Maria Stevens planned to mark today's anniversary of his death with a march organised by the Anglican Church to remember all victims of political violence - from black pro-democracy activists to white landowners.
Church leaders have, however, refused to hold the event to avoid offending Mr Mugabe. "We have had many murders during different regimes in our country, we cannot just think of these ones," said Norbert Kunonga, the Anglican Bishop of Harare. "We don't want to further anyone's political views. We don't want to promote political parties."
Declining to take a "political view" is the accepted code for not wanting to upset the increasingly autocratic president. Mrs Stevens is furious. "They haven't got the courage to do it. That's just a typical example of how gutless they are," she told The Telegraph. "I asked them, how do you expect your flock in Zimbabwe to behave when you are such cowards?"
Mrs Stevens has been appalled by Zimbabwe's descent into chaos and has decided to leave. The family will emigrate to Sweden, where she was born, when her daughter, Brenda, 14, finishes school. Her eldest son, Marc, 16, is already studying there. Mrs Stevens said: "My generation is going to be the last generation of white Zimbabweans. We are all going to encourage our children never to come back."
With the support of the Rev Tim Neill, an Anglican clergyman who has been fiercely critical of the Mugabe regime, Mrs Stevens had proposed that worshippers gather in central Harare after the Easter Sunday services. They would march to African Unity Square, opposite the parliament building, and call for the return of law and order.
Instead, she will spend today with friends and try not to remind her four children of the traumatic events of a year ago. "What do I do on the anniversary of my husband's murder? I don't know - sit and cry perhaps. But I'll probably meet my friends and go out with them and try to be cheerful," she said, as her three-year-old twins, Warren and Sebastian, sat on her lap and tugged her hair.
At the height of the land invasions spearheaded by Mr Mugabe's supporters, Mr Stevens, 47, was abducted from their farm, beaten and shot dead in a dusty lane. The family fled to Harare after the killing and has never returned to Arizona farm near Macheke, 50 miles east of the capital, where they had lived for 12 years. Squatters burnt down the homes of the 75 black families who worked on the farm and then abandoned the land.
Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party won a narrow victory in last year's parliamentary election by waging a murderous terror campaign against the opposition Movement for Democratic Change that claimed 37 lives.
Today marks the anniversary of the peak of the violence perpetrated against white farmers in Zimbabwe. Hours before the murder of David Stevens, Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika, both junior officials in the MDC, were ambushed by a Zanu-PF mob and burnt to death in a petrol bomb attack.
Five white farmers who tried to rescue Mr Stevens from the squatters were captured, beaten, tortured and narrowly escaped execution. No one has been convicted for the three murders.
The High Court summonsed an agent from the government's Central Intelligence Organisation to answer allegations by witnesses, made during the MDC's judicial challenge to the election results, that he participated in the killings of Mr Chiminya and Miss Mabika, but the operative did not respond.
The morning after the violence, Mr Mugabe fanned the flames with a furious speech in which he urged 1,000 supporters to "hit back" at the MDC. The president then caused Mrs Stevens more anguish in June by blaming her husband for starting the violence. During a campaign rally, Mr Mugabe said: "Stevens is the one who started the war. He is the one who started firing and he is the one who started the fight."
Mrs Stevens fears that Mr Mugabe, 77, will unleash more violence to secure victory in next year's presidential election and hold power for many years to come. She said: "African presidents always want to die in office and I don't see why Zimbabwe will be very different. It's so difficult to get people motivated here. It's depressing because no one is willing to do anything sometimes."
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from the Sunday Times
________
From the Times of India
After farmhouses, Zimbabwe's war vets come to town
HARARE: Militant Zimbabwean war veterans - notorious for their violent invasions of white-owned farms - are expanding their campaign into cities, where they have attacked several companies in the name of disgruntled workers.
The veterans of Zimbabwe's 1970s liberation war have stormed into at least six companies in Harare and the second city of Bulawayo in the last two weeks, usually saying they are acting on behalf of workers who have labour disputes.
But most of the besieged companies have links to the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) or are perceived to benefit non-black owners. Workers in Zimbabwe have faced massive lay-offs and reduced working hours as the economy buckles under pressure from the war vets' 14-month farm invasions, the costly military campaign in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the resulting withdrawal of international donors.
The war vets' move into what they call labour relations also strikes into the home territory of the MDC, which was largely born out of the labour movement and draws much of its support from the urban working class.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai was the head of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) before helping to launch the country's first significant opposition party.
"This is all part of ZANU-PF's strategy," MDC spokesman Learnmore Jongwe said of the raids on companies, adding that President Robert Mugabe's ruling party was re-organising after it failed to win any urban constituencies in last June's parliamentary elections.
As with the war vets' invasions of white-owned farms - of which they still occupy more than 900 - companies perceived to have MDC links have become the target of violence.
On April 4, war vets drove eight pick ups into Lobels bakery plant on Harare's industrial side, claiming they wanted to help end a wage dispute, although the workers' committee and management had already settled their differences, Lobels officials said.
The war vets threatened to kill a guard, told the whites they were lucky not to be beaten, and searched the company's offices and computers, the officials said. Police arrived but did nothing to stop the war vets. Police arrested one of the company's managers, Ian Nel, after the war vets found email from the MDC on his computer, the officials said.
Nel was held overnight and released without charge. Managers at many of the invaded companies, like most farmers whose land is occupied, have been unwilling to have their names published for fear of their safety. Neither the managers nor the workers at a Delta Corporation business training center in Harare's northern suburbs would speak on the record about the war vets' raid there on Monday, when they broke into the building and attacked staff.
War vets have also attacked managers with iron bars at printing house Dezign Incorporated, also on Harare's industrial side, after the company laid off a group of workers. After beating two managers, the war vets took them to the headquarters of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), ignored their pleas for medical attention, and detained them for more than three hours until they agreed to reinstate the workers, according to the privately owned Financial Gazette.
War vets have also seized commuter minibuses from Leno Trading, owned by an ethnic Indian, took four million Zimbabwe dollars (about $73,000) worth of equipment from Resource Drilling, and beat a white board member of textile firm Merspin Limited in Bulawayo during a meeting with a potential buyer. (AFP)
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Villagers defy war vets to listen to Tsvangirai | |
4/13/01 1:18:30 AM (GMT +2) |
Daily News Correspondent, Tsholotsho
AT LEAST 12 000
villagers on Wednesday defied threats of another Gukurahundi genocide by war
veterans, and attended a meeting addressed by MDC president, Morgan Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai, on a tour of
the flood-torn district, waited for two hours at Sipepa District Hospital, about
182km west of Bulawayo, after war veterans attempted to thwart the gathering by
ordering villagers to disperse.
The villagers, who were displaced by floods
and now live in tents in the hospital grounds, were ordered to disperse or risk
being beaten up. The people were displaced by floods a month ago after the Gwayi
River burst its banks.
On Wednesday the villagers stood up to the war
veterans. They told the former freedom fighters and Zanu PF supporters that they
would not bow to intimidation.
Over the past few weeks, the business
community, mostly in Harare, has watched helplessly as war veterans switched
their terror campaign from the rural areas to the cities and invaded or
intimidated private companies.
The villagers in Tsholotsho defied threats by
the war veterans and the Zanu PF councillor for Ward 4, Edward Sibanda, not to
attend the meeting addressed by the MDC leader.
Tsvangirai eventually
addressed the villagers, before donating five tonnes of maize to the flood
victims.
The MDC leader said his party had bought the maize from the Grain
Marketing Board.
Sibanda said they had been instructed by top government
officials, whose identity he did not disclose, to prevent Tsvangirai from
addressing the villagers.
Tsvangirai attacked the war veterans and the
councillor for trying to intimidate the villagers. He warned the Zanu PF
officials and the war veterans that the people would resist any dictatorial
tendencies by leaders bent on harassing and ordering them about.
Tsvangirai
said: “We are not here to talk politics, but to assist the people. Who are these
war veterans to disallow people from receiving assistance? And how do they
expect you to have your grievances taken up in Parliament when they don’t want
your MP to address you?”
The villagers jeered the war veterans and Zanu PF
officials, insisting they wanted Tsvangirai to address them.
Shutting ourselves from the rest of the world | |
4/13/01 12:53:13 AM (GMT +2) |
Masola WaDabudabu
AS A sovereign state, we are about to rid our airwaves of unfriendly and alien music and films.
The local producers should
brace themselves for a busy schedule as they have to come up with productions to
fill up the 75 percent of the airtime of any broadcasting station.
This is a
chance for the likes of Steve Makoni to give us improved sequels to Handiende,
while Oliver Mtukudzi can release a super remix of his album Bvuma-Tolerance.
As the musicians rightly put it, it is a milestone in the fight against
cultural imperialism.
The Broadcasting Services Act was swiftly passed on
Wednesday 4 April 2001.
The passing of the Act was against the
recommendations of the Parliamentary Legal Committee. The legal committee
contended that some sections of the Act impinged upon the constitutional rights
of the people of Zimbabwe.
Using its parliamentary majority, Zanu PF
legislators fast-tracked the Bill into law.
In all fairness to the Zanu PF
legislators, it is obvious that they were whipped into submission by their
party.
Some members may have had reservations about the draft, yet for the
sake of the party they had to do what the party deemed right. I am not saying
that opposition parties do not whip their members into blinkered semi-idiots who
will sing their parties’ stance however foolishly retrogressive the stance is.
It is not against the invasion of our culture that the Broadcasting Services
Act was enacted. Our sovereignty was never threatened by the absence of the
draconian Act, much as our sovereignty may never be protected by the Act.
Culture is a diverse subject that evolves with time, even for a closed
community. Culture may never be protected from external influence.
Technological advancement makes it a mockery to try and restrict the
evolution of culture. It is true that revolutions have also failed to stall the
progress of cultural evolution.
As people embrace new cultural
considerations, their perception of life in general changes.
It is at this
stage that the people change their attitude toward authoritarian rule and begin
to see through the thick walls of power.
The people see their leaders
interacting with other leaders following an unwritten cultural etiquette. At
this point the people’s minds are opened to the fact that culture can neither be
prescribed like a medical dose nor maintained stagnant like the Rock of
Gibraltar.
Long back, it was a culture that the king or emperor was to be
feared by all his citizens. The rulers then enjoyed the fear instilled in the
people by culture.
In some cultural dispensations, the subjects would lay
prostrate when addressing the king. In China, the subjects would kowtow to the
king. This culture of fearing the ruler has gone, thanks to the dynamics of
culture.
People now respect or ridicule their leaders without fear of
retribution.
There was no invasion or imperialism at play here, only people
realising the changeability of culture.
People should not be programmed to
adapt to culture, it is culture that has to be adaptive to the people’s needs.
It can be boldly stated that the history of culture is history and the
future of culture of any community is unknown. No amount of law-giving can
restrict the evolution of culture.
At times revolutionary elements end up
promulgating sick laws to try and constrict the evolution of culture.
The
Taliban of Afghanistan will agree with me that it is very difficult to impose or
maintain a cultural status quo on the people. The Afghanis have had to resort to
sick laws to protect what they think as their religious and cultural heritage.
Man have been forced to wear beards, even if some of them are not naturally
hirsute. The Afghani women are forced to wear a veil on their beautiful faces,
leaving only their eyes exposed. If this is culture, perhaps it was relevant
during the early days of the history of Islam. Now it is exploitation at its
worst. The best way the Afghanis could protect their Islamic culture was by
offering incentives to those who follow the cultural code than force it on the
people.
In our case we could also have offered incentives to broadcasting
stations that play a certain percentage of local productions.
Such incentive
could have been in the form of tax rebates and financial rewards. Trying to
close cultural diversity by promulgation will only encourage more smuggling of
foreign productions for home playing.
The locally produced stuff may fail to
get any appreciable sales as people who want to hear or view it could always
tune in to local stations.
As soon as our local producers feel the pinch of
their productions not moving on the shelves, they will cry foul again.
So,
you see dear musicians and film producers, the law as enacted by
Parliament
may at the end disadvantage you.
I am not in the know as to how much ZBC
pays the musicians in royalties though. Maybe it is better for them to receive
royalties from music played on air than from sales of their records.
I
believe it is cheaper for us to listen to foreign music on our stations than use
scarce foreign currency to buy the music, or worse still to smuggle it, there-by
depriving the Department of Customs some money.
I also believe that it is
more beneficial to scramble for our local artistes’ productions on the shelves
than to get them for free on the air.
Musical history has shown how quickly
local music fades into thin air due to continuous airing.
Once a local song
receives prominence on the airwaves, it is certain that it will not last long as
the people’s song of choice.
The opening of the broadcasting systems to
locals only may end up polarising the nation on tribal or regional lines even
more. I am not saying locals are not capable of running their affairs with
excellence.
All I am saying is that very soon stations like Radio Mthwakazi
may start appearing. The nature of such stations can be deduced from their
names.
They would preach the political song according to separatists,
thereby
sensitising the people on their ethnic lines. This is actually the
beginning of the road to disaster.
Artistes and producers may argue that the
Broadcasting Services Act would open up new avenues in terms of employment
opportunities.
To an extent I do agree, but what is the use of producing for
local consumption yet the whole world is yearning for exotic productions?
To
enjoy the foreign markets, we should also be receptive of foreign productions.
If we close our doors on foreign products, we should be prepared to suffer
the reverse process.