Pls ignore the latest attempts by puppets of the West & so called human rights groups to prematurely celebrate the passing of Cde RG Mugabe
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Lance Guma
10 April
2012
ZANU PF officials have finally come out to publicly deny reports
that Robert
Mugabe was battling for his life at a hospital in Singapore.
Over the
weekend The Zimbabwe Mail website quoted an unnamed ZANU PF source
saying
the 88 year-old was on his “deathbed” and “undergoing intensive
treatment in
Singapore”.
Information Minister Webster Shamu has
however dismissed the report as “a
lot of hogwash” adding that “this is not
the first time we have heard these
rumours. If anything like that had
happened, we would have issued a
statement.” Another unnamed ZANU PF
politburo member said Mugabe would be
back in Zimbabwe on
Wednesday.
Mugabe left suddenly for Singapore on the 31st March. The
official line was
that he was going there to make study arrangements for his
daughter Bona.
When he failed to return on time, missing two consecutive
Tuesday cabinet
meetings and an important ZANU PF politburo meeting on
Wednesday,
speculation turned to his health.
The Zimbabwe Mail
website for example reported that members of Mugabe’s
family had been flown
by private charter to go and be with him at his
bedside in Singapore. Other
messages posted on social networking sites
suggested the hospital wing where
he was being treated had been sealed off
from the public.
On Monday
Misheck Sibanda, the chief secretary to the Cabinet, was quoted as
saying
that Tuesday’s Cabinet meeting had been moved to Thursday when Mugabe
will
be back. The truth in this case might be a casualty of the propaganda
battles raging but for now ZANU PF seems confident their leader will be back
in the country.
A ZANU PF politburo member, believed to be Jonathan
Moyo, is quoted saying
Mugabe was enjoying an Easter break with his family
in Asia. “The President
is on his Easter holidays, like everyone else. He
returns to his post this
week, at the same time as those who are asking
about his whereabouts from
their holiday hideouts.”
Last year the 88
year old travelled to the Far East more than eight times
and on each
occasion his close aides and party issued flimsy excuses to
cover up the
reasons. The reluctance by those close to him to supply
accurate information
on his condition has tended to fuel the rumours and
speculation about his
health.
Political analyst Pedzisai Ruhanya told SW Radio Africa: “It is
clear the
health of the president is not okay. The intense speculation is a
result of
the opaque manner in which Mugabe and ZANU PF administer affairs
of the
state. It would not be an issue of people were told the President is
not
feeling well, after all he is 88.”
Ruhanya added: “But because
these people are economic with the truth and
very liberal with lies, they
hide Mugabe’s sickness and because of this
citizens are bound to look for
information and hence these reports on the
internet and elsewhere. In a
democratic society this information should be
made public.”
According
to a leaked 2008 US diplomatic cable, central bank chief Gideon
Gono told
then-US ambassador James McGee that Mugabe had prostate cancer and
had been
advised by doctors he had less than five years to live. Gono also
quotes the
First Lady Grace, saying Mugabe was “out of it about 75 percent
of the
time.”
For all the speculation and denials from ZANU PF, it’s clear the
88 year old
is receiving some form of treatment in Singapore, then he comes
back into
the country looking ‘energetic’ until the next
relapse.
It’s also clear something ‘serious’ made him miss two cabinet
meetings and
another one for his party.
Update, 8:46pm: Some readers have pointed out that some old tweets on the @Zanu_pf account, which purports to represent Zimbabwe's ruling party, are so outlandish that the account could not possibly be legitimate. I was fooled. I wasn't the only one, but I regret the error. Still, the tweets are valuable in their own satirical right. Meanwhile, The Guardian's Ian Birrell reports, "Zimbabwe sources confirm that Mugabe is 'very critical' & security services are on highest alert."
Even if the thinly
sourced reports claiming that 88-year-old Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe is
"fighting for his life" in a Singapore hospital turn out to be false, it was
worth it just to watch the government spokesman struggling on Twitter to claim
that everything is fine.
"Pls ignore the latest attempts by puppets of
the West & so called human rights groups to prematurely celebrate the
passing of Cde RG Mugabe," read the first of nine tweets from the ruling party's official feed, an increasingly
odd and poorly spelled rant about how Mugabe is definitely, definitely not on
his deathbed in Singapore.
The tweets may well be accurate -- so far the
story is limited to The Australian quoting The Zimbabwe Mail
quoting an unnamed "senior office" in Mugabe's party. That brutally dictatorial
party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front, otherwise known as
ZANU-PF, also runs the Twitter feed that is denying the rumors (as well as a
delightfully
Geocities-ish website). But the story is
plausible enough (Mugabe, reportedly in terrible health, has been traveling to East Asia for treatment for years) that the folks a ZANU-PF HQ
apparently felt they couldn't ignore it.
Whichever party official decided
to take to Twitter to combat these latest Mugabe death rumors, they should just
stop. The tweets are quickly becoming something of a Dictator-101 on how not to
conduct propaganda. The way-too-strenuous denial makes the rumors, which have
circulated so many times before that virtually no one seemed to take them
seriously at first, seem a bit more plausible (why else deny them so
forcefully?).
The tweets also call attention to Mugabe's poor health --
a major problem for Zimbabwe, as his unexpected death could lead to an ugly
succession battle or, worse, the collapse of this oh-so-fragile nation. And,
perhaps most face-palmingly of all, the propagandists' counter-narrative to the
deathbed rumor is that Mugabe is "merely on a prolonged shopping trip with his
wife, as God has blessed him with spending money." In a country where more than
two-thirds of the population is below the poverty line, unemployment is the highest in the world at
95%, and inflation recently hit
231,000,000%, is
"shopping trip" really the most sympathetic activity for Zimbabweans to relate
to? How many anxious Zimbabweans read that line and said, "Oh, it's OK our
leader is absent for long and unexplained periods as we sink into greater
poverty, he just needed to take a relaxing shopping jaunt."
To be fair,
the line about the shopping trip also makes the tweets seem more plausible; East
Asian shopping sprees are exactly in character for Mugabe. So, here are
the tweets. Read them for yourself and see if you're
convinced:
Pls ignore the latest attempts by puppets of the West & so called human rights groups to prematurely celebrate the passing of Cde RG Mugabe
Indeed our loved leader Cde Gabriel Mugabe was here yesterday, today & will be here tomorrow. He has been blessed by God to protect Zimbabwe
Indeed God has blessed our comrade and leader- he will live longer than the queen and will continue to spread human rights for years 2 come.
Cde President RG Mugabe is merely on a prolonged shopping trip with his wife, as God has blessed him with spending money. He's alive & well
As we have come 2learn these impatient and arrogant imperialists have often claimed Cde Mugabe has passed on, these are merely their dreams.
Cde Mugabe is fit and well, please do not believe the lies! God promised Cde Mugabe that he will rule until he has freed all of Africa.
So much hype about our beloved leader Cde GR Mugabe, people r spreading rumors like feces during a cholera crisis.
Its normal 4there to be an acting president when a president is out the country, these bloody agents and prophets of doom-Cde Mugabe is fine
Cde RG Mugabe will not die until he has finished here on earth, SA needs him heaven can wait. He'll surely bring light 2heaven, but not 2day
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tichaona
Sibanda
10 April 2012
As it becomes increasingly inevitable that
Robert Mugabe’s time as President
of Zimbabwe is coming to an end, it’s also
becoming clear that a leadership
race to succeed him will be a bitter battle
between Emmerson Mnangagwa and
Joice Mujuru.
Mnangagwa is the
Minister of Defence while Mujuru is the co-Vice President.
Mnangagwa who,
reportedly, has the support of Mugabe is the current
favourite, but Mujuru
is seen by many as ZANU PF’s best hope.
In recent days a number of media
outlets have reported that Mugabe had
agreed on his successor. The Tehran
Times of Iran said the 88 year-old
leader entered into a ‘gentleman’s
agreement’ to hand over power to 65-year
old Mnangagwa, who had been in Iran
recently drumming up support for ZANU PF
in the next elections.
Many
people would be concerned to hear this news as Mnangagwa helped
orchestrate
the Gukurahundi massacres in the early 1980’s. As the country’s
first
Minister of Security, in charge of the notorious CIO, Mnanagagwa was
also
widely blamed for the brutality following the 2008 presidential
election
after Morgan Tsvangirai won the first round poll.
Mugabe has of late made
several pronouncements that elections in Zimbabwe
will be held this year,
with or without a new constitution. The MDC
formations have however said
they will not go into an election without
reforms, including a new
constitution. The plan might be for Mugabe to ‘win’
the election and then
hand over power to Mnangagwa.
Analysts have long viewed Mnangagwa as a
divisive figure in ZANU PF circles,
but he would have heavyweight support
from the military top brass.
In February Mugabe, who has been at the helm
of ZANU PF since 1975, declared
that it was not yet time for him to groom a
successor. However, with
elections pending and, allegedly, an ongoing battle
with prostrate cancer,
he may be having a change of heart.
Although
Mugabe insists he’s ‘fit as a fiddle’ and ‘has the energy and
vitality to
lead the country’ the facts tell a different tale. For one,
treatment for
his ailment has seen him travel to Singapore on more than 10
occasions in
the last 16 months, at a cost of many millions per trip.
A UK based
academic and health expert told SW Radio Africa on Tuesday that
under a
functioning democracy, Mugabe would have been forced to take sick
leave
because of the number of weeks he’s been away seeking treatment.
‘If they
follow the constitution properly, they should look at the number of
occasions he has been away from duty, and add that with the number of
important cabinet meetings he’s missed, a normal civil servant will be
forced to take sick leave,’ said the academic, who asked not to be
identified.
http://www.voanews.com
09 April
2012
Ntungamili Nkomo | Washington DC
The well-being of
Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe was back in focus
Monday after his chief
secretary issued a statement saying cabinet will
again not meet on Tuesday
as per tradition because Mr. Mugabe remains out of
the country.
The
announcement riled some ministers and ordinary citizens who feel the
president’s continued absence is crippling the coalition
government.
Mr. Mugabe left Harare March 30 for Singapore on private
business, and
cabinet hasn't convened since.
The ministerial grouping
did not meet last Tuesday, and Mugabe's chief
secretary, Misheck Sibanda,
said this week's schedule had been moved to
Thursday, suggesting the
88-year-old veteran leader will return between late
Tuesday and
Wednesday.
President Mugabe is the sole convener of cabinet, and has
obstinately
refused to delegate the role to any of his two deputies or the
prime
minister in his absence.
While his spokesman, George Charamba
says the president traveled to arrange
post-graduate studies for his
daughter, analysts and ordinary Zimbabweans
are skeptical.
Instead,
they believe Mr. Mugabe may be seeking extensive treatment for
advanced
prostate cancer, though he has denied he has this condition.
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai last week tried to convene a Council of
Ministers
meeting that he is empowered to chair, but ZANU-PF ministers
boycotted,
accusing him of seeking to usurp Mr. Mugabe’s mandate.
National Healing
Minister Moses Mzila Ndlovu, a member of the MDC wing led
by Welshman Ncube
told VOA that Mr. Mugabe is holding the nation to ransom.
"His absence means
the country grinds to a halt, and this needs to change."
Mzila's
sentiments were echoed by London-based political commentator,
Nkululeko
Sibanda.
Meanwhile, Zimbabweans have praised the smooth transition of
power in Malawi
following the death last week of President Bingu wa
Mutharika, who died of
heart attack.
Opposition People’s Party
leader, Joyce Banda has since taken charge.
Commentators in Zimbabwe say
by allowing Banda to take over, Malawian
politicians respected their
constitution, a rarity in many African
countries.
Political analyst,
Pedzisai Ruhanya told VOA reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that
Zimbabwe has a lot
to learn from the Malawi experience.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
10 April
2012
A leading political analyst has warned that Zimbabwe will be plunged
into a
‘political meltdown’ if Robert Mugabe was to die in office, amid
ongoing
speculation about the ageing ZANU PF leader’s health.
This
speculation has reached fever pitch in recent days, with reports that
Mugabe
was ‘dying’ in a Singapore hospital which he has returned to on
numerous
occasions, allegedly seeking treatment for prostate cancer. It is
now
understood that he will be returning to Zimbabwe this week, with his
party
trying to quell the rumours that he is fatally ill.
ZANU PF has
repeatedly denied that the 88 year old Mugabe is battling with
his health.
But this time around, the situation has appeared more serious,
prompting
many to ask, what happens if he were to die now?
Political analyst
Professor John Makumbe said that, legally, the
constitution provides for the
Vice President of the country to take over for
90 days. He explained that
during this time an ‘electoral college’, made up
of the Senate and the House
of Assembly, would elect a substantive president
until fresh elections were
held.
“The first issue here is that the constitution doesn’t say which
Vice
President would take over, and in this case, there are two,” Makumbe
explained.
He added that the MDC-T would only have a voice as part of
the ‘electoral
college’ in Parliament and that otherwise the decision was
wholly down to
ZANU PF.
“ZANU PF has largely stuck to its hierarchy
and if they continued down this
road when Mugabe dies, then Joice Mujuru
would be the next to take over. But
we know that the politics in ZANU PF is
heated, and there is infighting with
Emmerson Mnangagwa,” Makumbe
said.
He added: “This is something that could cause a meltdown in the
political
realm and it is something that will affect all of us. I think it
is
something we need to be very wary of.”
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
By Masvingo Correspondents
Tuesday, 10 April
2012 12:00
HARARE - Zanu PF’s main factions, one led by Defence
Minister Emmerson
Mnangagwa and another by Vice-President Joice Mujuru have
intensified their
fierce battle to succeed President Robert Mugabe as the
party leader and
possibly president.
This comes as age and ill-health
seem to be catching up with the 88-year-old
leader.
Mugabe is
currently in Singapore where diplomats say he is receiving
treatment for an
undisclosed illness but his aides say he travelled to
oversee post graduate
arrangements for his daughter, Bona.
High-level briefings to the Daily
News during the Easter Holidays reveal
that Mnangagwa in particular has in
the past few weeks been rallying his
lieutenants and foot soldiers going
around the country soliciting for
support from people at the
grassroots.
Mnangagwa, for long touted as Mugabe’s natural successor, as
he is
considered to be ruthless, has been allegedly using the ongoing
constitutional process to push for his ascendancy to power and campaigning
at birthday and graduation parties.
These have revived memories of
the ill-fated “Tsholotsho coup” of 2004.
Reports indicate that most Zanu
PF members of Copac are said to be aligned
to the Defence
minister.
Copac is said to be controlled by Mnangagwa’s people who are
trying to use
it to delay elections to knock out Mugabe on age and health
grounds.
Reports say Mugabe was very angry with the issue at the last
politburo
meeting where he said he would not tolerate “sabotage” by his
people.
“Ngwena”, as he is affectionately known in political circles, has
also been
using private functions organised by members of his faction to
turn them
into political rallies for his faction and shore up support for
him.
He has been accused of blowing tax payers’ money flying with a
military
helicopter to officiate at dubious programmes like birthdays and
graduation
parties especially in Masvingo Province.
Recently,
Mnangangwa used state resources to attend the birthday and
donation
functions of Munyaradzi Kereke, former advisor to Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe
governor Gideon Gono and a graduation ceremony of the granddaughter
of his
ally, Josiah Hungwe in Chivi.
This has angered the Mujuru faction, whose
members are believed to be
preparing to approach Mugabe to complain about
“Mnangagwa’s abuse of state
resources” to campaign for his faction.
A
senior member of the Mujuru faction said: “Mnangagwa is taking advantage
of
the fact that he can use a military helicopter anytime and now he is
using
it for his personal campaign.
“We do not have access to a helicopter so
either he stops using the chopper
and state resources or we get the same
privileges. If Amai Mujuru wants to
travel to Chivi or Bikita, she must also
be given a chopper."
"How does one get a helicopter to attend a
graduation ceremony of
granddaughter of a former governor and member of his
faction? On the two
occasions, he abused a military helicopter, Mnangagwa
was preaching
factional politics.”
As part of his birthday
celebrations, Kereke donated medical utensils to the
Bikita community and
launched a mobile clinic where Mnangangwa used the
military helicopter to
travel all the way from Harare.
But he is said to have suffered a major
setback as the function was attended
by mainly schoolchildren after most
people snubbed the event as they were
said to be unhappy with the
organisers.
The poor attendance forced Mnangagwa to ask the organisers
including Kereke,
why they were no adults at the function. Among those who
attended the Bikita
function is top army official Engelbert
Rugeje.
Others who reportedly attended are Larry Mavhima and Colonel
Makova, among
others.
In Chivi, Mnangagwa made a dramatic appearance
at the graduation party of
Hungwe’s granddaughter, Ndaizivei Hungwe where he
was quoted in The Mirror
of Masvingo as saying: “When I was invited here, I
didn’t know what the
event was all about. All I was told by Cde Hungwe is
that there would be a
function here and I will be the guest of honour. In
the last few minutes, I
had to ask a few delegates who then told me that the
function is actually a
graduation party."
“So I then wondered to
myself and said this girl must be very important. A
helicopter has flown all
the way from Harare to bring delegates to her
graduation.”
Meanwhile,
the Sunday Telegraph of UK claims that Mugabe has reached a
secret deal to
appoint Mnangagwa as his successor. The Daily News has
published the full
story.
http://www.radiovop.com/
Harare, April 10, 2012 -President Robert
Mugabe has dumped the country’s
disgraced airline, Air Zimbabwe after he
opted for a private aircraft to
ferry him during his visit to Singapore last
week.
Information gleaned from government sources shows that the
octogenarian
leader decided on not using the services of Air Zimbabwe on his
trip to
Singapore, where the state media claimed he was sorting out some
post
studies arrangements for her first born daughter, Bona, although
speculation
remained high that he could be seeking medical
attention.
The state media reported that Mugabe had travelled to
Singapore to assist
her daughter who recently graduated with an accountancy
degree.
While the state appeared victorious in convincing Zimbabweans
about the ZANU
PF leader’s mission in Singapore, Radio VOP can exclusively
reveal that
Mugabe dumped Air Zimbabwe which he usually relies upon for his
long haul
journeys to Asia and other regional and international
destinations.
Sources said Mugabe leased a private aircraft owned by
Mbada Diamonds, one
of the mining firms extracting diamonds in Chiadzwa to
ferry him from Harare
International Airport to South Africa where he then
boarded Singapore
Airlines enroute to the Asian country.
“He left on
a Mbada plane. The Mbada plane usually flies between Harare and
Johannesburg,” said the sources.
Radio VOP could not establish why
Mugabe had opted not to fly Air Zimbabwe
on his Asian jaunt.
However,
Air Zimbabwe, which in January suspended all domestic, regional and
international flights, has been operating charter flights which have been
generating revenue for the airline and keeping its flight crew in
shape.
This is the second time that Mugabe has utilized the services of
Mbada’s jet
in less five months. In December, the ZANU PF leader was forced
to rely on
the services of the diamond miner’s plane after failing to secure
the
services of Air Zimbabwe, whose long haul aircraft, a Boeing 767-200,
was
holed up in London after developing a technical fault while on a
commercial
flight.
The wide-bodied aircraft, which services Air
Zimbabwe’s international routes
and which Mugabe usually charters for his
regional and international jaunts
developed a technical fault after being
impounded at Gatwick International
Airport in December by American General
Supplies over a US$1.2 million debt.
The plane was only released and
arrived in Zimbabwe two days after Mugabe’s
departure for his holiday
following the intervention by Air Zimbabwe’s
engineers who attended to fix
it.
Mugabe has previously survived being a victim of Air Zimbabwe’s woes
as the
national airline’s pilots suspends any of their work boycott to ferry
the
ageing leader each time he intends to travel.
However, several
passengers have had their travel plans disrupted when the
airline grounds
its planes or suspends flights mainly due to industrial
action, fuel
shortages and the seizure of the airline’s aircraft.
In January, an Air
Zimbabwe flight crew and an advance delegation
accompanying Mugabe to an
African Union summit hurriedly evacuated an Air
Zimbabwe aircraft they had
boarded after smoke engulfed the plane just
before the ageing octogenarian
leader boarded it.
The Boeing aircraft which was about to ferry Mugabe to
Ethiopia developed a
faulty auxiliary power unit (APU) which pumped smoke
into the cabin where
some flight crew including pilots, air hostesses and
engineers had already
settled and waiting for Mugabe to board the
plane.
The smoke forced the flight crew and some of delegates
accompanying Mugabe
to the summit to flee from the plane. Engineers who
attended to the aircraft
switched off the APU to avoid the blowing of smoke
into the cabin and
declared the plane fit to fly and Mugabe then departed
for Addis Ababa.
After the embarrassing incident, Air Zimbabwe was forced
to run a test
flight of the plane for 25 minutes before Mugabe boarded it to
assure his
aides that the aircraft was safe for flying.
In January
again, Air Zimbabwe also delayed Mugabe’s return from his holiday
in the Far
East after bungling flight schedules.
An Air Zimbabwe long haul aircraft,
a Boeing 767-200 was barred from flying
over Vietnam’s airspace on its way
from China to Singapore to pick up the
ageing Zimbabwean leader, who had
been holidaying in the Far East.
This was after the state run airline was
denied flying rights over Vietnam
from China and had to use a longer route
which flies through the South China
Sea and hence delayed Mugabe’s early
return from his holiday by several
hours.
http://www.voanews.com/
April 10,
2012
Sebastian Mhofu |
Harare
Zimbabwean peasant farmer Munyaradzi Mudapakati holds
spinach at his farm in
Chinhamora, about 50 km north of Harare on Febuary
10, 2011.
Photo: AFP
Zimbabwean peasant farmer Munyaradzi Mudapakati holds
spinach at his farm in
Chinhamora, about 50 km north of Harare on Febuary
10, 2011.
Zimbabwe was once southern Africa's breadbasket.
But
today it is a basket case, where people depend on handouts for food.
For
more than 10 consecutive years since President Robert Mugabe’s
government
embarked on a land reform program targeting white farmers,
Zimbabwe has had
to import food to avert hunger as its new farmers cannot
produce
enough.
On Tuesday, Finance Minister Tendai Biti said the treasury had
released $20
million to farmers to buy inputs - seeds, fertilizer and other
farming
materials. At the same news conference, Minister of Agriculture
Joseph Made
said a third of the country’s planted crop for the 2012 season
was a
write-off, since farmers did not have irrigation systems and were too
poor
to buy required inputs on time.
"It is clear if you bring inputs
late in the season you cannot take
advantage. Cropping is a function of
time," said Made. "The season does
not wait. I hope in what we are doing
are correcting the situation so that
never again are the inputs are
delayed…. The second point is that when we
are talking of agriculture
farmers suffer the vagaries of weather. That you
cannot control. The best is
to assist farmers by development of irrigation."
Zimbabwe had plenty of
food until 2000. Since then it has been a different
story since President
Mugabe’s government launched its land reform program.
Almost all white
commercial farmers were replaced by inexperienced farmers,
mainly supporters
of Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party. It is these farmers that Made
wants helped in
erecting irrigation systems to water their crops.
The deposed white
farmers had irrigation systems, but the new farmers mostly
destroyed them
when they took over the farms, often by force.
"There is a move towards
market-related solutions towards agriculture,
bearing in mind our incapacity
as a state to look fully after our people,"
said Finance Minister Biti.
"This is a move we are making which reflected
in this program we are
launching today."
It remains to be seen if these untrained farmers are
able to survive on
their own without being assisted by the government, as
has been the case
since the land reform started.
Critics have said
Zimbabwe's government should have trained the farmers
before allocating them
land to them. Tuesday, when asked to reveal how
farmers had performed and
whether Zimbabwe needed to import food in 2012,
Agriculture Minister Made
said exact figures are still not available, but
production will not be what
was expected.
"I know you might be looking for [a] specific figure. You
have to wait a
little bit. That has to be briefed to [the] cabinet first.
But of the 1.7
million hectares that were planted, 500,000 hectares will be
a write off,"
said Made.
The $20 million in aid to farmers announced
Tuesday is meant to increase
size of the winter crop, especially wheat. The
southern African country
requires 406,000 metric tons of wheat annually to
meet local demands. Made
said the funding would result in wheat production
increasing to 76,000
metric tons.
The United Nations estimates that
at least 1.5 million people need food aid
in Zimbabwe. With the latest
revelations, the number of people who need food
assistance is almost certain
to increase.
http://www.radiovop.com
Bulawayo, April 10, 2012 - A
farmer’s organisation has appealed to the
government in Zimbabwe to declare
the drought affecting most parts of the
country due to erratic rainfalls a
national disaster.
In an interview the country’s most influential
farmers’ grouping, Zimbabwe
Commercial Farmers Union (ZCFU) president,
Donald Khumalo said the hunger
stalking the country as a result of the
2011/2012 poor rains meant that the
government had to act
“resolutely”.
“The hunger that people are experiencing is not just a
result of low crop
yield caused by the dry spell in the country but is also
work of the
government which is not prioritizing this crisis,” he
said.
“As a nation that has always prioritised agriculture, I am shocked
that the
government is not considering this crisis as a national disaster,”
he said.
Khumalo said efforts made by government in curbing food
shortages are not
enough for the level of the crisis that is being
experienced by the farming
sector in Zimbabwe.
“It is the duty of the
government to feed its people and we are appealing to
government to take
some form of action and intervene in this disaster,” he
said.
The
deputy minister of agriculture Seiso Moyo two weeks ago told journalists
the
government was aware of the crisis facing the country in the farming
sector
as a result of the drought affecting nearly the whole of Southern
Africa.
“We are doing something, especially about cattle in
Matabeleland South that
are facing a severe drought. The national herd might
be wiped out,” he said.
Giving an update of the crop situation in
Zimbabwe, a week ago, the Zimbabwe
farmer’s Union (ZFU) said from the
assessment done it is estimated that
about a third of the maize area has
been written off.
"The crop has been written off especially in the
southern regions of the
country such as Masvingo, Matabeleland South, most
parts of Matabeleland
North and the dry areas of the three Mashonaland
provinces, Manicaland,
Midlands.
The maize in the high rainfall areas
is doing well with the majority between
soft and hard dough stages," said
ZFU.
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
The government has unveiled $20 million to
finance the 2012 winter wheat
programme at the same time appealing to the
Ministry of Energy and Power
Development and Zesa “to make necessary
arrangements to ensure adequate
supply of electricity to wheat growing
areas.
10.04.1203:18pm
by Fungi Kwaramba
Persistent power cuts
have negatively affected wheat production in the
country with some major
farming areas failing to irrigate crops.
Wheat is Zimbabwe’s second
staple grain, after maize, but the country -- a
regional breadbasket before
President Robert Mugabe's drive to seize land
from whites to resettle
landless blacks -- has failed to meet its annual
consumption requirements of
between 400,000 and 450,000 tonnes.
Finance Minister Tendai Biti said
last year production stood at a mere 12
thousand metric tonnes against the
country’s requirements of 400 000 metric
tonnes thousand tones
In a
joint press statement the Biti and Minister of Agriculture,
Mechanisation
and Irrigation Development Joseph Made said wheat production
largely depends
on water and electricity.
“It is critical that our ministry of energy and
power development and Zesa
make the necessary arrangements to ensure
adequate supply of electricity to
wheat growing areas I have already been
talking to the minister of energy.
“If Zesa fails to perform the farmers
can not run the production on
generators because of fuel and it’s impossible
any where to generators of
that size,” the ministers said.
Government
said it is going to use carry over agriculture inputs amounting
to$15
million and also inject an additional $5 million.
“We are going to use
carry over agricultural inputs to the amount of
$15milllion to this end
government will ensure the supply of inputs by the
suppliers under the
current running contracts,” Made said.
According to the ministries inputs
are going to be accessed at a cost price
under a credit arrangement, for
example the fertiliser bag could be costing
$30 per 50 kg that will be the
price.
The money as financed will be at a concessional rate of three per
cent
as government is avoiding reselling of inputs.
To make sure
transparency and accountability each participating farmer will
receive a
voucher from CBZ and upon receipt of the voucher the farmer goes
to the GMB
that he delivered last season or the season before.
Biti said his
ministry is mobilizing resources that will mitigate domestic
indebtedness.
“As ministry of finance we are mobilizing resources
that will mitigate
domestic indebtedness to our local suppliers…we want
to break this
cycle inter indebtedness and intra indebtedness in
government”
Biti however bemoaned poor revenue collection.
“Our
revenue is under performing we are not collecting as much as we ought
to be
collecting as of March end 2012 we have a shortfall of 93 million.”
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Alex Bell
10 April
2012
The spokesperson for the South African mediation team meant to be
helping
Zimbabwe’s unity government through its political crisis, has
insisted that
President Jacob Zuma’s role is only one of facilitation,
saying he is not
there to ‘babysit’ the process.
Zuma has long been
expected in Zimbabwe to meet with the leaders in the
unity government over
the ongoing refusal by ZANU PF to implement key
reforms, as dictated by the
Global Political Agreement (GPA).
But despite worsening conditions in
Zimbabwe, including incidences of
violence, harassment and intimidation, and
ZANU PF’s insistence that it will
have elections this year with or without
reform, there has been no word from
Zuma or his team.
Lindiwe Zulu,
Zuma’s international relations advisor and a member of the
meditation team,
told SW Radio Africa on Tuesday that Zuma is still
committed to the process
and will be in the country “as soon as a date
becomes available.”
She
explained that the mediation team would be coming to Zimbabwe soon to
meet
with the negotiators from the political parties in the coalition
government,
and to prepare for Zuma’s arrival. But she said not dates have
been set,
because “the diary has not allowed for it.”
Commenting on criticism that
South Africa does not seem to be taking the
situation in Zimbabwe seriously,
Zulu said Zuma was not appointed as a
‘babysitter’.
“The criticism is
not warranted and the reason is that the Facilitator
(Zuma) is not there to
babysit the process. He is there to facilitate the
decisions by the parties
in government when they cannot agree on the
implementation of reforms,” Zulu
said.
She added meanwhile that it is not up to Zuma to decide on the next
elections in Zimbabwe, but insisted that he won’t allow a poll until the
conditions in Zimbabwe are right.
“The Facilitator has indicated that
he can’t decide on an election, and that
it is for the three parties in
Zimbabwe to agree and decide. But he has been
consistent in saying that the
GPA be implemented and that the outstanding
issues be solved, and that the
conditions for a free, fair and credible
election are there,” Zulu
explained.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Lloyd Mbiba and Chris Goko
Tuesday, 10 April 2012
12:28
HARARE - Constitutional Select Committee (Copac) co-chairperson
Paul
Mangwana says he is unsure about Jonathan Moyo’s motives after the
fellow
Zanu PF member’s latest and stinging attack on the
constitution-making
process.
The Chivi North legislator’s
comments, follow Moyo’s Sunday missive and
allegations that the
Sadc-supported initiative had been hijacked by the
“mafia”, which was bent
on effecting regime change in Zimbabwe.
“You have to ask him what his
motives are… because l can’t go into his head
and unpack them. From the way
he has been ranting about Copac week-in,
week-out (it) gives an impression
that he has got some ulterior motives or
is motivated by someone with a
sinister agenda,” Mangwana told the Daily
News yesterday.
“Anybody
who thinks Copac will not produce anything good is crazy and right
now Moyo
is behaving worse than Professor Lovemore Madhuku. However, we will
not be
distracted by hopeless people,” he added.
While the Tsholotsho North
legislator and other hardline Zanu PF members
have been so desperate to
“sink” the Copac process, and railroad elections
this year, Moyo’s outbursts
also show growing divisions in the ex-majority
party.
Once accused of
trying to mastermind a leadership coup in Zanu PF in 2004,
the former
information minister suggests that there was a plot to use a
“devolution
proposal” by the multi-party Copac team to fulfil its succession
agenda or
interests.
Apart from his abusive and sustained plans to discredit the
process, the
political science professor does not, however, provide any
evidence of this
sinister plot.
“As the curtain falls on the
discredited Copac drafting process with the
Copac mafia realising... that
its strategy of abusing the process to block
or delay elections has been
exposed, given that the constitutional roadmap
for the inevitable holding of
elections this year is set to be firmly
decided next month,” Moyo thundered
in a recent opinion piece.
“...the Copac mafia has become desperate and
is now resorting to fallacies,
and scare tactics about devolution and a
women’s parliamentary quota to
force the adoption of a Copac’s draft
constitution to secure the mafia’s
floundering regime change or succession
interests,” he added.
Copac officials, including Jessie Majome and
Mangwana, said Moyo’s views
smacked of panic and that these were statements
from an “idle mind”.
“He is trying to stifle people’s views. However, he
should be careful of
contempt as the constitution process is a parliamentary
standing order,”
Majome said.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
By Taurai Mangudhla, Business Writer
Tuesday, 10
April 2012 13:33
HARARE - Diamond mining companies operating at
Chiadzwa are yet to offer
compensation to villagers in the area, Chiadzwa
Community Development Trust
(CCDT) programme manager Melanie Chiponda has
said.
She told a Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association (Zela) workshop
recently
that the Chiadzwa community had only been given $1 000 as
relocation
allowances per household to date.
“The companies are yet
to give compensation, the $1 000 people were given is
a relocation allowance
and not the compensation,” said Chiponda.
Of the 650 former Marange
residents, 475 were moved by Anjin, 100 by Mbada
Diamonds, 51 by Marange
Resources and 21 by Diamond Mining Corporation.
The families were
relocated to newly-built housing units at Arda Transau in
Odzi. A total of 4
300 households are expected to be relocated from the 120
000-hectare diamond
mining area according to CCDT.
“If you look at the pictures of people’s
houses back in Marange, the new
ones are much better. But they still require
compensation,” she added.
Chiponda said Anjin was completing an
irrigation facility for the relocated
community. Under the scheme, each
household gets 0,5 hectares (ha) of
irrigation land and two ha dry
area.
She said the diamond firms were mainly prioritising compensating
people who
had businesses in Chiadzwa mostly retail outlets and bottles
stores owners,
but were facing exorbitant claims.
“Others say my shop
is worth $30 000 or $40 000, but some are demanding as
much as $6 million
because they argue that the figure includes potential
business that they
have lost,” said the CCDT representative.
“They are demanding more money
on grounds that their shop is sitting on a
diamond field,” Marange resident,
50 year old Malvern Mudiwa said he was not
going to relocate from the area
until he gets full disclosure of his
compensation package.
“Evidence
is already there that we are going to be removed, but I am going
to resist
until I know how much they will give me. After all I might just
want to move
to nearby villages outside the diamond mining area and not to
Arda Transau,”
said Mudiwa while presenting on perspectives of diamond
mining activity in
Marange.
Speaking at the same event, Zela head of research Shamiso Mtisi
said
Zimbabwe needed a mining policy overhaul to ensure transparency in the
sector so that its citizens benefit from the country’s natural
resources.
“The current mining legislation had loopholes that include
relocation and
compensation of the affected communities,” he
said.
“We are currently operating under the Mines and Minerals Act which
is very
old. Right now we have the country working on an amendment of the
Act which
was put to cabinet in 2007 and it was not ratified,” said
Mtisi
who is also the Kimberly Process Certification Scheme local focal
point for
Zimbabwe’s civil society.
He said the proposed Diamond and Exploration
Acts was long overdue. “The
Diamond Act should address issues of who gets a
mining licence, state
ownership, selection criteria for investors and issues
of relocation and
compensation,” he added.
“Exploration is another
critical area because we don’t know what is
underground. The mining
companies do, the Chinese do but we don’t and these
companies use that to
manipulate us when we negotiate.”
Alluvial diamonds were discovered in
Chiadzwa in 2006 and the area is said
to hold 25 percent of the world
diamond reserves.
Diamond revenue from Marange is projected to contribute
over $600 million to
government coffers according to Finance minister Tendai
Biti.
http://www.radiovop.com
Harare, April 10, 2012-The shaky
coalition government is considering plans
to source planes from Brazil in a
bid to breathe life into Air Zimbabwe
which has been grounded since
January.
Air Zimbabwe, suspended local, regional and international
flights in January
owing to wild cat strikes, debts and mismanagement. The
ailing airline last
purchased new planes from China six years ago. In 2006,
Air Zimbabwe
purchased two Morden Ark planes from China and got one as a
gift.
Government insiders told Radio VOP that the coalition government of
Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and President Robert Mugabe was taking the
revival of Air Zimbabwe seriously.
Transport, Communications and
Infrastructural Development Minister Nicholas
Goche and Finance Minister
Tendai Biti, a close ally of Tsvangirai last
month were tasked to explore
the purchase or lease of aircraft from Brazil
plane manufacturer identified
as Embraer.
Insiders said government favoured buying or leasing aircraft
from Embraer,
with a new airline formed from the revival of Air Zimbabwe be
used on its
local, domestic and international routes set for
May.
Embraer has dealings with four African airlines who have either have
purchased or leased aircraft from the Brazilian manufacturer among them
Kenya Airways, South African Airlink, Air Nigeria, Egyptair.
Air
Zimbabwe's aged fleet of Boeing aircraft was at one time condemned by
the
Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe before the condemnation was lifted.
However, the airline's planes have frequently been grounded owing to
technical faults.
Tuesday, 10 April 2012
Hon. Jeffryson Chitando, the MP for
Masvingo Central was this morning detained for four hours at Masvingo Central
Police Station on claims that he threatened to kill Chief Murinye.
Soon
after his release, Hon. Chitando said he was re-arrested by two police officers
from the Law and Order Section. The police officers said they were detaining
him after receiving a complaint from Chief Murinye that the MP had threatened to
kill him.
The police said the threats were made by Hon. Chitando over the
phone but they could not furnish a date of when the call was
made.
However, Hon. Chitando dismissed the police and the chief’s claims
and said the issue was nothing but political. Chief Murinye is a known Zanu PF
supporter in the area.
Last month the Zanu PF chief summoned Hon.
Chitando to his court to explain why he had held a successful MDC rally in the
area. The MP declined to attend the meeting.
The people’s struggle
for real change – Let’s finish it!!!
--
MDC
Information & Publicity Department
Tuesday, 10 April 2012
Five houses belonging to four MDC
members were burnt to ashes by known Zanu PF activists in Gudo Village, Bikita
South, Masvingo province on the eve of 29 March.
Reports from Bikita say
the houses belonging to Million and Muranganwa Muonde and brothers, Josiah and
William Kochoro, all MDC activists were burnt to ashes while property worth
thousands of dollars was destroyed.
The suspects were identified as Tafa
Mahachi and Chitenda from Masvina Village and a Chanhuhwa who are known Zanu PF
supporters were arrested after the four made a report at Bikita Police
Station.
They were later released and the police are saying they are
making further investigations.
The houses were burnt on the eve of 29
March, the day when Zanu PF and its leader, Robert Mugabe were defeated in the
harmonised elections by the MDC and President Tsvangirai.
There are
reports of an increase in politically motivated violence across the country by
Zanu PF hooligans as the country prepares for the referendum this year and
elections next year.
In a related incident, three Zanu PF thugs who
assaulted six MDC activists in Sanyati, Midlands North province for attending a
party training workshop last month have been arrested and brought before a
Kadoma magistrate, thanks to Joint Monitoring and Implementation Committee
(JOMIC).
The JOMIC team intervened by facilitating the arrest of the
hooligans.
The case has been postponed to April 19, 2012.
The
three perpetrators Aeneas Mapfumo, a war veteran, Rasmos Shumba and Stephen
Sikini were picked up by the police last week for assaulting Reuben Banda,
Josiah Shumba, Amos Shumba, Plaxedes Chadiwa, Kudzanai Nyamadzawo and Miriam
Marunga.
The MDC Sanyati District chairperson, Chida Luckmore confirmed
the Zanu PF thugs were picked up by the police and were brought to court where
they were released on bail.
"Also, the matter is disturbing as Zanu pf
established a base near Madzivaenzou Game Park where over 20 youths are
mobilised to assault known MDC activists. Intimidation and threats are at an
alarming rate in Sanyati,” added Chida.
The Zanu PF supporters attacked
Banda accusing him of recruiting people to join the MDC. He was beaten with an
iron bar on the forehead and sustained a deep cut. It took him almost two days
to get help from both the hospital and the police as officials at both
institutions were not co-operative.
Another victim, Shumba, was abducted
and assaulted at his home around 7 PM by Zanu PF supporters driving in a grey
Mazda B2200 and driven by Elias Mapfumo, a war veteran. The activist only
escaped after the vehicle had a front tyre puncture while on their way to a
militia base established near Nyabangwe Game Park.
Zhou, who was at his
home on the fateful day was attacked by an axe and is receiving treatment at a
local hospital after sustaining back injuries.
Maraunga and Chadiwa were
picked up by the thugs after they failed to locate their husbands. The two women
activists were then assaulted using fists and booted feet on allegations that
they knew the whereabouts of their husbands and were refusing to disclose the
information.
The people’s struggle for real change – Let’s finish
it!!!
--
MDC Information & Publicity
Department
http://af.reuters.com/
Tue Apr 10, 2012 5:17pm
GMT
By MacDonald Dzirutwe
HARARE, April 10 (Reuters) -
Zimbabwean officials have dismissed reports
that President Robert Mugabe was
seriously ill in Singapore, news that
re-ignited talk on who will take over
from the 88-year-old leader who has
ruled for more than three
decades.
The speculation about Mugabe's state of health flared after a
small online
newspaper, The Zimbabwe Mail, reported Mugabe was "battling for
his life" in
a Singapore hospital.
Mugabe has in the last year
travelled to Singapore several times for what
officials say were medical
check-ups after eye cataract surgery in December
2010.
Political
analysts fear if Mugabe dies in office without settling a bitter
succession
battle in his ZANU-PF, the party could implode and destabilise
the
country.
MUGABE SUCCESSION
Despite his advanced age and reports of
failing health, Mugabe says he is
fit to contest another
election.
Pressure for him to retire has been growing, especially since
reports, based
on a 2008 U.S. diplomatic cable released by WikiLeaks, said
Mugabe was
suffering from prostate cancer.
Some ZANU-PF members see
Mugabe as a liability who should hand over power to
a younger leader but
they are unsure whether any successor can defeat rival
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai in a free election.
Some of his close officials say Mugabe has
quietly worked on a succession
plan.
The death of retired general
Solomon Mujuru in a fire last August has also
changed the party dynamics.
Local media reports say Mujuru, husband of Vice
President Joice Mujuru, was
pressing Mugabe to step down and his ZANU-PF
faction had courted the
MDC.
What to watch:
- Mugabe trying to heal party rifts or anoint
a successor.
MINING AND LOCAL OWNERSHIP
Empowerment minister
Saviour Kasukuwere, commonly known by the nickname
"Tyson", is leading
ZANU-PF's fight with mining firms over their proposals
to transfer a 51
percent stake in their operations to locals.
He declared the state now
owned 51 percent of firms that had not complied
with local ownership laws, a
stance quickly dismissed by Tsvangirai.
The economic empowerment plan has
further divided Mugabe's ZANU-PF and its
coalition partner the
MDC.
Kasukuwere is leading ZANU-PF's fight with mining firms like
Zimplats, a
unit of Impala Platinum, the world's second-largest platinum
producer.
World number one platinum miner Anglo American Platinum is also
developing
its Unki mine in Zimbabwe.
Mining firms are being forced
to fund development projects in rural
communities.
Some analysts have
branded it an "extortion scheme" but companies are
cooperating with ZANU-PF,
wary of its record after its seizure of
white-owned farms in the past
decade.
Many are waiting for a government more amenable to foreign
investment before
they ramp up production in the resource rich country with
the world's second
largest platinum reserves.
What to watch:
-
How the government regularizes the take-over of mines.
- Details of deals
struck between government and miners.
CONSTITUTION
Mugabe's and
Tsvangirai's parties are quarrelling over a new constitution,
with ZANU-PF
accusing the MDC of trying to sneak in a law giving unfettered
voting rights
to Zimbabweans living abroad, who ZANU-PF regard as largely
MDC
supporters.
The final charter is likely to be a compromise between
ZANU-PF and MDC, who
both lack the two-thirds majority in parliament needed
to pass the new
supreme law on their own.
Many Zimbabweans want the
charter to strengthen the role of parliament,
curtail presidential powers
and guarantee civil, political and media
liberties.
A referendum is
expected in the second half of this year.
Mugabe and Tsvangirai were
forced into a coalition after a disputed election
in 2008. It was held amid
a deep economic crisis where the population
struggled with inflation of over
500 billion percent, food and power
shortages and a cholera outbreak that
claimed over 4,000 lives.
Their power-sharing deal calls for a new
constitution to be put in place
ahead of the election.
What to
watch:
- ZANU-PF reaction to prolonged delays in charter's crafting.
http://www.sokwanele.com/thisiszimbabwe/archives/7501
April 10th, 2012
[Part of the Zimbabwe Land Series]
By Dale Doré 1
Executive SummaryThis article sets the tone and lays out a framework for the presentation of a series of discussion papers on land policy in Zimbabwe. It begins with the premise that land policy, especially the ‘Fast Track’ land reform programme, was made possible by the accretion and concentration of executive power in the Presidency. In particular, it argues that wide Presidential powers of appointment – the power to hire and fire virtually all top government officials – has its corollary in land policy. By nationalising most commercial farms, land could be acquired to penalise perceived opponents and reallocated to reward known supporters. To legitimise this transfer of wealth, a national narrative of the lost lands and sovereignty was developed to justify the seizure of others’ property with impunity and without compensation.
From this premise, three main themes are developed. The first is that state control over land undermines political rights, locks up the collateral value of land, and violates the principles underlying economic efficiency. The second theme is the change that took place over three decades from a social developmental state to a predatory state based on crony capitalism. Land policy changed from supporting the poor to privileging the rich, from focusing on reducing poverty in the communal areas to rewarding supporters with land in resettlement areas, and from enjoying secure property rights after independence to seizures of property by force after 2000. The third theme is the need find our way back to a path of development and a land policy that is based on democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and secure property rights.
The last part of the paper outlines those topics to be discussed in the series of articles. The articles are divided into two parts. The first series of articles will look back to evaluate and learn lessons from past land policy failures, while the second part looks forward to policies that promote secure property rights, the commercialisation of smallholder agriculture, and the growth in agricultural productivity that is necessary for the structural transformation of the economy.
“Stay with us. Please remain in this country and
constitute a nation based on national unity. We will not seize land from anyone
who has a use for it.”
Robert
Mugabe appealing to white farmers at a rally in Highfield, 27 January 1980 (BBC
News)
Imagine someone coming up to you, handing over a piece of paper, and saying, ‘What’s yours is now mine.’ Not just your home and land, but your equipment, produce, and your very livelihood. Imagine that you appeal to the High Court for an order to protect your property, but the order is simply ignored. Imagine that you then ask the police to enforce the court order, but you are told that they cannot intervene in a political matter. Eventually, a rowdy crowd throws you out of your home by force while the police watch, doing nothing to protect you, your family, or your property. Imagine you are an old man or woman who has lost everything you have worked for.
Executive PowerUnderstanding the context of how such raw power is exercised lies in the rise to power of Robert Mugabe, Zimbabwe’s long-serving President. His resolve to carry through his controversial land reform programme after 2000 had its genesis in his socialist ideology and the consolidation of his executive powers in the 1980s. It is easy to forget that in the heady days after the liberation struggle, Zimbabwe’s charismatic and articulate new leader was determined to drive the socialist transformation of Zimbabwean society and establish a one-party state in which ‘unity’ meant ensuring the loyalty of citizens, not just to the state, but to his party, ZANU(PF).
When Edgar Tekere, ZANU(PF)’s First Secretary, voiced his opposition to the one-party state in 1987, Mugabe moved swiftly to oust him by combining the two most powerful posts enshrined in the party’s constitution. As party leader, Mugabe consolidated his grip over the party by becoming both its President and First Secretary. That year he also fused the executive powers of the Prime Minister with the non-executive powers of appointments of the President to establish his own unassailable powers as the Executive President.2 By the end of the year he had crushed his erstwhile ally Joshua Nkomo and his opposition party, ZAPU, during a brutal campaign, Operation Gukurahundi, that ended with the creation of a de facto one-party state. Today, after three decades in power, President Mugabe is grandiloquently referred to as His Excellency, Head of State and Government and Commander-in-Chief of the Zimbabwe Defence Force; or less formally as Cde Robert Mugabe.
At the core of Mugabe’s presidential powers is his ability to appoint virtually all senior positions in the party, the government, the armed services, the judiciary, parastatal organisations and commissions. He directly appoints members of his party’s Politburo, members of his Cabinet, Provincial Governors, the Commanders of the Armed Forces, the Commissioner-General of Police, and Supreme Court judges. Although he is now constitutionally obliged to make many of these appointments in agreement with the Prime Minister,3 he continues to exercise his undiminished autocratic powers to make appointments unilaterally.
Put differently, the President allocates all the most important government positions. He has the power to bestow a top job on a chosen person, with all the status, benefits, as well as the delegated authority to exercise power in their own right. He may also remove them. To keep the perks of a job, the incumbent’s best strategy is to follow orders and remain loyal. But as many citizens do not work for government, they are not beholden to state officials and bureaucrats. How then to bring such independently-minded citizens under the party’s political hegemony? It is by bringing their privately owned assets, on which they depend for their livelihoods, under state and party control. Legislation that enables the state to acquire land from the ‘undeserving’ and allocate it to the ‘deserving’ becomes a powerful tool of political control and patronage, especially when the President has the discretion to decide who is who.
The only question remaining is how to justify and legitimise a process of taking something belonging to one citizen and giving it to another; and, if possible, to do so without compensation. It is to constantly repeat a story based on a rich mixture of ideology, culture and history that I call the ‘nationalist narrative of the lost lands’. It consists largely of an account of victimhood and entitlement and of dividing people between an authentic, patriotic, legitimate and deserving ‘us’, who belong in the party, and the usurpers, puppets and foreigners defined as the undeserving ‘them’, who are outside it. The same story is retold, renewed and embellished with heroic accounts, the selective use of history, the invention of tradition, mythologizing the past and demonising detractors. It is based on a highly selective truth, which is used as propaganda. Above all, it is sustained by the power to provide individual incentives that make people believe that however morally dubious their actions, their cause is just. The end, in other words, justifies the means.
The Main ThemesIt is from this narrative that I intend to begin a series of 12 articles that explores the premises and principles of Zimbabwe’s land policies. These articles cover three broad themes.
The first theme is to examine the political and economic impacts of the state’s power to acquire, control, and allocate communal, resettlement and commercial farmland in Zimbabwe. Four arguments are advanced. One is that the gradual eroding of citizens’ land rights also undermines their political rights and economic freedom. The second is that bureaucratic top-down modes of programme implementation, especially for resource-constrained developing economies, are notoriously inefficient. A third argument is that state ownership locks in the economic collateral value of land for farm investments, severely constraining financial markets needed for farm investments that are crucial to boost productivity and rural incomes. The last argument is that land allocation by officials is inefficient because it violates the principles underlying the optimum allocation of factors of production. The cumulative affect of these constraints is that agricultural production and growth are well below their potential. Inevitably, poverty persists.
The second theme is the perverse evolution of Zimbabwe – from a social developmental state in the 1980s to a predatory crony-capitalist state after 2000. Whereas the communal areas were the primary focus for poverty reduction in the 1980s, they were abandoned in the 1990, and only resettlement, based on literally seizing land, remained on the government empowerment agenda after 2000. Whereas the priority for land allocation in the 1980s was the resettlement of landless and war-stricken families, after 2000 seized farmland was redistributed to senior politicians, officers and other party loyalists. Whereas the state accepted strong property rights based on freehold tenure in the 1980s, the gradual erosion of property rights in the 1990 ended with the nationalisation of most commercial farms in 2005 without compensation. Today, the common good of the nation has been sacrificed by a predatory state that condones corrupt, rent-seeking behaviour for the enrichment of the politically privileged few.
The third theme is the long road to redemption and transformation. First and foremost it is to restore Zimbabwe to the community of nations that respects both the letter and spirit of international laws, conventions and treaties. Zimbabwe must return to a developmental path based on democracy, human rights and the rule of law. It is a journey where the notion of sovereignty means empowering citizens by restoring and enlarging their political and economic rights, including strong, secure and tradable property rights. It means granting citizens the right to invest in their own livelihoods and own their means of production, the freedom to manage their own affairs, and to benefit from their own enterprise. The watchwords for this vision are captured in the title of Amartya Sen’s book, Development as Freedom. It envisages a state that actively participates in developing a policy, legal and institutional framework that nurtures the capabilities of its citizens and provides them with incentives to lead productive and fulfilling lives for themselves, their families, their communities and the nation.
Discussion PapersThe discussion papers will be divided into two parts. The first part will dwell mainly on the first two themes. It will examine how the national narrative on land maintained polices and programmes that were inimical to the economic and social imperatives of poverty reduction, equity and economic growth. The second series of six articles will provide economic analysis to formulate an alternative policy, legal and institutional framework in order to achieve equity, agricultural commercialisation, economic growth and the structural transformation of the economy.
The next paper in Part I (Paper 2), entitled the Nationalist Narrative and the Demise of the Resettlement Programme, will show how certain traditional precepts on land, when combined with socialist ideology, resulted in a resettlement programme that was designed with an inherent and unsustainable financial flaw. To continue the programme and balance its books, the government began passing legislation that initially short-changed farmers for their land and eventually nationalised it. The government also become increasingly strident in demanding funds ‘promised’ by Britain, even passing a constitutional amendment making Britain responsible for paying compensation to dispossessed white farmers.
The third paper entitled The Economics of Communal Land Tenure begins by exploring the ambiguity of the communal lands. Were they a colonial creation to force an impoverished peasantry to work for low wages in the white capitalist sector, or were they the embodiment of socialist communal ideals? The paper then explores how a tenure system based on the chiefly allocation of land creates market failure in land and other factor markets;4 how the system lacks a mechanism to realise economies of scale; and how this market failure leads to insatiable demands for land which result in environmental degradation, rural poverty, and dependence on government subsidies and donor assistance.
Paper 4, Changing the Rules of the Resettlement Game, looks back at how the original ideals of helping the poorest citizens after Independence slowly became corrupted. As the ruling party’s popularity began to slide, it became more prepared to use land to reward its supporters. During the 1990s we find that the well-resourced, experience and qualified become eligible for resettlement. After 2000, the criterion for resettlement had been reduced to any black Zimbabwean who was prepared to settle on commercial farms seized from their former white owners.
A Law unto Themselves, the title of Paper 5, traces the legal changes that took place after the expiry of clauses that protected property rights in the Lancaster House Constitution. This paper is a brief legal history of land legislation and policy, from the controversial changes in compensation in the early 1990s to the nationalisation of the land in 2005. More than this, it shows how legislation granted wide discretionary powers to the executive, how the independence of the judiciary was compromised, and how, with every legal power at its disposal, the rule of law was eventually flouted with equanimity.
The last of the papers in Part I, Promises, Lies and Resettlement Funds, examines the veracity of claims and counter-claims, especially within the context of the nationalist narrative, of Britain’s responsibility to pay compensation for land. It goes on to show how the President mercilessly cleansed large swathes of agricultural land of whites – called settlers, not Zimbabweans – in retribution for British intransigence.
The first paper of Part II critically examines the land audit as set out in the GPA, which is to be carried out under the auspices of Zimbabwe’s Inclusive government. If, as the parties agree, the land reform programme is considered ‘irreversible’, then the merits of the exercise may be limited. The paper will argue that a land audit should not be held hostage, like the constitutional making process, by those responsible for chaos, lawlessness and violence, which were endemic to the land reform programme.
Broadly, the papers that follow will make a series of proposals for land policy reform across communal, resettlement and commercial farming areas. The fundamental argument is that property rights must evolve, continually giving registered owners of land stronger rights and more secure and tradable forms of tenure. Only then will it be possible to seriously discuss the commercialisation of smallholder farming operation, rapid pro-poor growth in the agricultural sector, and the structural transformation of the economy.
[1] Director of Shanduko: Centre for Agrarian and Environmental Research
[2]Constitutional Amendment No. 7 (Act 23 of 1987)
[3] Derek Matyszak, A Note on the Re-Appointment of the Service Chiefs (February, 2012)
[4] Factor markets are the markets for inputs for production, classically land, labour and capital.