The Times
April 10, 2008
Catherine Philp in
Chinhoyi
Zimbabwe’s neighbours have called an emergency meeting on the
growing crisis
over its disputed elections, as evidence emerged of a
coordinated military
campaign against the Opposition in the lead-up to a
runoff vote.
Levy Mwanawasa, the Zambian President, announced yesterday
that he was
calling an urgent meeting on Saturday of the Southern African
Development
Community (SADC) to formulate a regional approach to the
worsening
situation.
In recent days, Zimbabwe’s political limbo has
moved beyond mere stalemate
and into violence, as gangs of President Robert
Mugabe’s loyalist thugs roam
the country invading and destroying the few
remaining commercial white-owned
farms, while the military has been deployed
to coordinate an intimidation
campaign against opposition
voters.
Twelve days on from election day, there is still no word on the
outcome of
the presidential election, which Morgan Tsvangirai, the
opposition leader,
claims to have won outright. Yesterday a High Court judge
hearing an
opposition petition to hear the results announced that a ruling
would be
announced on Monday.
The summit, which comes after Mr
Tsvangirai toured his Southern African
neighbours in an attempt to drum up
outside support, is likely to step up
pressure on the government-appointed
election commission to release the
results.
Mr Mwanawasa has been one of
the few regional leaders to voice his concerns
publicly about the situation
in Zimbabwe, comparing the plight of the
country’s economy to the sinking of
the Titanic.
The former British colony, once considered the breadbasket
of Africa, now
bears an unofficial inflation rate of 250,000 per cent, with
unemployment at
more than 80 per cent.
The prospect of an SADC
get-together was welcomed, however, by Mr Tsvangirai’s
party, which has
previously castigated the region for its “deafening
silence”. “We hope the
outcome of the meeting is going to be a strong
message to Mugabe and also
action that would help resolve the impasse in the
country,” Nelson Chamisa,
the MDC spokesman, said. Mr
Tsvangirai, who met Botswana’s leader
yesterday, urged the whole region to
intervene in their own
interests.
Of the elections, he said: “We all of us know the result, we
say we should
wait for ZEC to announce it and so we are trying to emphasise
that President
Mugabe must do the honourable thing and accept defeat so we
can really move
forward.”
But violence against opposition supporters
and white farmers continued
across the country in what the MDC has called an
orchestrated campaign of
violence before a runoff election between Mr Mugabe
and Mr Tsvangirai.
Despite the absence of official results, Mr Mugabe’s
ruling Zanu (PF) party
maintains that Mr Tsvangirai failed to win an
absolute majority in the poll
and must now face a second-round
runoff.
Under the law, a runoff must be held within three weeks of the
poll, but
officials are yet to announce a date. Yesterday the Commercial
Farmers
Union, which has been monitoring the evictions of black and white
farmers
alike, released a leaked document purporting to be a military
masterplan for
the intimidation campaign.
The document names 200
senior military officers who have been charged with
“campaigning” for Mr
Mugabe across the country by commanding cells of war
“veterans” to carry out
acts of intimidation.
Reports have been flooding into Harare of soldiers
visiting rural areas to
identify opposition supporters, who have then been
beaten up and had their
homes torched. Mr Mugabe has sought to whip up
racial tensions before the
poll, urging people to reclaim white-owned
land.
The Times visited a farm in the Chin-hoyi district west of Harare
yesterday
where a mob of young men, led by a well-known war veteran, had
invaded and
trashed a white-owned farmhouse, stealing or destroying all its
contents.
Its owner, a white farmer who bought the farm 12 years ago with
the consent
of the Government, lost all his land in the original farm
invasions of 2000
but had remained living in the house with his family. The
mob had been
assembled at the village hall before setting off for the farm,
where they
threatened the black foreman and labourers before ransacking the
house.
“They said, you are Opposition,” the foreman said, “They were
doing this to
drive the white man off the farm.” Police refused to attend
the scene until
the next day, saying they were too afraid to be seen in the
white farmer’s
car.
“These are the kicks from an ailing horse,” a
neighbouring farmer remarked.
“We don’t know if it’s dying yet. All these
people, they are walking the
gangplank, and they are going to do anything to
avoid walking off the end.
Bob’s probably ready to concede but it’s these
people beneath him who will
fight on.”
Diplomats said yesterday that
they believed Mr Mugabe had been ready to
leave the country late last week,
under intense pressure from his family,
but that senior military officers
refused to let him and insisted that he
fight on. “It’s a de facto coup,”
one source said.
Comments
I wonder why African presidents have to try
to stick to power till their
last breath.
Eric Mathey
Ayite
Eric Mathey Ayite, Nebraska, USA
the rest of the despots are
now going to assemble; I wonder which of those
present is going to cast the
first stone? Do not hold your breath. They
supported him all along; they
will not turn on him now. This is Africa
friends, its a tough
country.
GK, Calgary, Canada
Zim Online
by
Patricia Mpofu and Tendai Maronga Thursday 10 April
2008
HARARE – President Robert Mugabe’s government remains
firmly in charge
despite losing elections to the opposition and has in the
meantime
successfully pushed for vote recounts in five constituencies,
Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa said on Wednesday.
Chinamasa said
Mugabe’s ruling ZANU PF party was also trying to have votes
recounted in 16
more constituencies where it lost to the opposition Movement
for Democratic
Change (MDC) party.
“I remain Minister of Justice, Parliamentary and
Legal Affairs. It is the
position of the Constitution that the incumbent
president and cabinet remain
in place until a new president is sworn in,”
said Chinamasa, speaking to
journalist before the start of a press
conference at his offices in Harare.
There is varying opinion about
Mugabe’s present status with some lawyers
saying his term expired with the
presidential election and is a caretaker
president, only there to hold fort
awaiting the swearing in of whoever won
the presidential
vote.
However, University of Zimbabwe law lecturer and an expert in
constitutional
law, Lovemore Madhuku told ZimOnline that Mugabe effectively
remains in
charge with full powers to discharge affairs of the state until
whoever won
the presidential elections takes over.
Madhuku said: “In
terms of the constitution, a president can only leave
office when a new
president is sworn in. And in this case Mugabe can still
use the old cabinet
or decide to use a team of advisors as his government.”
Zimbabwe was
plunged into a constitutional crisis after the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission
(ZEC) withheld results of the March 29 presidential
ballot that Mugabe is
believed to have lost to MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
High Court Judge
Tendai Uchena is expected to rule on Monday next week on an
MDC petition
demanding an immediate release of the poll results.
Tsvangirai says he
won sufficient votes to takeover the presidency but
projections by the ZANU
PF and independent observers show that the MDC
leader won with less than 50
percent of the vote, warranting a second round
run-off against
Mugabe.
Chinamasa, one of seven top Mugabe loyalists who lost their
parliamentary
seats to the opposition, said the 84-year old Mugabe was
preparing for a
run-off against Tsvangirai after failing to garner enough
votes to retain
the presidency.
He said: “We all know, ZANU PF
included, that no-one has been able to
acquire more than 50 percent of the
presidential votes.”
There are fears Mugabe is delaying the issuing of
the presidential election
results to use the time to prepare for a campaign
of violence and
intimidation so as to cow Zimbabweans to endorse him for
another five-year
term that would take his rule to more than three
decades.
His ZANU PF party, which lost its parliamentary majority for the
first time
in 28 years, won 97 seats against the total 110 won by the MDC
and other
opposition candidates, can also recapture control of Parliament if
ZEC
agrees to order re-runs in the total 21 constituencies where the party
has
asked for vote recounts. – ZimOnline.
Zim Online
by Own Correspondent Thursday 10 April
2008
JOHANNESBURG – Pressure mounted on President Robert
Mugabe on Wednesday to
end Zimbabwe's election stalemate as Zambia called a
regional summit to
discuss the crisis, while Europe demanded a swift
transition to democracy in
the southern African country.
Zimbabwe was
plunged deeper into political crisis after election authorities
withheld
results of a March 29 presidential poll that Mugabe is believed to
have lost
to opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party leader
Morgan
Tsvangirai.
Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, chairman of the Southern
African
Development Community (SADC), said in Lusaka that it was time the
bloc acted
to end Harare’s election stalemate, in the clearest indication
yet that
regional leaders were getting fed up with Zimbabwe’s
crisis.
"Given developments immediately following the elections, I have
decided as
chair of SADC to call for an extraordinary summit on Saturday
April 12 to
discuss ways and means of assisting the people of Zimbabwe,"
said Mwanawasa
in a statement.
Mwanawasa spoke as Tsvangirai met new
Botswana President Ian Khama as part
of a diplomatic initiative to urge key
regional leaders to intervene to end
a stalemate the opposition leader has
warned could easily erupt in violence
and bloodshed to distabilise the
entire region.
"I will be going around the countries in the region to
make the point that
they do not need that political chaos and dislocation,"
Tsvangirai told
journalist in Botswana, moments after talks with
Khama.
The MDC leader, who earlier this week met powerful South African
ruling
party leader Jacob Zuma to urge action on Zimbabwe, said he would
also
travel to Zambia and Mozambique.
Tsvangirai says he won
sufficient votes to takeover the presidency but
projections by the ruling
ZANU-PF party and independent observers show that
the MDC leader won with
less than 50 percent of the vote, warranting a
second round run-off against
Mugabe.
The opposition leader has indicated he is ready to face Mugabe in
a second
ballot but says the Zimbabwean leader is delaying the issuing of
results to
prepare for a violent onslaught against opposition supporters in
a bid to
regain the upper hand.
From Brussels, European Commission
President Jose Manuel Barroso called for
a violence free and swift
transition to democracy in Zimbabwe, adding Europe
was “very concerned” at
the failure by election authorities to issue results
of the presidential
held more than a week ago.
"One thing should be made very clear to Mr
Mugabe and his entourage: the
people of Zimbabwe want a change, they want
democracy, they want freedom,
they want to be able to tackle poverty and the
economic chaos they are
living through," Barroso said at conference in the
European bloc’s strongest
criticism yet against Harare.
Meanwhile,
Zimbabwe’s High Court on Wednesday postponed to mid month making
a ruling on
an MDC application demanding the immediate release of results of
the
presidential election. – ZimOnline.
Zim Online
by By Edith Kaseke Thursday 10 April
2008
HARARE – President Robert Mugabe’s press secretary,
George Charamba, has
ordered a purge of senior management at state-owned
Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation (ZBC) for allegedly failing to run a
favourable campaign for the
ruling ZANU PF party, which lost to the
opposition in elections two weeks
ago.
Authoritative sources said
Charamba, who has great influence in the running
of the country’s sole
broadcaster, had himself come under fire from senior
ruling party officials
who now blame him for botching up its election
campaign.
The sources
said Charamba had convinced party stalwarts he could handle ZANU
PF’s
publicity campaign and had used what is believed to be his company
fronted
by former ZBC editor-in-chief Chris Chivinge to run campaign
advertisements
and the printing of election regalia like T-shirts.
Charamba, and not
ZANU PF had written up the party’s manifesto, which until
today has not been
made public.
There is also suspicion among some ZANU PF officials that
some of the money
given to Charamba was not used but might never be
accounted for.
The President’s spin doctor met ZBC board chairman Justin
Mutasa and other
members on Monday and directed Mutasa in particular to fire
the corporation’s
chief executive Henry Muradzikwa and his senior managers
in the editorial
and marketing departments.
“The people in the
marketing department are being accused of running too
many MDC
advertisements during the run-up to the (joint presidential,
parliamentary
and council) elections,” the source said.
“In all fairness there is
nothing more we could have done. He is feeling the
pressure and he now wants
to find fall guys. He is just scrapping the bottom
because it was ZANU PF
which had the most time on television.”
A ZANU PF official told ZimOnline
that Charamba had failed to deliver most
of the election material, like
T-shirts and posters on time.
Charamba, who authors a weekly column under
the pseudonym Nathaniel Manheru
in the government-controlled Herald
newspaper, has been co-opted into a
crack team that is strategising Mugabe’s
bid to retain power in an expected
presidential run-off.
Zimbabweans
are anxiously waiting for the results of the presidential
election and
although opposition Movement for Democratic Change leader
Morgan Tsvangirai
says he won with 50.3 percent of the vote, independent and
ZANU PF forecasts
suggest there would be need for a run-off.
Charamba last week wrote in
his weekly column that ZBC management was acting
“funny” and has in the past
accused Muradzikwa of attending meetings held by
independent presidential
candidate Simba Makoni’s team.
“The problem confronting Mutasa is that
there is no prima-facie reason to
fire these guys but he is under pressure
from Charamba,” the source said.
“There is uncertainty now and knowing
Charamba, people will be fired.”
Charamba was unavailable for comment but
the source said Chivhinge could
bounce back as editor-in-chief.
War
veteran Allan Chiweshe, who heads the popular Radio Zimbabwe is being
tipped
to take over from Muradzikwa while another war veteran Happison
Muchechetere, who is a rabid Mugabe supporter and managing director of a
moribund international radio station launched last year, will also be roped
in.
When this ZimOnline correspondent visited the corporation on
Tuesday,
workers’ morale was at its lowest as a cloud of uncertainty hung
over the
national broadcaster.
However, there are some who were happy
to see the backs of ZBC
editor-in-chief Tazzen Mandizvidza and his deputy
Robson Mhandu, whom they
accused of lapping up to Charamba and not advancing
workers’ welfare. –
ZimOnline.
When Zimbabwe's president wants time to think, he speeds along Mugabe Highway to Kutama, the village where he was raised and taught by white missionaries.
From the windows of his bullet-proof Mercedes, Robert Gabriel Mugabe must see that he has led his people down the road to hell.
Built to connect his city palaces with his country home, the highway is a place of poverty, despair and death.
Once dotted with thriving enterprises where tourists sipped sundowners and marvelled at the abundant wildlife, children in rags now jostle to hawk rotting vegetables.
Unreal: After crisis meetings, Mugabe has decided that the mistake he made this time round was to be 'too kind'
Men and women are slumped by the roadside, too weak to walk.
Shops are boarded up or have no food for sale. The tourist businesses are closed, the animals all dead.
In Zimbabwe, more than three million people - a third of the population - have fled the devastation for neighbouring countries.
The average age of death for women is 34; for men it is 37. Aged 40, I am solemnly called "baba" - father, or elder - a rarity because almost all Zimbabweans are dead by my age.
Yet, just as it seemed these people were about to escape their living nightmare, hope has been snatched away.
Two weeks after it appeared that Mugabe would be finally swept from power by a people desperate for change, the president is showing his contempt for democracy by refusing to publicly accept election defeat.
Riot police outside the High Court in Harare as Tsvangirai begs judges to release the results of the recent election
Instead, the politics of violence is taking over as Mugabe deploys soldiers, police units and the hated "war veterans" to crush the wishes of the people.
As the world looks on in revulsion, a new wave of torture and death is planned.
Opposition leaders have gone into hiding and intelligence agents are scouring hotels and airports for "enemies of the state". Mugabe is deploying sinister tactics to ensure he and his family continue to enjoy the trappings of power.
The war veterans, deployed to kill farmers in earlier state violence, are back on the streets.
The few remaining white farms have been invaded. Youths are being hired to wreak havoc. Riot police are everywhere.
One journalist has been abducted and murdered, others have been taken into custody.
Riot police are taking over the streets of Zimbabwe's capital Harare to prevent any democratic riots
All ports of entry and exit are being watched.
Darkness beckons once again in this benighted land where millions of Zimbabweans voted in presidential elections for which Mugabe has still not released the results, insisting there are "logistical problems".
He is claiming the opposition "rigged" some ballots, saying he will ask the judges he appoints to investigate.
He has also arrested election agents, claiming they did not "count the votes properly".
Britain and America may be insisting that the "will of the people" must prevail but Mugabe has put his most senior military generals in charge of bludgeoning the population into submission ahead of new polls supposed to be held by April 19.
His generals have a ready supply of men at their disposal.
Thousands of militias - dubbed the "Talibobs" because of their Taliban-like brutality and their slavish devotion to "Bob" Mugabe - tortured and murdered the local population during elections in 2002. Now they are on the march again.
For after a five-hour crisis meeting at Zanu-PF's headquarters in Harare last weekend, a consensus emerged that Mugabe made a huge mistake in the current elections: he was too "kind".
Having deployed thousands of these thugs in 2002 and set up "rape camps" against the population in previous polls, and bulldozed homes suspected of harbouring opponents, he warned that opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai would "never rule while I am alive".
Yet this time it was different.
Zimbabweans desperate for food and political stability go to great lengths to cross the border of the country into South Africa
With the eyes of the world on these elections, Mugabe had seemed reluctant to deploy his traditional brutality.
Now, to the horror of Zimbabwe's peace-loving people, the tactics have reverted to terror.
"Many in the army have called on him to fight on," one senior Zanu official told me. "There is too much to lose. He will fight - to the end. The iron fist is coming."
Mugabe's story leads back to Kutama, 50 miles west of Harare, the capital.
He was born here in 1924. Traditionally a stronghold of the president's ruling Zanu-PF party, Mugabe has for years repaid such loyalty, ensuring plentiful food supplies while he starved any parts of the country opposed to his rule.
But even Kutama is starving today. After 28 years of plenty under Mugabe's rule, his most loyal relatives are now too hungry and exhausted to support his reign.
Mugabe can no longer provide them with food or money - and they hold the president responsible for their plight, plus the deaths of thousands of his "subjects".
Take Lovemore Matonga, a shop owner. Under signs stating "Hurry! Buy while stocks last!", he surveys his shelves. Three open packets of cigarettes - he sells them as "singles" for 1.2million Zimbabwean dollars each - were the only items on display.
"We don't have anything here," he says. "My baby son died because I couldn't get paracetamol for his temperature. We want change. We are tired of dying.
"We keep waiting and waiting for things to get better. But they just get worse. It is time for the old man to go."
Another couple of miles down Mugabe Highway, a group of black farmers is having a "prize-giving" for the best crops. One proud man, wearing immaculately pressed rags and with neat grey sideburns, won a 10kg bag of maize.
As women danced with joy, he wept quietly.
Asked why he wept, he said: "I am happy that I have got this food but I am sad that I am so happy about such a small thing.
"We always had food, ever since I was a boy. Now as I become an old man we have no food.
"Life should not be like this for me."
Zimbabwe's new $10 million bank note which will not even buy a loaf of bread
Mugabe has turned back time. His people have become rural peasants again.
Once the most educated and prosperous population in Africa, with life expectancy of 65 and literacy of 90 per cent, most of these people now scavenge for food alongside the few crops they can grow.
Cookers have been replaced with open fires. With bread costing 15million Zimbabwean dollars, many have resorted to killing wild animals just as their forefathers did.
Mugabe, who went to Kutama to thank his ancestors after winning the "liberation" war against Ian Smith's Rhodesian regime in 1980, was back at his village just before the election.
He spent a day feeding his pigs, and, it seems, plotting to outfox the world, whose leaders were briefing last week that Mugabe would be "gone in days".
Many in Kutama believe their "brother" Robert has been in a state of resentful anger since his early years.
Until he was ten, his childhood was idyllic. He spent his days fishing, playing football and tending his grandfather's cattle.
Identified by a local white Catholic priest as a young man of "exceptional ability", Mugabe flourished academically at the St Xavier Mission, an exclusive, red-brick establishment just down the road from Kutama.
At the school, now decaying, he learned about the "white man's world" as well as traditional ways of Zimbabwean village life.
But then Robert's world began to fall apart.
First, his adored younger brother, Michael, died of unknown causes. Then, in 1934, his father walked out after a row with his mother.
From being boisterous, Robert became withdrawn. He became attached to his mother and cursed his absent father. He was bullied. "He started hating the world," says a close relative.
Mugabe lost himself in study.
After training at the mission in Kutama to become a teacher, he won a scholarship to study in South Africa, earning the first of seven degrees. (He joked in later years that he had an eighth - a "first-class degree in violence", having killed 30,000 Ndebele civilians because they didn't belong to his Shona tribe.)
While villagers in Kutama say it was his father's disappearance that made Mugabe bitter, they also blame his marriage to Grace Marufu, dubbed Zimbabwe's First Shopper, a former government typist 40 years the president's junior.
Mugabe spied Grace in the typing pool at State House, before the death of his first wife, Sally, a kind, well-educated Ghanaian he met while studying in West Africa.
Sally was a calming influence: after he became president in 1980, she persuaded her husband, a Marxist, to assure his white enemies that "there was a place in the sun" for them in Zimbabwe.
After Sally died of kidney failure in 1992, Grace became the new First Lady of Zimbabwe in 1996. She was a very different First Lady.
"They brought in trucks loaded with beer, wine and champagne," one woman said of the couple's wedding ceremony, held in Kutama that year. "The smell of meat wafted over our village. Men in big cars came. We were not allowed near the food. We asked, but they even took what was left home with them."
The three-day event, which cost more than £1million, was attended by 3,000 Mugabe cronies. They also had a £2million mansion built.
Dubbed Africa's answer to Imelda Marcos, Grace took to her role as Mugabe's wife with relish.
A well-built, imperious woman, she left her first husband and her baby son when Mugabe made clear his interest in her.
Soon after marrying, Grace visited Paris, London and New York. Usually wearing a designer watch and glasses, she spent an estimated £40,000 during a trip to London in 2001.
Asked how she justified spending thousands of pounds on Ferragamo shoes while her people starved, she replied: "I have very narrow feet, so I wear only Ferragamo."
How Grace has responded to the election result is unclear. But it is known that she does not accept her husband's defeat and would not have been pleased when Morgan Tsvangirai last week declared himself leader of Zimbabwe.
Now, with his offices ransacked by Mugabe's thugs and his officials in hiding, Tsvangirai is begging the world for help.
Incredibly, Thabo Mbeki, the South Africa president, this week rejected calls for international intervention and reassured him that the situation in Zimbabwe is "manageable" - although his de facto successor, Jacob Zuma, has put pressure on Mugabe to publish the election results.
Even so, with most other African leaders following Mbeki's lead and reluctant to criticise a fellow "liberation hero", an African leader who took his country to independence, it seems Mugabe will be free to close his borders to the world - and batter his own people into defeat.
The pigs at Kutama may not see their master for some time. It seems His Excellency Robert Gabriel Mugabe has done all his thinking for now. The "iron fist" is swinging.
By ignoring his people's will, Mugabe is bringing more disgrace on himself.
Our leaders must act now, whatever the cost. If they don't, they will bring shame on all of us, too.
The New Republic
Don't expect something
as small as an election loss to push Robert Mugabe
from power.
Post Date
Thursday, April 10, 2008
Reports of Robert Mugabe's demise have been
greatly exaggerated. Last week,
many media outlets reported that the
Zimbabwean dictator--having failed to
defeat his opponents in the country's
March 29 presidential and
parliamentary elections--was planning to leave
office peacefully, in
exchange for a promise that he would not face
punishment at the hands of the
country's democratically-elected leaders.
"Mugabe ready to step down," read
the headline of an Agence France Presse
story released on the wires April 1.
"Talks May End Mugabe's Rule in
Zimbabwe," The New York Times reported the
same day. Mark Malloch Brown,
Great Britain's minister for Africa, Asia and
the UN, also confident, told
the House of Commons that Mugabe would be out
of office by last Friday. When
Friday rolled around and that didn't happen,
The Guardian nonetheless quoted
an opposition source saying that "the ball
is rolling" for a Mugabe
departure. These hopes were understandably boosted
by the news, released
last Wednesday, that the opposition MDC party barely
beat Mugabe's ruling
ZANU-PF in the parliamentary election, marking the
first time in Zimbabwe's
28-year history that the ruling party was defeated
at the
polls.
But as events over the past several days now show, such
conjecture was
premature. Though voting in the presidential election ended
well over a week
ago, the Zimbabwean Electoral Commission has yet to release
the full
results, a sure sign that the regime is doing everything it can to
further
rig what was already a rigged election. Last week, Zimbabwean police
ransacked the offices of the MDC and arrested foreign journalists, including
The New York Times's Barry Bearak. Pro-government thugs also raided 60 of
the few remaining white-owned farms in a replay of the disastrous events of
2000 that led to the country's current hunger crisis. And last week,
London's Sunday Times reported that the democratic opposition was preparing
for Mugabe to launch a "dirty war."
Talk of a peaceful end to
Mugabe's rule was to be expected. In a country
like Zimbabwe, ruled by fear
and where a free press is non-existent,
rumors--especially positive
ones--can spread like wildfire. From my time in
the country, I learned that
a purely speculative text message from an
opposition operative to a reporter
could, in a matter of minutes, lead to a
poorly sourced news story.
Ironically, these sorts of optimistic articles
probably had an anxious
effect on an already paranoid Mugabe war cabinet,
convincing the dictator
and the leaders of the country's security forces to
hunker down even
further.
Given a review of Mugabe's history, expecting him to leave
office as the
result of losing an election seems off base. Going all the way
back to 1980,
when he was first elected Prime Minister of Zimbabwe (he
abolished his
former position in order to become president in 1987), Mugabe
has always
demonstrated a propensity for ignoring the will of his people and
using
violence to achieve his ends.
Mugabe ventured into his
first election in 1980 on the promise that if he
did not win, he would
continue to wage the guerilla war that had, by that
point, claimed 30,000
lives. Throughout the 1970s, he had promised to rule
Zimbabwe as a one-party
state, and not long after taking power, he took
steps to achieve just that,
going so far as to drive his erstwhile guerilla
colleague, Joshua Nkomo,
into exile and imprisoning other political foes. In
the mid-1980's, Mugabe
launched a murderous campaign against civilians
belonging to the country's
minority Ndebele tribe, killing an estimated
20,000 and striking fear in
anyone who might contemplate a challenge to his
rule.
Perhaps the
closest historical parallel to the crisis Mugabe currently faces
was his
stunning defeat in a 2000 constitutional referendum. Mugabe
supported a
series of reforms that would have extended the period he could
serve as
president, immunize him and his cronies from future prosecution,
and allow
the government to seize white-owned farms without compensation.
The
country's democratic opposition encouraged a boycott of the poll, and
Mugabe
still lost, 55% to 45%. But of course he didn't listen to the people:
He
allowed veterans (and those claiming to be veterans) of the country's
liberation war to set upon private farms, and he made farm seizures a state
policy, leading to the humanitarian catastrophe of today.
During
the last presidential and parliamentary elections, in 2002 and 2005
respectively, independent observers and journalists reported all manner of
voter intimidation, vote rigging, and outright violence. Weeks after the
2005 election, Mugabe punished opposition supporters in the country's
capital city of Harare by launching "Operation Drive Out Trash," a purported
"slum clearance" scheme that destroyed the homes of an estimated 700,000
people in an attempt to force them into the countryside to starve. Last
March, Mugabe violently quelled a peaceful democracy protest, and had his
police beat opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.
What does
this history say about the country's current situation? That
throughout his
career as one of the world's longest-serving dictators Robert
Mugabe has
never hesitated to use theft, threats of violence, or outright
murder to get
his way. "I say don't wait for dead bodies on the streets of
Harare.
Intervene now. There's a constitutional and legal crisis in
Zimbabwe," MDC
Secretary-General Tendai Biti pleaded at a Monday news
conference, drawing
allusions to the Rwandan genocide.
Though the likelihood of such a
massive slaughter is slim, Biti has reason
to be scared. The regime has
already detained scores of opposition activists
and arrested seven members
of the country's electoral commission, accusing
the latter of undercounting
votes for Mugabe. Last Friday, 400 "war
veterans" marched through the
streets of Harare in silence, a demonstration
of force meant to signal that
the state-sanctioned terror of 2000 could
easily be repeated should Mugabe
give the order. The way Mugabe sees it,
bloodshed is in his best interest:
Inciting violence would give him the
pretext to declare a state of emergency
and postpone a runoff presidential
election indefinitely. Mugabe has
reportedly drawn up plans to dispatch 200
senior military commanders
throughout the country to execute a campaign of
intimidation and violence in
preparation for a potential run-off.
Like many African leaders who
came into office after leading liberation
movements, Mugabe believes that he
has an irrevocable right to rule his
country, an entitlement that can't be
overturned at the ballot box. Sadly,
there is nothing in his history to
indicate that he would accept the
humiliation of an election defeat or even
a brokered end to his rule that
entails protection from prosecution--an
offer that Tsvangirai has repeatedly
made to Mugabe and top regime
officials. Indeed, all of the telltale steps
of violent crackdown are
already in the offing, while the world--including,
most shamefully,
neighboring South Africa--sits and watches. Mugabe used to
brag that he had
earned "a degree in violence." Expect him to use it.
Jamie Kirchick
is an assistant editor for The New Republic.
RushLimbaugh.com
April 9,
2008
BEGIN
TRANSCRIPT
RUSH: Quinton in Zimmerman, Minnesota, you're
next on the Rush
Limbaugh program. Hello, sir.
CALLER:
Rush, it's such an honor to speak to you, sir, and I
wanted to say: I'm so
proud to be an American, to live in the best country
in the world. My
question few is, I don't understand the audacity that
Hillary Clinton has
and the liberal Democrats to want Bush to protest China
through the Olympic
games, but at the same time they want him to allow
Robert Mugabe -- in
Zimbabwe, where I was born; I was born in Rhodesia --
and be silent on
that. What I wanted to say with that, Rush, is when
Rhodesia copied the
United States, even with our unilateral Declaration of
Independence from
England, we copied the United States -- and when we copied
the United
States, we were the most prosperous country in southern Africa.
President
Carter forced us to put Robert Mugabe as president and a
terrorist.
RUSH: I remember.
CALLER: And why is it, Rush, that they are silent on it? He's
taken the
country that was the best country in southern Africa to a country
that's got
over a hundred thousand percent inflation rate with an 80%
unemployment
rate, and he is stealing the election a third time!
RUSH: We
have been following the events in Zimbabwe for quite a
while on this
program, years in fact. Before I get to that and answer your
question, you
should know that Jimmy Carter has come out and said we need to
start talking
to Hamas. I can't explain Jimmy Carter. I don't know what's
happened to
his mind. I don't know if he ever had one. You know, Jimmy
Carter, not only
did he give us Mugabe, he gave us the Ayatollah Khomeini in
Iran.
CALLER: But so did the black caucus, Rush. It's
the liberals,
even Clinton, because there's a picture of Clinton with Robert
Mugabe
smiling. The liberal Democrats are in the same cahoots with Nelson
Mandela,
all the terrorists.
RUSH: Right. Let me cut to
the chase, Quinton, as to why the
Democrats are going nuts about China and
Tibet. It's in the news, because
the Olympics are in China, and the
Democrats can make great hay by demanding
freedom for the oppressed. Now,
in the case of Robert Mugabe, here is a man
who -- you just scratched the
surface. He just literally destroyed a
country and has literally
appropriated the property of successful white
farmers, nationalized it, and
now that stuff's gone belly up. Nothing is
working in Zimbabwe. There are
international calls for him to... He had an
election but he won't release
the results.
CALLER: But, Rush, you are so right. The
Rhodesian example of
what you say regularly on the station: if you implement
liberal philosophy,
it's failed. Hillary Clinton wants to take the profits
away from Exxon?
Robert Mugabe doesn't talk about it, he does it, and he
forces countries
there who are international companies to give half, 51%, to
the nationals!
RUSH: And you're wondering why Mugabe is not
condemned by
Democrats?
CALLER: Yes!
RUSH: Well, when's the last time you heard them condemn Fidel
Castro?
CALLER: They don't!
RUSH:
Right. Now, why is that? You have an answer? I'll give
you one, but I
want to know if you have an answer.
CALLER: My philosophy is
this. Because what you said on your
station for years and year, is if you
export liberalism, it's the best way
to get rid of all the other countries,
and that's why they want it. They
want to be silent, because in their
philosophy. They want it throughout the
world.
RUSH:
Exactly right. But there's another aspect to it, too.
Mugabe is black.
You're not going to have to the Congressional Black Caucus
criticize anybody
black. They won't even criticize Congressman William
Jefferson
(Democrat-Louisiana). Hillary Clinton is not going to criticize
Mugabe
because he's black. This is a presidential year. It isn't going to
happen,
and he's not even in the news, not widely so. They're given cover
on this.
But at the same time, I don't think they look at what Mugabe has
done. The
average American leftist will not look at Mugabe and find anything
wrong
with it. He just hasn't succeeded yet. He just hasn't turned it into
a
paradise. But American liberals love Castro, love Chavez, love Mugabe,
all
these dictators, because they envy the power they
have.
END TRANSCRIPT
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
09 April
2008
The Southern African Development Community has
called an emergency meeting
of its members on Saturday to discuss the
post-election crisis in Zimbabwe,
where the electoral authority has withheld
the results of the March 29
presidential election and the government and
opposition are at loggerheads
over a mooted runoff ballot.
From
Gaborone, Botswana, opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai urged the heads
of
state of the Southern African Development Community to "put their heads
together" to resolve the crisis in Harare just as they intervened in March
2007 following a violent crackdown by the Zimbabwean government against its
political opponents.
Tsvangirai was interviewed live from Gaborone by
hosts Carole Gombakomba and
Chris Gande of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe.
Tsvangirai's formation of the Movement for Democratic Change
maintains that
he won the presidential election with 50.3% of ballots. But
the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission after issuing house and senate elections
results has
failed to release the presidential results, leading Tsvangirai's
party to
seek a court order forcing release.
President Robert
Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front
appears to be
determined to set aside the first election round and force a
runoff
ballot.
Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa, currently SADC chairman, issued
a
statement on Wednesday calling the summit to try to break "the current
impasse as well as adopt a coordinated approach to the situation in that
country". Sources in the Zimbabwean ruling party said chances are slim that
Mr. Mugabe would attend the summit.
In South Africa, meanwhile, the
president of the ruling African National
Congress, Jacob Zuma, publicly
criticized the delay in releasing the
results. "I don't think it augurs very
well" to keep the nation and
international community in suspense," Zuma
said.
MDC sources said Tsvangirai was expected to meet soon with South
African
President Thabo Mbeki – though South African officials said such a
meeting
was not scheduled as Mr. Mbeki was in India leading a delegation to
discuss
bilateral relations.
Tsvangirai met Wednesday with Botswanan
President Seretse Khama and two of
his predecessors, Festus Mogae and
Ketumile Masire.
Director Neo Simutani of the Center for Policy Dialogue
in Lusaka, Zambia,
told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that the move by
SADC was bold but should have come sooner after
the Zimbabwean elections.
VOA
By Thomas Chiripasi, Jonga Kandemiiri & Taurai
Shava
Harare, Gweru & Washington
09 April
2008
A Harare high court judge Wednesday heard arguments
from lawyers for the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change and the
Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission regarding a request by the MDC that the court
order the
commission to release the results of the presidential election
held 11 days
earlier without further delay.
Tsvangirai's MDC
formation maintains that he won the presidential election
with 50.3% of the
vote. Though no official results have been released,
President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU-PF party says the ballot produced no clear
winner and seeks a
runoff.
After hearing the arguments by lawyers for the MDC and the ZEC,
Justice
Tendai Uchena told the parties he would hand down a decision by
Tuesday,
April 14.
Correspondent Thomas Chiripasi of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe was in the
high court Wednesday and filed a report on the
proceedings.
Representing the electoral commission, attorney George
Chikumbirike told the
court that compelling the commission to release the
results would undermine
its integrity and independence, and that the
commission should be allowed to
do its work.
MDC lawyer Alec
Muchadehama said there was no reason for the commission not
to announce the
results as each constituency had quickly posted local
results.
Chikumbirike had earlier asked the court not to oblige the
commission to
release the results due to the potential consequences to the
members of the
commission, hinting that the body was operating under heavy
duress from the
government.
In a related development, the Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights voiced its
"grave concern" at the arrests and
prosecution of a number of commission
staff members in various parts of the
country who are facing criminal
charges that they committed election fraud
in an alleged attempt to reduce
votes going to Mr. Mugabe.
The
non-governmental legal group said the arrests and prosecutions
"constitute
executive interference in the work of a purportedly independent
institution,
and must therefore be condemned in the strongest possible
terms. The actions
of the police and their commanders smack of intentional
intimidation of
officers of an electoral body and can be considered to be an
attack on ZEC's
integrity and ability to complete its constitutional duties
without fear or
favor, which is already in dispute."
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
Director Irene Petras told reporter Jonga
Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that lawyers representing the
arrested officials have not been able
to see their clients or relevant court
dockets.
In Gweru, capital of
Midlands Province, elections officer Dorcas Mpofu
remained in custody on
Wednesday after a Gweru magistrate put off a decision
on a request that she
be granted bail. Mpofu has been accused of sending
false presidential
election results to the election command center in Harare
on March
29.
Correspondent Taurai Shava of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe reported on
the
court proceedings Wednesday in Gweru.