food home.
5. In July it was estimated that between 3 000 and 4 000 Zimbabweans are crossing into South Africa every day. This represents at least 100 000 people a month, far more than official South African estimates of 20 000 per month. Forced migration is accelerating at present (October 2007).
6. The International Organisation for Migration, which opened an office to assist deported Zimbabwean refugees on the northern side of the border, says the organisation is handling on average 17 000 deportees every month. It is estimates that more than 86 000 illegal immigrants were forcibly repatriated between January and May this year alone. (It is important to note that the figure of 17 000 per month excludes those refugees who have managed to evade the South African authorities).
7. The Registrar-General’s Office announced recently that the cost of an ordinary Zimbabwean passport has been hiked 29 990% to Z$150 000 from Z$500. A passport processed within 24 hours costs Z$1 million.
Living Standards
1. 45% of the population is malnourished, one of the highest rates in the world
2. At the end of 2006, the average minimum wage of
Zimbabwean workers was
only 16.6% of the Poverty Datum Line calculated at
December 2006 levels
3. Four out of five Zimbabweans now live below the breadline.
Health
1. Official statistics estimate that HIV/AIDS is
present in 24.6% of the adult population (2001), putting the country in the top
tier of all countries. That’s close to 1 in 4 people in Zimbabwe living with
AIDS.
2. However, HIV infection rates may be as high as 40% given that
the population was an estimated 12.5 million in 2000, but more than 5 million
Zimbabweans have fled the country.
3. Tuberculosis is common in all
developing countries. However, Zimbabwe has a prevalence of over 100 cases per
100 000 population, the highest WHO risk category. In 1980 TB had virtually been
eradicated in Zimbabwe.
4. Life expectancy for women is just 34 years
5. Life expectancy for men is just 37 years
6. Zimbabwe now has
the highest number of orphans per capita in the world – in excess of 1.6
million.
7. AIDS-related deaths orphan another 350 children every single
day.
8. Two thirds of female-headed households care for orphans and
vulnerable children.
9. The healthcare sector is in virtual collapse.
Estimated that over 40,000 Zimbabwe Nurses are working outside the
country.
10. Number of doctors per 10 000 people: 1 (World
Health Organisation statistic 2006)
11. According to health ministry
statistics in Zimbabwe, fewer than one in four posts for doctors is occupied
12. Four out of five of the district hospitals that serve rural areas
have no doctors
13. Average deaths per week: 3 500. (This statistic may
be much higher as deaths in rural areas are increasingly not reported and people
either cannot afford the bus fare to take family members to hospital or see no
point in doing so since hospitals and clinics have largely run out of drugs.)
14. British Medical Journal ranks Zimbabwe as worst in the world in
terms of Health and placing Zimbabwe at bottom of WHO list of 191
nations.
Human Rights
Over 20 000 documented murders by the Zimbabwe government during the Gukurahundi massacres in Matabeleland of the mid 1980s
1 in 10 people in Matabeleland over the age of 30 are survivors of torture
1 in 10 Zimbabweans now need psychological help
Tens of thousands of people of Malawian extraction, mainly farm workers have been forced out of the country
Internationally recorded human rights abuses (15 000 in eight years) up by 50% over last year
The victimisation of MDC leaders and activists has been ongoing and has intensified since 11 March 2007, with provincial and local activists affiliated to the MDC being specifically targeted. Victims of torture are being detained, denied access to medical attention and access to their lawyers because of their political affiliation and are afraid to seek medical attention for fear of further beatings.
By the end of September, as many as 500 MDC members had been seriously beaten up and tortured or, with the number of total individuals exceeding 900, since March 11th 2007.
Operation Murambatsvina
1. Operation Murambatsvina (2005), the government’s ruthless programme to destroy largely informal urban homes and force people into the rural areas rendered more than 700 000 people left homeless or jobless.
2.4 million poor people were affected. (Statistics from UN report)
Operation Murambatsvina also resulted in the destruction of at least 32 500 small and micro-businesses across the country, creating a loss of livelihood for more than 96 600 people (mostly women).
Mugabe’s Mansions
1. Located 16 km north of Harare, Mugabe’s 25 en suite bedroom mansion is the size of a medium-sized hotel.
2. Building the mansion has cost in excess of US$ 26 million in a country where most people earn less than the equivalent of eleven dollars a month.
3. More than 2 000 bags of cement meant for the victims of Operation Murambatsvina were diverted to ongoing building operations at the Mugabe mansion.
4. This is the third luxury residence that Mugabe has built and the fifth he has owned since he came to power.
5. In 2003, Mugabe and his wife Grace also took over the magnificent Iron Mask farm in the Mazowe area from elderly white commercial farmers. The owners were given 48 hours to leave the property after a visit by Grace Mugabe, accompanied by police, soldiers and youth militia.
Environment/wildlife
1. Over 80% of the wildlife on commercial farms and conservancies has been destroyed
2. The total losses of wildlife on private game ranches is estimated to be over 90%, a total of about 560 000 animals.
3. Prior to the so-called land reform programme, there were 15 conservancies. Today there are only two left of any consequence.
4. Poaching is endemic in the national parks.
5. The decimation of the gene pools of wildlife and domestic animals will impact on the country for generations.