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Tsvangirai says no agreement by principals on UN visit

http://www.swradioafrica.com/
 

By Violet Gonda
16 April 2013

The principals in the inclusive government have been meeting in the last two days to iron out critical election disputes, including the barring of a UN assessment team that was blocked from entering Zimbabwe last week.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai revealed Tuesday that Finance Minister Tendai Biti and Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa had been given authority by the principals to seek external funding for elections, but they could not reach an agreement because the UN mission sought an unrestricted mandate to meet whoever they wanted.

ZANU PF is unhappy with the UN’s conditions to meet civil society organizations.

“The two ministers will continue to persuade the UN to have a reduced list – especially a list that will focus primarily on those institutions, political parties and organizations that have anything to do with elections,” Tsvangirai told journalists shortly after holding a meeting with President Robert Mugabe.

The Prime Minister added: “So that is still an outstanding issue and I hope the two ministers will convince the UN team to proceed because I think funding from that body will only be conditional if they are allowed to have unrestricted access to various bodies and institutions.”

The UN mission returned to New York at the weekend after being stuck in Johannesburg, South Africa for several days.

The PM said the government is also looking at modalities of mobilizing funding internally without necessarily ignoring the need for external support.

Biti told journalist Monday that if there was honesty in diamond revenues, Zimbabwe should not even be asking for election funds from outsiders. He said Zimbabwe’s diamond exports were $800 million last year but only $45 million went to the Treasury.

Meanwhile, the partners in the coalition government, who are currently squabbling over the date of the harmonized election, have also assigned Chinamasa and Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga to draw up a roadmap to a “possible position where the principals are able to set the date.”

Tsvangirai said the ministers will consider the legal and political issues surrounding that roadmap.  “There are legal issues like the constitution has to be signed by the President. We need one voter registration, one month for the voter inspection and one month notice and we have to consider the last day of parliament,” the PM pointed out.

He said parliament, which opens early next month, will definitely be dissolved on June 29th, but the executive has four months to run elections – up to October.

Tsvangirai said the same ministers have been tasked to look at laws to be aligned to the new constitution or to be adjusted so that parliament can amend the laws before the end of June.

He said a meeting will be convened with the four political party leaders in government, including Arthur Mutambara and Welshman Ncube, next week to look at the proposed road map.

Click here listen to PM Press briefing

 
 


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Zimbabwe Unity Govt Parties Clash Over UN Assessment Team

http://www.voazimbabwe.com/

Irwin Chifera
16.04.2013

HARARE — A fact-finding mission by the United Nations election assessment
team, which Finance Minister Tendai Biti on Monday said had been cleared to
enter Zimbabwe, was Tuesday thrown into doubt after unity government
principals failed to agree on granting the team unrestricted access to all
political players in the country, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has
revealed.

Addressing journalists after two days of meetings by principals in the unity
government, Mr. Tsvangirai said, the matter has been referred back to the
finance minister and Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa to talk to the UN
mission and agree on a list of people and organizations they should meet
while in Zimbabwe.

Mr. Biti told a press conference Monday that he had agreed with Mr.
Chinamasa on who the fact-finding mission would be allowed to meet, adding
unity government principals had the final say on whether the team would be
allowed to meet civil society leaders or not.

Harare requested $254 million from the UN for elections but Biti said the
figure has since been reduced to $132 million.

Mr. Tsvangirai said no election date has been set yet, adding principals
have assigned the minister of justice and constitutional affairs to draw an
election road map and suggest to the unity government leaders when they
think the elections can be held.

He said parliament should continue with its daily business until its
dissolution on June 29.

He said funds will be raised so voter registration can start as soon as
possible.

Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe National Student Union president Pride Mukono told a
news conference Tuesday that voter registration must be decentralised to all
tertiary institutions to give students a chance to register in the
forthcoming elections.

Mukono said members of his organisation will support a grand coalition of
what he said are democratic forces in the country. He urged the two MDC
formations to unite against Zanu-PF in the next elections.

Zimbabwe is due to hold crucial elections sometime this year to end the
shaky coalition government.


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Election crisis: $132m needed

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Tuesday, 16 April 2013 11:20

HARARe - Zimbabwe hopes to raise $132 million needed for the forthcoming
general elections from the international community, diamond revenue, mobile
telecommunication firms’ licence fees and mining royalties, as the cash
crisis bites.

Fresh from bankrolling a constitutional referendum through $40 million
raised from a special bond floated to the local unit of Old Mutual and the
State pension fund, Finance minister Tendai Biti said he had no intention of
going that route again to fund the forthcoming watershed polls.

Old Mutual Zimbabwe and the government-owned National Social Security
Authority (Nssa) are Zimbabwe’s largest fund managers.

“We essentially, for lack of a better word, raped the economy for the
referendum,” Biti admitted at a news conference.

“We have no intention of doing so again for the election. It’s not possible
to continue to borrow money from an already over-strained private sector
that has in fact a huge appetite for funds to fund working capital, to fund
operational costs, so we have no intention as Treasury to do that again.”

Zimbabweans overwhelmingly approved a new constitution in a relatively
peaceful March 16 referendum, a crucial step towards a general election
later in the year.

Biti said $132 million would be enough to cover the costs of the election,
and reiterated that Zimbabwe would need the help of foreign donors to fund
its presidential and parliamentary elections.

He however, expressed alarm at the attempts by Justice and Legal Affairs
minister, Patrick Chinamasa to alter the terms of reference of a UN team
that was due to come and assess the political situation here, but said the
issue has been resolved.

“The international community must come to our assistance,” Biti said. “They
are prepared to come to our assistance, but we have had our own challenges
as a government.”

Biti said they jointly wrote to the UN on March 4 2013, saying that the
world body should come to Zimbabwe, “but as all you know, one side of the
government decided that it was not in the best interest of the UN to come to
Zimbabwe.”

“So we had a situation where from Wednesday to today, the UN mission was
still stranded in Joburg, I believe they are now trying to make their way
back to New York,” Biti said.

“Yesterday, I spent the whole afternoon in negotiations with the minister of
Justice about the terms of reference of this mission to come into Zimbabwe.

“We eventually panel beat an agreement which we all signed in our ugly
handwritings, to allow the mission to come. As far as we are concerned, the
mission should come, and there is nothing that should stop it from coming.

The UN Electoral Needs Assessment Mission (NAM) to Zimbabwe, led by a member
of the UN Electoral Assistance Division Tadjoudine Ali Diabacte, will meet
with Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara, chief secretary to the President and Cabinet Misheck Sibanda,
Biti, Chinamasa, Regional Integration minister Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, minister of Constitutional Affairs Eric Matinenga,
the co-ministers of Home Affairs Theresa Makone and Kembo Mohadi,  Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission, the Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede, the Fishmongers
(Western) group of ambassadors and Sadc ambassadors.

“We could not agree on the question of whether or not the mission should see
civic society, so we have agreed that the issue should be resolved by
Principals and I hope that will be done as a matter of urgency,” Biti said.

The Finance minister said he and Chinamasa had met with Diabacte on Sunday
afternoon and impressed upon him that there is no longer any impediment for
the UN mission to come to Zimbabwe.

“So our hope is that the mission can come into Zimbabwe as a matter of
urgency and talk to all of us on the list that I have just read,” Biti said.

“It will be tragic if they don’t come to Zimbabwe. The bottom line is that
failure to fund this election adequately will compromise the quality of the
election.”

The government is battling to bankroll its national budget without donor
help amid cooling economic growth that slowed to 4.4 percent last year from
a 9.3 percent expansion in 2011.

Biti said the economy, projected to grow by 5 percent this year, remained
“depressed” with tax revenues falling below target amid burgeoning
government spending, especially the salary bill for its 235 000 employees.

He said he also hoped to bankroll the forthcoming poll from diamond revenue.

“The other things that should fund elections are diamond revenues. If there
was honesty in diamond revenues, we should not be asking for money from
anyone,” Biti said.

“And that’s a fact. If you look at last year 2012, our (diamond) exports
were $888 million, (only) $45million came to treasury. To the extent that we
own 50 percent of these diamond mines, the minimum we would have expected to
get from $800m is $300m. $300m would overcome both the referendum and the
elections.”

Biti said the cash-starved government was also in talks with the three
mobile phone operators to raise poll funds. Econet is Zimbabwe’s largest
mobile operator by subscribers and revenue ahead of Telecel, the Orascom
unit, and state-owned Net*One.

“We are also negotiating with our telecommunications mobile operators
vis-a-vis their license fees which have, as you know, their licenses expire
on the 30th of June, and I hope that logic prevails, wisdom prevails, and a
win-win situation can prevail,” Biti said.

“So I have no doubt that a combination of the international community,
diamond revenue, mobile telecommunications license fees, and the bit I will
do around mining reforms, on royalties, we should be able to fund this
election adequately.

“It is important that Zimbabwe has a sustainable election, a credible
election, an exclusive and inclusive election. So we have to fund it
well.” - Gift Phiri, Political Editor


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SA debates loan for Zim elections

http://mg.co.za/

16 APR 2013 19:28 - SAPA, AFP

SA is in discussions on whether to help cash-strapped Zimbabwe fund its
presidential and parliamentary elections, says the national treasury.

"South Africa and Zimbabwe are in discussion on whether the country will
give Zimbabwe any financial assistance," spokesperson Phumza Macanda said.

"We really don't have much to go on because the discussions are at a
sensitive stage. The terms and conditions of whatever financial assistance
are being discussed and we don't have any details of the loan."

On Monday, Zimbabwe's finance minister Tendai Biti said his treasury did not
have the capacity to fund the elections and that his country needed about
R1.2-billion for the elections.

Biti said the Zimbabwean government wrote to the United Nations, South
Africa and Angola to ask for loans.

He was reported later on Monday as saying South Africa would contribute
R900-million. The elections are scheduled to be held in June.

Financial disarray
​While the economy is growing – at 5% last year – public finances remain in
disarray. In March the government collected a total of $241-million in
revenue against a target of $301-million.

Exports since January stood at at $689-million while imports for the same
period totalled $1.7-billion. "We are already under pressure. We are being
suffocated even before we include the elections of 2013," Biti said.

He said the government received no revenue from diamond mines in January and
February and only $5-million in March against a target of $15-million.

"If there was honesty from diamond revenue we would not be asking for money
from anyone for the elections," the minister said. Long-time rival Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's camp has accused Mugabe's Zanu-PF of pocketing
diamond revenues.

"We essentially raped the economy for the referendum," Biti said adding that
the funds borrowed for the elections could have been lent to companies to
increase production.

Some companies that had closed at the height of the economic woes reopened
following the formation of the power-sharing government, but production has
remained low.

Zimbabwe is expected to hold elections at the expiry of a power-sharing
government formed four years ago by Mugabe and Tsvangirai.

There is no agreement yet on the date of the elections. Mugabe wants them
before June 29, while Tsvangirai wants the elections later in the year to
allow for reforms to ensure a fair vote. – AFP, Sapa


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SA bails out Zimbabwe to tune of R900m

http://www.timeslive.co.za/

AMUKELANI CHAUKE, TJ STRYDOM and REUTERS | 16 April, 2013 00:48

MPs are expected to grill the Reserve Bank today over reports that it will
transfer a $100-million (R914-million) loan to Zimbabwe.

Tendai Biti, Zimbabwe's finance minister, announced that South Africa had
approved the amount as budgetary support for his cash-strapped country,
helping plug a gap in its finances ahead of elections expected in the second
half of this year.

Biti's ministry asked South Africa for a loan in September, reportedly to
reduce Zimbabwe's budget deficit.

Biti told a press conference yesterday: "Pursuant to discussions in
September, I'm aware that the South African cabinet has made a decision and
it's a positive decision."

The loan is controversial, being granted amid a flurry of reports of
intimidation and arrests of opponents of President Robert Mugabe ahead of
the elections. Mugabe has also vowed not to allow Western observers to
monitor the vote.

National Treasury spokesman Phumza Macanda said the South African and
Zimbabwean governments were discussing the loan and its terms but refused to
comment further.

"The [loan is] aimed at increasing liquidity in the [Zimbabwean] financial
markets and offering longer-term loans to small and medium-size
enterprises," Macanda said.

"We are therefore not in a position to discuss the talks."

Though the Treasury has refused to discuss the loan, or state when the money
will be transferred, Nick Koornhof, COPE's spokesman on finance, said the
loan would top the party's list of questions to the Reserve Bank when its
representatives appear before the parliamentary portfolio committee on
finance today.

The Reserve Bank was, before yesterday's loan reports, scheduled to appear
before the committee to present its quarterly review.

"We have a finance committee meeting [today] and I intend to raise it with
the committee that we will ask the Treasury to at least give us all the set
of conditions [attached] to that loan, and what it is for.

"Is it intended for election purposes? How will they monitor that and why
did it take so long to resolve this matter? Were there things we don't know
about?"

Koornhof said COPE was likely to direct similar questions to the Reserve
Bank.

David Ross MP, the DA's spokesman on finance, said his party would also ask
the Reserve Bank about the implications of the loan.

His colleague, Tim Harris, said: "We believe that the finance minister has a
duty to convince South Africans that any financial support provided to
Zimbabwe needs to be conditional on the money being spent on specifically
defined projects that will improve the prospects of real democracy in
Zimbabwe through free and fair elections.

"Under no circumstances should we tolerate extending a credit line without
strict political conditions."

Though knowledge of the loan conditions is sketchy, the cash injection is
being made at a time when South Africa's own finances are stretched.

Weaker economic growth adversely affected tax revenue in South Africa during
the past year.

SARS announced this month that revenue collection was R12-billion below the
target proposed in the previous year's Budget.

In 2011, when the Treasury approved a R2.4-billion bailout for Swaziland,
ostensibly to force its ruler, King Mswati III, to introduce political
reforms, public pressure forced the government to reveal all the conditions
of the bailout.

Zimbabwe's economy has been on the mend since President Robert Mugabe and
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai agreed to share power after disputed 2008
elections but it is still suffering from a hangover after a decade-long
recession widely blamed on Mugabe.

With the Treasury making it clear that discussions between the two countries
were not for public consumption, reports hinted that Zimbabwe - which voted
on its constitutional referendum last month - needed the money to fund its
forthcoming elections.

Biti said the elections will cost $132-million.

He said Zimbabwe borrowed $40-million domestically to fund the referendum,
despite the country's weak economic position.

"We essentially raped the economy for the referendum," he said, adding that
the funds could otherwise have been lent to companies to increase
production.

But, despite all parties voting in the referendum, human rights and
pro-democracy groups said more than a week ago that election intimidation by
Zanu-PF supporters was mounting.

In March, Zimbabwe rebuffed calls for Western observers to be allowed to
monitor the elections, citing the sanctions applied against Mugabe and his
acolytes.

Yesterday, Paul Hoffman, director of the Institute for Accountability in
Southern Africa, said: "The human rights record of Zimbabwe suggests that we
should not touch them with a barge pole."


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Zimbabweans accuse ZANU PF of hijacking Independence

http://www.swradioafrica.com/
 
 

By Nomalanga Moyo
16 April 2013

April 18th is a day set aside for Zimbabweans to commemorate their liberation from the callous colonial regime after a long-drawn struggle that cost many lives.

It should be a time when both young and old reflect on the sacrifices of thousands of Zimbabweans, some of whom did not live to see the dawn of that day in 1980, when the black majority officially defeated and replaced the white minority.

Back then, the day was marked with befitting pomp and ceremony, with everyone who chose to celebrate, participating willingly in the hope that this was a new era.

Sadly, that spirit was short-lived and has waned over the years with disenchanted Zimbabweans across the country narrating ordeals of continuous harassment, intimidation and dispossession at the hands of liberation war movement ZANU PF.

Recent events –where arrests and torture of innocent citizens whose only crime is their failure to express rabid support for ZANU PF — have raised questions about the real meaning of Zimbabwe’s Independence, with many convinced that we simply replaced one cruel regime with an equally callous one.

Speaking to SW Radio Africa, listeners told how they are being forced by ZANU PF to fork out amounts ranging from $5-$11 as contributions towards the April 18th celebrations.

“We have been told that if we don’t pay the money, we will be charged and sentenced to do community service by the chief,” Pagiwa Sithole of Mbire Ward, Manicaland, told SW Radio Africa’s listener-driven Callback programme.

“What we find disappointing is that most of us are not employed, and have no means of raising the $12 which we are being forced to pay. There was a drought this season and so we can’t even sell anything to raise the money,” Sithole added.

Before the land invasions and the chaotic redistribution exercise of 2000, resources for such events and celebrations would be taken care of by proceeds from the CAMPFIRE programme – an initiative aimed at the sustainable utilisation of the country’s natural resources.

But these resources have been plundered and pillaged during the Mugabe-driven lawlessness of the past decade, meaning that rural communities now have the extra burden of paying for what others say has become a ZANU PF project.

Another listener, going by the name of ‘January’ for fear of victimization, said: “Independence has lost its lustre. When we first celebrated, we thought it was a national event, but over the years, ZANU PF has hijacked it to the extent that the event is punctuated by the chanting of the regime’s slogans.”

‘January’, of Mvurwi, also revealed that villagers have been told to contribute $5 towards the April 18th celebrations, which come amid revelations that some people in Ward 26 have been dispossessed of the plots of land they were given during the redistribution exercise.

“How then can we say we are truly independent when citizens are offered land and then dispossessed just because they belong to another party? We shouldn’t even be paying for the Independence Day celebrations. Those freedom fighters waged the liberation struggle to reclaim that the country’s resources from the white minority,” ‘January’ said.

“The country has vast amounts of diamonds and that should raise enough revenue to pay for such national events, but because only a few are enjoying the fruits of Zimbabwe’s independence, that is not the case,” ‘January’ said.

Hlaselani Mangena, an exiled Zimbabwean in South Africa, said real Independence has eluded many of the country’s youths, hence the massive exodus to South Africa where they have to grapple with xenophobia on a daily basis.

“I wouldn’t be in South Africa if Zimbabwe was truly independent. People are still living in fear, they are suffering under oppression, older people are not being catered for by the government,” Mangena said.

“Looking at the youth, especially those from the Matebeleland region, we might as well be living in 1970 because there have been no plans to empower them economically or even through the education system so what independence can we talk about,” asked Mangena.

Mangena added that Zimbabweans should recognise that ZANU PF had over the years strategically appropriated and monopolised the Independence narrative. He urged all Zimbabweans to reclaim April 18th by voting the regime out of power.

Listen to Callback interview with Hlaselani Mangena and January

 


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MDC-T primaries pushed to early May

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Violet Gonda
16 April 2013

The MDC-T election directorate met in Harare on Monday and decided to call
for primary elections for early May, where members will compete to stand as
candidates for the party in the general elections.

The party had earlier said the internal vetting system for candidates will
be conducted shortly after the April 18th Independence Day celebrations, but
decided to move the dates to early next month.

Party spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora told SW Radio Africa the election
directorate will now forward the new timeline and sequence of elections to
the National Council, which is expected to meet on Wednesday to announce the
actual date for the primaries.

“In respect of those areas where we do not have sitting members of
parliament the primaries will start in those areas. After that we will deal
with confirmations for the sitting MPs and if a sitting MP does not pass
then primaries will be held in those constituencies,” Mwonzora explained.

He said because “we don’t have the luxury of time,” the confirmation process
for sitting legislators, which usually takes place before the primaries,
will be held last – after the opening of parliament.

Parliament is expected to open on May 7th, where the Constitutional Bill is
going to be tabled and debated. It is hoped that the confirmation delay will
give sitting lawmakers time to take part in the debate around the key
legislation, as some of them may be dropped by their party after the vetting
process.  Those who fail are supposed to go through full primary elections.

Meanwhile, a showdown is looming between party cadres in some hotly
contested areas. On Tuesday Makoni South MP Pishai Muchauraya was slapped
with attempted murder charges after his challenger, former Daily News
editor, Geoffrey Nyarota accused the legislator of threatening him with
death.

Observers say the latest developments are unfortunate as the MDC-T in
Manicaland should be taking advantage of the serious ZANU PF infighting in
the province to launch programs and mobilise support ahead of elections.

ZANU PF national chairman Simon Khaya-Moyo has been deployed by the
Politburo to probe the factional fighting that threatens to destroy the
party in the province.

Moyo’s visit to the eastern highlands follows a petition by officials who
accused Didymus Mutasa, the secretary for administration, of causing
factionalism and imposition of candidates.

President Robert Mugabe’s party is yet to announce the dates and ground
rules for what appears to be a potentially divisive primary elections.

The other partner in the coalition government, the MDC led by Professor
Welshman Ncube, is yet to announce primary election dates.


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Khupe warns cops in politics

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Tuesday, 16 April 2013 10:46

MATOBO - Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe has warned senior police
officers who are getting involved in politics now, saying they face
dismissal should the MDC win the forthcoming polls.

“According to our both new and old constitutions police officers should not
get involved in politics,” Khupe, who is also the mainstream MDC vice
president, told hundreds of MDC supporters at a rally in Matopo South on
Sunday.

“I would like to warn those police officers who are going around saying,
Pamberi ne Zanu PF while there are still in police force that bhasopo
because you will be trouble in our new government.”

Khupe spoke as a serving top police officer Oliver Mandipaka earned
promotion from the rank of chief superintendent to assistant commissioner
even though he is campaigning to be Member of Parliament for Buhera South on
President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF ticket in apparent breach of the law
enforcement agency’s resign-to-run rule.

The Police Act clearly states that a police officer who intends to contest
an election shall resign from office before embarking on a campaign or the
date of the election.

Mandipaka has been distributing fliers in Buhera, showing him in Zanu PF
regalia but has said he has no intention of quitting the force.

Khupe said Zanu PF will collapse after election later this year after a
resounding defeat by her party.

“Once you go in numbers to vote for our president Tsvangirai, that will be
the end of Zanu PF,” she said.

Khupe said an MDC government was going to revive more than 90 companies
which shutdown in Bulawayo.
“We are going to revive all Bulawayo companies which were shut down because
of Zanu PF misrule,” she said.

“We want to stop our children from endangering their lives while crossing
into South Africa to look for jobs. We have investors who are ready to
 come.”

Bulawayo used to be the hub of industrial activity in the country but in
recent years big companies have closed down or relocated to other cities.

This has seen more than 20 000 people losing their jobs.

Last year Finance minister Tendai Biti launched the Distressed Industries
and Marginalised Areas Fund to revive Bulawayo industries.

Under Dimaf, the government, in partnership with Old Mutual through CABS,
committed itself to providing $40 million for the revival of industries. -
Pindai Dube


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‘Sadc must tackle security sector reforms’

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

By Richard Chidza, Staff Writer
Tuesday, 16 April 2013 10:43

HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC wants regional bloc Sadc to
force the country’s military bosses to declare they will accept this year’s
watershed poll regardless of the winner.

MDC spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora told the Daily News yesterday that his
party is pushing for an urgent summit on Zimbabwe’s looming elections.

“I can confirm we are pushing for an urgent (Sadc) summit that we think
should be held soon to deal with Zimbabwe’s electoral issues in particular
the political playfield,” Mwonzora said.

“We want Sadc to take a firm stance on the role of the security sector in
the coming elections.”

The move by Tsvangirai and his party is likely to stir a hornet’s nest given
that Mugabe has steadfastly declared that the “military is a no go area.”

Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo immediately scoffed at the MDC move.

“Why should Sadc be involved in internal matters and why should an
opposition party invite Sadc?” Gumbo queried.

“Sadc will not countenance such nonsense. I think it is inexperience in
diplomatic matters by the MDC. It is time wasting. Sadc will deal with
fundamental matters.”

However, Mwonzora said his party wanted Sadc to insist on a strict adherence
to the rule of law and in particular the observance of the new draft
constitution’s provisions.

“Zimbabweans must campaign and vote freely without being molested,” Mwonzora
said. “The provisions of the new charter are adequate but we want Sadc to
make sure they are respected to the letter and spirit especially by security
services no matter who emerges the winner of the elections.”

Mwonzora said Sadc must tackle security sector reforms to “get rid of the
ghost of 2008 fiasco in which the military was heavily involved.”

Several high-ranking members of the military and the police have
consistently taken every opportunity to declare they will not accept any
leader without liberation war credentials.

Tsvangirai has however, insisted on security sector reforms as espoused by
the Global Political Agreement (GPA).

Zimbabwe’s security sector as well as paramilitary groups aligned to Zanu PF
were fingered in systematic violence during the 2008 elections run-off from
which Tsvangirai pulled out at the eleventh hour citing intimidation and the
murder of over 200 of his supporters.


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Fierce political rivalry turns nasty between Nyarota and Muchauraya

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
16 April 2013

The MDC-T spokesman for Manicaland province Pishai Muchauraya was on Tuesday
charged by the police with two counts of threats to ‘murder’ his party’s
political rival Geoff Nyarota.

The two are expected to square off in the party primaries for the Makoni
South constituency due at the end of April or early May. One of those who
allegedly received death threats from Muchauraya is Sophia Chibayambuya,
Nyarota’s aunt and an MDC-T aspiring councilor in the same constituency.

Nyarota, a seasoned journalist and former editor of the Daily News before it
was banned a decade ago, is challenging Muchauraya for the right to
represent the MDC-T in the parliamentary elections due anytime between now
and September this year.

Muchauraya however denies the charges and is expected to appear in court on
Wednesday for a bail hearing. His lawyer Tonderai Bhatasara told SW Radio
Africa that the alleged threats are said to have been issued between the
25th and 28th of February this year.

“The MP signed a warned and cautioned statement at the Harare central police
station today (Wednesday) but he vehemently denies the charges. This is
political mud-slinging aimed at tarnishing my client’s stature and
reputation,” Bhatasara said.

Nyarota said he could not comment on a matter that is now a police case, but
confirmed he generated an affidavit that is being used against Muchauraya.

“After I received the threats I notified the relevant authorities in the MDC
but getting no response I went to the police afraid I would be killed,”
Nyarota said.

In his affidavit, Nyarota claims that on the morning of Thursday, February
28th 2013, he received a telephone call from a private number, with the
caller telling him in Shona: “Uri benzi. Uri zibenzi.” (You are a fool. You
are a big fool.)

“He (the caller) then hung up the phone. He immediately called again. This
time he said: ‘Uri zibenzi. Uri kutuma anhu ako kwendiri, Asi uchafa.
Ndinokuuraya. Ndinouraya inini. Anondiziya anoziya kuti ndinouraya’. (You
are a big fool. You are sending your people to me. But you are going to die.
I am going to kill you. I am a killer. Those who know me are aware that I am
a killer),” Nyarota said.

“The accused was speaking in pure Chindau. I recognized the voice of
Muchauraya. He comes from Chipinge and normally speaks in unadulterated
Chindau,” claimed Nyarota.

A senior party official called for restraint from both parties, urging the
two protagonists to allow democracy to take its course.

But party spokesman Douglas Mwonzora told said they will not interfere with
the police investigations or the court case, but will take retrospective
action based on their own investigations.

“The party does not have any information on the veracity of the allegations.
The party is careful not to intervene lest it be seen to be obstructing
justice. We will wait to know from the court what really transpired,”
Mwonzora said.

He added: “However, the party will do its own investigations to see if there’s
any substance in the allegations. If it is true the party will take action
and if it not, then the party will also take action. We want to know the
motivation of this whole matter.”

See Nyarota Affidavit here...
http://www.swradioafrica.com/nyarota-affidavit/


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Chisumbanje villagers demand answers as ethanol plant remains shut

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
16 April 2013

Villagers in Chisumbanje are said to be losing patience and demanding
answers from the authorities, who claimed that the contentious ethanol plant
there would reopen last month.

The plant has been closed since early last year amid worsening tensions
between the community and the plant’s investors. The community has lost
land, livestock and income as a result of the plant, while some people have
faced violence and intimidation.

The ethanol plant is owned by controversial businessman Billy Rautenbach who
has strong links to ZANU PF ministers. In 2009 ZANU PF Minister Didymus
Mutasa gave Rautenbach permission to take over 5,000 hectares of land at the
Chisumbanje Estate (then owned by the Agricultural and Rural Development
Authority – ARDA) to grow sugarcane for production of ethanol fuel. In the
same year Mutasa reportedly signed a letter authorising Rautenbach to
operate the ethanol project at Chisumbanje, but never disclosed this to
Cabinet.

It however appeared last month that some progress was being made towards
dispelling the tensions, after the company running the plant, Green Fuel,
said it was reopening. The state mouthpiece Herald newspaper reported that
Green Fuel was welcoming back its employees, and production was expected to
resume completely by April 4th. This was reportedly after a directive by
Vice President Joice Mujuru.

But according to the Platform for Youth Development Trust, the plant remains
shut and residents have been left fuming. The Trust’s Director Claris
Madhuku told SW Radio Africa on Tuesday that there is serious anger in the
community “who are suffering because the plant remains closed.”

Madhuku said that efforts by a government committee tasked with resolving
the tensions between the community and the plant’s owners appeared to be
making headway. This committee, headed by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara, was making progress according to Madhuku.

“To date up to five meetings have been done with the village
representatives, company representatives, elected councillors, traditional
leadership, member of parliament and council officials all sharing a spirit
of progress. Key resolutions were then made on the 21st of February 2013 and
a letter accompanied the resolutions done on behalf of the community to
Professor Mutambara. But he is still to respond,” Madhuku explained.

He added: “Villagers now blame the absence of communication between
themselves and Mutambara as the source of new challenges, and they are
demanding answers.”

Madhuku said that many of the problems at the plant stem from widespread
confusion among the various stakeholders involved, and the ongoing
politicisation of the issues.

“The MDC is blaming ZANU PF and ZANU PF is blaming the MDC. But as long as
the plant is not reopened it is the community hat suffers. So the
speculation and confusion must be explained once and for all,” Madhuku said.


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Chief accuse Zanu PF MP of abusing inputs

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Tuesday, 16 April 2013 10:36
HARARE - Six Hurungwe chiefs in Mashonaland West have petitioned President
Robert Mugabe asking him to sack Hurungwe East legislator Sarah Mahoka on
allegations of disregarding traditional customs and stealing presidential
inputs.

In a March 1, 2013 letter to Mugabe written in vernacular, chiefs Mujinga,
Dendera, Nyamhunga, Nematombo, Chundu and Dandawa accuse Mahoka of abusing
the presidential inputs scheme.

“Vanoremekedzwa, isu semadzimambo ekuHurungwe District tiri kuisa zvichemo
zvedu kwamuri pamusoro petsika nemagariro naMP Mai Mahoka vekuHurungwe East
Constituency asiri kutifadza (As chiefs we write to express disgruntlement
at Mrs Mahoka’s disregard for traditional customs).

“Zvakatanga apo MP Mahoka vakatsoropodza Mambo Mujinga izvo zvisina
kutiitira zvakanaka.Mugore ra2011 MP Mahoka vakatora presidential inputs
kubva mumaoko aMambo Mujinga vakapa vanhu vavo vavaida.(It started when MP
Mahoka cast aspersions on Chief Mujinga.

She also took farming inputs from Chief Mujinga and distributed them to her
preferred beneficiaries.)

“Vari kugadza masabhuku munzvimbo dzakagariswa vanhu patsva zvisina mvumo
yaMambo Mujinga (She is also enthroning headmen without authority from the
chief),” reads part of the letter.

The traditional leaders bitterly complained to Mugabe that Mahoka is
usurping their powers as well as supporting rival claimants to the Dendera
chieftainship for political expedience hence their appeal to Mugabe.

“Pamusangano watakaita musi wa February 28, 2013 takaona kuti MP Mahoka
havafanire kunge vari mumatunhu edu uye tsika dzakashata dzakadai dzinoodza
magariro evanhu vazhinji. (We resolved after a meeting held on February 28,
2013 that she should not be an MP in our area because of her disregard for
culture which is disruptive to our way of life),” the chiefs complained.

The letter was copied to Hurungwe District administrator, provincial
administrator and governor for the province Faber Chidarikire who could
neither deny nor confirm receipt of the letter.

“I am in a meeting right now, I will only be able to discuss the letter with
you later in the day,” Chidarikire said.

Mahoka who is also Zanu PF women’s league chairperson for Mashonaland West
however denied the allegations saying she was in good books with Chief
Mujinga and accused her political rivals of coaxing him to sign the damning
letter.

“The chief likes me a lot, in fact I am liked by everybody in the province
including MDC supporters,” said Mahoka, adding that she never laid her hands
on presidential inputs as they were distributed by traditional leaders.

“Traditional leaders were responsible for the inputs and there is no way I
could have touched them. I have my own resources, I have my farm given to me
by president Mugabe and no one can remove me from this area.” - Mugove
Tafirenyika


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Zimbabwe Teachers Group Takes Government to ILO

http://www.voazimbabwe.com/

Jonga Kandemiiri
16.04.2013

WASHINGTON DC — The Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) has
written to the International Labour Organization (ILO) complaining about
what it says is the government’s continued contravention of labour laws, the
politicization of the classrooms and related issues.

In its letter written Monday, the union said it is not happy with the
recently adopted draft constitution which it says falls below its members’
labour expectations.

The teachers’ union also said it is unhappy about the de-harmonization of
labour laws governing civil servants and private sector workers, the
government’s failure to recognise the Apex Council leadership and stagnant
civil servant salaries.

The PTUZ also claims that political parties in the inclusive government
continue to invade schools for political purposes with teachers being
harassed and bullied.

This is not the first time that a Zimbabwean labour organisation has raised
complaints to ILO.  A few years ago the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions
wrote to the world labour body resulting in a commission of inquiry into
labour issues in Zimbabwe.

Recommendations were made to the government but are yet to be implemented.

PTUZ general secretary Raymond Majongwe said they expect ILO to engage
Zimbabwe on the issues they raised during the next ILO conference in June
this year.


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Supreme Court agrees to hear urgent appeal in by-elections case

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/

16.04.13

by ZLHR

Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku Monday 15 April 2013 granted an
application filed by three former legislators to hear their appeal against
the dismissal of their petition in the High on an urgent basis. To that end
the Supreme Court has ordered the Registrar of the High Court to prepare the
record of proceedings in the lower court and transmit the same to the
Supreme Court. Thereafter, the Registrar of the Supreme Court was also
ordered to set down the matter after the appellants, Abednico Bhe

The urgent chamber application for the urgent hearing of the by-elections
case had been filed by the three legislators’ lawyer Tawanda Zhuwarara of
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, who had argued that there was a need to
hear the matter urgently following Judge President Justice George Chiweshe’s
ruling on 8 April 2013 excusing President Robert Mugabe from complying with
the court’s order.


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Zim imports GMO maize

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Tuesday, 16 April 2013 10:57
HARARE - Zimbabwe is importing Genetically Modified Organism (GMO) maize
from South Africa after its newly- resettled farmers failed to provide
enough food to feed its 12 million citizens.

Presenting a State of the Economy Report yesterday, Finance minister Tendai
Biti said government has allowed imports of GMOs from the neighbouring
country despite earlier declarations by President Robert Mugabe that
Zimbabweans will not consume GMOs.

Mugabe and Agricultural minister Joseph Made are both on record vowing that
Zimbabweans will not be subjected to any genetically modified foodstuffs as
this has a long-term consequence on health.

But Biti said there was not enough maize for the nation and government has
been forced to import GMOs.

Biti said this is not the first time that government is allowing GMO
foodstuff in the country as it once imported prior to the formation of the
inclusive government in 2009.

“The country urgently needs 150 metric tonnes to August 2013 and private
millers themselves have the financial capacity to import 150 metric tonnes,”
Biti said.

“I need to tell Zimbabwe that part of the grain that they are importing is
actually GMO grain.”

The minister said these GMOs will be milled under tight security conditions
under heavy police guard to ensure that the imported maize is not planted
for agricultural purposes.

“When the grain is imported, it is milled under very secured environment,
the police will have to be there to ensure that nobody takes the grain and
goes and plant it in a little field in Dotito or Chendambuya. They are
already doing so and they are already importing,” Biti said.

GMOs have serious health implications that include, obesity, and cause
massive changes in the natural functioning of DNA, according to health
experts.

To highlight the precarious food situation, Biti said the fragile coalition
resolved at its recent Cabinet meeting to take its begging bowl to the UN
World Food Programme (WFP) to plug the food deficit.

Biti said his ministry is also going to release $5 million towards the
purchase of 150 000 tonnes of maize from Zambia under a
government-to-government deal which he described as “non-accommodative” as
it is expensive compared to importing from South Africa.

“We have agreed as government that we make what is referred in NGO
(non-governmental organisations) lingo as a consolidated appeal to the
donors through the WFP, but this is just for the shortfall between now and
harvest deliveries,” Biti said. - Xolisani Ncube


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Youth lay demands for elections


http://www.sokwanele.com/

AUTHOR:SOKWANELEDATE:APR 16, 2013

Via Press Release: Chitungwiza - Youth in Chitungwiza on Sunday laid down
demands that they said would enable the holding of a free and fair poll
ahead of the watershed plebiscite expected later this year.

Speaking to Youth Agenda Trust on the sidelines of the Play Your Vote Sports
Tournament held in Zengeza 3, youths drawn across Chitungwiza said the
Inclusive Government must fix all outstanding issues in the implementation
of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) before elections are held.

Among some of the reforms the youths demanded included security sector
realignment, a robust national healing and reconciliation framework, audit
of the voter’s roll and comprehensive voter education and education on the
new constitution.

The youths also challenged the principals to the GPA to assure the youths
that the violence that rocked the 2008 elections will not erupt again as
Zimbabwe looks at turning a new corner and emulate the recent elections in
Kenya.

The youths who were from various political and social affiliations said they
want international observers to come and monitor the elections and for SADC
to ensure that Harare strictly adheres to the body’s guidelines on the
conduct of free and fair elections.

“We do not want to be bullied by politicians this time around. The last time
we witnessed our brothers and sisters running away from their homes, all in
the name of elections. We do not want that situation to be repeated again.
As the youth of Chitungwiza, we have all come together today to speak out
against violence in all its different forms, said Obey Mwariwangu of
Zengeza.

A petition by the youths will soon be tabled before the principals to the
GPA which clearly outlines the demands of the youths as well as a collective
youth manifesto.

T-shirts and caps with voter education messages aimed at young people
provided with support from the Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust
(YETT) were distributed. The regalia were inscribed with messages, “Real
Swagg is My Vote” and “Kana usina kuregister wakasara”.

Meanwhile, the sports tournament which was organized by Youth Agenda to urge
the youth to register to vote was briefly disrupted by a group of suspected
Zanu PF supporters driving a white Honda CRV. They left the ground after
making several movements across the soccer field before they went to fetch
the officer in charge at St Mary’s police station identified as Inspector
Badza.

Badza came and quizzed the youth on the motive of the sports games and
confessed that he had been tipped off by Zanu PF supporters but found no
offence with the activities.

The incident served a reminder that despite all the efforts that are being
made to inculcate a culture of peace in the country, there are some who are
still living in the past and do not want to repent.

In 2008, Zimbabwe held a forgettable run-off election that ended up with
President Robert Mugabe as the sole contestant and winner but saw hundreds
of innocent Zimbabweans perishing while others were left without limbs. The
election was widely condemned and described by SADC as a sham.


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NCA Statement on Zimbabwe’s Independence Day

http://www.sokwanele.com/

AUTHOR:SOKWANELEDATE:APR 16, 2013

NCA Press Release: The National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), calls upon
all its members and every Zimbabwean to join the celebrations of
Independence Day on 18 April. On 18 April 1980, after decades of colonial
and white supremacy rule, we proved to ourselves and the world that Zimbabwe
was now a democracy.
We must however always remember, as we celebrate our freedom, that it was
not won without struggle and sacrifice. Thousands of members of the
liberation movement were arrested, jailed, tortured, exiled or even
sacrificed their lives to help free our nation from racist tyranny.

In particular we dip our flags in honour of two of our greatest leaders,
Josiah Magama Tongogara and Hebert Chitepo ,who both passed away on the eve
of our independence and thus narrowly missed the chance to witness the
democratic breakthrough that they did more than most to bring about.

While we have much to commemorate we also have a lot still to achieve before
we can say that all Zimbabweans are really free. We cannot ignore the
millions of Zimbabweans who live in poverty who cannot benefit from
political freedom, as they face a daily struggle to survive.

Millions of our people cannot find work and the millions still living in
squatter camps fully celebrate their 'freedom' as they struggle to find ways
to earn a decent living and live in a proper house?

We also have to shrink the massive levels of inequality which have made
Zimbabwe the most unequal society in the world. Such inequality mocks our
struggle to build a free, fair and equitable society. Neither can we
celebrate freedom when our society is scarred by such high levels of crime
and corruption.

Gross inequalities in wealth distribution, health and education remain
defined along political lines just similar to the time it was done along
racial lines. The fault lines of the colonial economy remain largely intact.

In the main it is the children of the poor, the working class whose
educational experience is marked by poor learning infrastructure, high
tuition fees, classroom overcrowding, high dropout rates and unsafe schools.
There are equally glaring discrepancies in the quality of health care, with
a first-world service for the wealthy in government and the private sector
and a third-world service for the poor in the public sector.

The highest levels of poverty and underdevelopment are also still
concentrated in our townships and rural areas.

Also denied the full fruits of our freedom are the millions who suffer from
HIV/AIDS and other deadly diseases - many of them diseases caused by
poverty. The millions who suffer from HIV/AIDS and other deadly diseases,
many of which are diseases of poverty, are also not truly free. Many of
these diseases would have disappeared if people could afford quality food
and had access to the medicines they need, including antiretrovirals for
people living with HIV/AIDS. We urge all our members to get themselves
tested.

33 years after a protracted war, the nation will finally adopt a new
constitution, a constitution which the leaders of the land imposed on the
people. The fruits of freedom cannot be enjoyed if you have no job, no
money, no food on the table, nothing to pay your children's school fees or
no proper health care for your family.  This new constitution will never
guarantee our freedom. It retains power on one person, a big legislature and
it does not compel the state to allocate a specified minimum percentage of
the nation’s revenue to deal with the needs of the poor.

The only way for the people of Zimbabwe, our families and our communities to
win real and total freedom is for us to get organised in strong, fighting
trade unions, a strong alliances and civil society formations and fight for
a genuine people driven constitution and the realisation of the  Peoples
Charter.

We will forever remain indebted by the revolutionary and progressive step
made by the 179 849 brave Zimbabweans who voted NO in the referendum, not
only did they voted wisely, but it was in honour and in defence of our
independence.

We must recruit and organise all in colleges, in factories, churches, and
all sectors. We must drastically improve our own civic organisations, so
that they recruit more `members as we prepare to fight bigger struggles
ahead.


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The next harmonised elections will be won on record of performance and not political rhetoric

http://www.sokwanele.com/

AUTHOR:SOKWANELEDATE:APR 15, 2013

Via Press Release - By Precious Shumba, Director, Harare Residents’ Trust
(HRT): The election season is upon us. Political parties are busy screening
their candidates. Politicians have  become the most visible leaders across
Zimbabwe. Some of the political leaders and civil society  leaders have
described the next Harmonised Elections the second to the 1980 Independence
Elections. Others have described this coming election as a decider of the
fate of anti-democrats, who  are set to be quarantined to the dustbin of
political history, based on their own interpretation of  events unfolding in
the country.

The truth of the matter is that this next Harmonised Election will be fought
on five key issues,  namely indigenisation, job creation, economic revival,
the security of the citizens, the track record of  electoral contenders,
given that the three main political parties have had an opportunity to
demonstrate their capacity in their time in the Inclusive Government,
established on 13 February  2009. This is across the board, from the
executive, national and local government.

The actual performance of the three parties, forming the Inclusive
Government will go a long way in  determining who gets the majority vote. In
the next elections the citizens of Zimbabwe will  determine who become the
next President of Zimbabwe, and not any foreign power, or opinion  polls
will deliver the vote to any one of the political parties.

Zanu PF has unceasingly distracted the urban local authorities to run their
affairs through abuse of  executive powers bestowed on the Minister of Local
Government, Rural and Urban Development  Ignatius Chombo by allegedly
interfering with the tendering processes and dismissal of corrupt
councillors.

The MDCs have not really pushed for the democratisation of the local
government sector where  citizens remain peripheral players. The Urban
Councils’ Act Chapter 29:15, remains problematic to  residents as they are
treated with contempt by both the councillors and the administrators of
local  authorities, and the Ministry of Local Government, Rural and Urban
Development brought its  amendments of the Urban Councils Act, aided by MDC
Members of Parliament. Urban councils are  now being run by powerless
Mayors, and committees of council exclude residents in major  decisions.
This matter will influence voters in a major way. The MDCs have to respond
well to this  through a careful selection of its candidates otherwise they
will be damaged by the calibre of leaders  they will present to the
electorate, competing against Zanu PF candidates.

Zanu PF is determined to retain the presidency, and recover its majority in
Parliament and in the  Senate. With presidency in the bag, they look forward
to appoint their trusted cadres, among them  those who are holding
portfolios today in local government, security, home affairs, defence, and
introduce some changes in the portfolios that are currently held by the MDC
formations.  At the same time, the MDC, surnamed Tsvangirai, has already
started creating messages that  impress upon the voter the decisive nature
of the forthcoming elections where ‘they are marching to  State House with
Save,’ and condemning other political actors as imitators, whose political
life will  end after the elections.

But the MDC, led by Professor Welshman Ncube is not folding its arms. They
are busy re-organising,  and trying to select election candidates by
consensus, trying to avoid the risky primary elections,  which have the
potential to bring more conflict within the same political party ahead of
crucial  elections. According to media reports, this MDC side has already
confirmed its presidential  candidate, just like the MDC-T and Zanu PF.

Political actors like Dr Simba Makoni (Mavambo Kusile Dawn), former ZIPRA
intelligence supremo  Cde Dumiso Dabengwa (Zapu), and MDC99 leader Job
Sikhala have not yet shown where they are  going at a national scale, in
terms of visible mobilisation of the electorate, and marketing their
priorities, policies and plans in the event they occupy the Presidency.

The real electoral contest will be among Zanu PF, MDC-T and MDC. That is not
to say that the MKD,  MDC99 and Zapu are not major players, but that they
have not demonstrated consistency and  hunger to really transform Zimbabwe
starting with a visible grassroots presence.

Zimbabwe has been unfortunate to have only one president since independence
in 1980. Zanu PF  has been the dominant party, backed by the President’s
Office, the Military, the Prisons, the Police  and youths militia. This has
been possible because of an all too powerful Executive Presidency that  has
been able to determine how things happen, within the institutions of the
State, reducing the  influence and power of the Judiciary and the
Legislature.

Within this context of analysing the likely scenarios that will emerge from
the elections, there is  need to examine the position of Zimbabwe’s civil
society, as a key player in the political of transition  in the country. The
majority of the civil society organisations would prefer the ouster of Zanu
PF  from power owing to its abuse of authority, the persecution of civic
leaders, rampant corruption in  the exploitation of the nation’s minerals
resulting in endemic poverty and underdevelopment, and  the subsequent of
opaque administration of the revenue generated, high unemployment levels in
the country, and an abusive security sector that acts with impunity towards
those opposed to Zanu  PF’s rule.

Some of the civil society leaders are mostly advocating for a coalition of
political parties around the  candidacy of the MDC’s Morgan Tsvangirai as a
proposed recipe to defeat Zanu PF and ascend to the  Presidency, and take
charge of the Government of Zimbabwe. A lot of energy has been devoted to
making this proposal acceptable, and it is being touted as the only
realistic chance of ending Zanu  PF’s dominance of Zimbabwe political life.
They argue that without a coalition, Zanu PF will remain in  charge of
Zimbabwe. There are concerned stakeholders who have taken it upon themselves
to  approach the various political leaders, arguing for the establishment of
a coalition against Zanu PF in  the coming Harmonised Elections. Whether
this initiative is driven by selfish motives or genuine  desire for a
transformation is beyond the scope of this paper.

In my opinion, a coalition among the other political parties against Zanu PF
has no prospect of  success without the necessary drive among the political
leaders in either the MDC-T or MDC.

Previously, the Ncube MDC has accused the Tsvangirai MDC of being abusive
and treating them like  nonentities in electoral contests, arguing that the
MDC-T has the capacity to go it alone.  Within the same context, there are
officials in the MDC-T who have not forgiven Professor Ncube for  his
principled stand to defend the democratic vote of a united MDC national
council executive  meeting on 12 October 2005 with 31 councillors voting
against participating in the senate elections  and 33 councillors favouring
participation, causing the split. I personally doubt it was the only cause.
Tsvangirai reportedly overturned this binding resolution and decided against
participating, although  the MDC-T is now represented in the senate.

That split was unnecessary as it was premature and retrogressive. I
personally believe that this was a  personalised battle of influence between
Professor Ncube and Tsvangirai. Both leaders could have  swallowed their
pride and built a stronger movement for democratic change than the delay
they  both engineered, with encouragement from their lieutenants who were
also desperate to be in  positions of influence within their political
parties. There are individuals that surround Tsvangirai and  Ncube that have
no wish to rejoin hands because they have tasted power, and will apparently
work  behind the scenes to scuttle efforts at forming an alliance.

Suppose the coalition is established, will MDC-T favour Ncube to lead the
coalition or they will stick  with Tsvangirai, arguing he is the ‘face of
the struggle’ and demands that every other political party  wanting the
coalition should rally behind Tsvangirai. Or maybe the coalition partners
will find a new  person altogether. Ideally, Tsvangirai has the clout of
national presence, but the question is, is he  capable to bridging
differences among diverse people from differing political persuasions?

A political alliance in my world should have clearly defined objectives,
outputs and outcomes,  against which they will measure and time the level of
support following elections. The architects of  an alliance politics should
immediately develop a strategy of how they will organise themselves in  the
electoral campaign. Zimbabweans want what is best for them, and not what is
best for the  political leaders. The path they will have to follow in order
to gain the Presidency, the legislature and  the local councils has to be
pragmatic, with all players prepared to compromise than remain glued to
singular positions.

Some of the outcomes that are anticipated by the nation on whoever assumes
the Presidency are;  secure expanded democratic space, and enhance citizen
participation in all spheres of the economy;  legal, policy planning,
implementation and legislative frameworks are enhanced for the participation
of the marginalised people, especially women and the youths, particularly
without the local  government sector and within the parliamentary systems.

It is true that in March 2008, Dr Simba Makoni, then independent, garnered
unexpected votes (8,3  %) from Zimbabweans, who believed in him. Speculation
and accusations that he stole Tsvangirai’s  victory are hollow and
unrealistic as no one knows really who voted for Dr Makoni. Assumptions are
not facts.

The argument presented by Mr Pedzisai Ruhanya, the Director of the Zimbabwe
Democracy Institute  (Zimbabwe Independent, 12 April 2013, Tsvangirai-Ncube
pact game-changer) that “In articulating  the significance of the need for
the democratic forces to unite, the two MDC formations — one led  by
Tsvangirai and the other by Ncube — need to show and exercise leadership for
the broader  democratisation cause” to me sounds great but does not examine
the issues that must unite them  besides defeating Zanu PF.

The proposition for an alliance of democratic forces is ideal but it
requires genuine strategists and  leaders for it to take root among the
citizenry. The alliance should not be about removing President  Mugabe and
Zanu PF from office, but should be about strengthening our institutional
capacity as a  nation, institutions that will work for the good of all
Zimbabweans.

His argument assumes that Tsvangirai and Ncube, aided by other forces, and
forming the next  Government, will result in the democratisation of
Zimbabwe. Who are its vociferous advocates and  lobbyists? The two have been
in the Inclusive Government where they both acted with impunity to  call for
a referendum without giving citizens an opportunity to read through the
Draft Constitution.  What democracy are they supposed to advance if they
believe in the communist approach of ‘guided  democracy’ in pursuit of their
narrow partisan interests, which do not necessarily represent the  whole of
Zimbabwe?

The real game changers in the next Harmonised Elections are the 179 489
voters who rejected the  Draft Constitution on 16 March 2013 Constitutional
Referendum, because I believe these were  discerning. They meant what they
voted for, based on their understanding of the document. These  people are
found across the political divide, and it is not known how they will expand
their base of  influence during voting.

It is time that Zimbabweans vote around issues, systems and institutions and
not personalities that  might turn out to be worse in our lives. The next
Harmonised Elections will be decisive. The citizens  have an opportunity to
punish errant politicians who think that it is enough to occupy positions,
but  do very little to justify why they deserve a second chance in the same
position. Citizens must form  alliances around their issues and demand
accountability before the electoral contest from their  leaders, challenging
them on their short-term decisions.


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Being upfront about Zimbabwe loan will avert public anger

http://www.timeslive.co.za/

The Times Editorial | 16 April, 2013 00:48

The Times Editorial: President Jacob Zuma and his Finance Minister, Pravin
Gordhan, will have to explain to wary South Africans why we are giving
$100-million (R914-million) to our neighbour Zimbabwe.

According to a report from Zimbabwe yesterday, its finance minister, Tendai
Biti, announced that South Africa had approved $100-million in "budgetary
support" that would plug a gap in the country's finances ahead of elections.
Zimbabwe is expected to hold elections in the second half of the year.

Though the details of the loan are still off-limits to the public, Zuma must
explain it before South Africans start complaining of yet another loan to
the man they love to hate - President Robert Mugabe.

Zuma must avoid the miscommunication that we experienced when our troops
were killed in the Central African Republic last month.

He should explain why it is important for South Africa to have a stable
neighbourhood and that the loan to Zimbabwe will contribute to a democratic
region.

He should also explain to South Africans that the money is not intended to
prop up Mugabe and his inner circle, but will help bring about political and
economic stability in that country.

If Zuma fails to heed this advice, he again runs the risk of being accused
of demanding more money from already cash-strapped South Africans.

Being open about our role in Zimbabwe, and why it is important to help fund
its democratic projects, will help South Africans to understand that we
cannot, as a country, operate as an island.

Stability in Zimbabwe will benefit South Africa's quest to expand its
economy.

It will also help the region to realise its economic potential, which is at
present hampered by the political instability in Zimbabwe and Swaziland.

If the state chooses to be silent, Zuma should not cry foul if he is
attacked and blamed for mismanaging our finances.


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Zimbabwe Wall of Shame: Didymus Mutasa

http://nehandaradio.com/

on April 16, 2013 at 3:47 pm

By Lance Guma

The Minister of State for Presidential Affairs, Didymus Mutasa, led violent
political campaigns in his Headlands constituency and other parts of the
country.

As a former Minister responsible for the Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) he often used its agents to commit some of the atrocities.

In 2002 Mutasa shocked Zimbabweans when he blatantly said he would not care
if 6 million people died because of food shortages, as the country would be
better off with ZANU PF members only.

During that time ZANU PF was notorious for politicising the distribution of
food aid, especially in rural areas, and hunger was widespread.

In February this year, Zimbabwe was shocked by the gruesome murder of
Christpowers Simbarashe Maisiri, the 12 year old boy from Headlands who died
after the hut he was sleeping in was burnt down by Zanu PF thugs.

Implicated in the murder were Gilbert Makura (Zanu PF district chairperson
for Village 47), Isaac Dhogo (Dobo), Annah Mumbana and Tendai Gosho (Zanu PF
district chairlady) who all work for Mutasa the local MP.

Sadly this was not the first time Mutasa had victimised the Maisiri family.

The child’s father, prominent MDC-T activist Shepherd Maisiri, a poor farmer
in the Inyati Resettlement area, has suffered relentless persecution by
Mutasa since 1999. In addition to being abducted and tortured, his homestead
has been burnt a record seven times in the past 10 years.

The people assigned by Mutasa to carry out these abuses over the years have
been identified as Walter Rushambwa, Maxwell Chidzambwa, Punish Mhiripiri,
Walter Mhepo (now deceased), Kainos Chidzambwa, Albert Makura, ZRP police
Inspector Muchazorwa and Lovemore Manenji.

In one incident Maisiri was put into a jute bag, bundled into Punish
Mhiripiri’s truck and dumped in the Rusape Dam. He was only saved by
fishermen laying their nets during that night.

On the 3rd January 2008, Maisiri was in Harare when he was again manhandled
by two men who took him to a waiting car. To his surprise Mutasa was there
and personally threatened him before driving off. Later that day a man and a
woman followed Maisiri to Mbare Musika.

“They boarded the same bus with him to Mutare, where he was arrested on
arrival, put into cells and released. The two people who had followed him
from Harare were at the police station when he was released; Maisiri sensing
danger managed to outmanoeuvre them and escaped to Mozambique that same
night.”

Mutasa’s thugs however were not done with Maisiri. With the MDC-T activist
hiding in Mozambique, one of the thugs, identified as Lovemore Manenji,
raped Maisiri’s wife on the 23rd June 2008 as punishment ‘for hiding her
husband.’

In a rare case of prosecution, Manenji was last year sentenced to 32 years
in prison for raping two MDC supporters including Maisiri’s wife.

Manenji, 56, who is also a bishop at Mabasa Avapositori Church, was found
guilty of five counts of rape and sentenced to 32 years in prison by Rusape
regional magistrate, Hosea Mujaya.

In the run up to the one man presidential run-off election in June 2008,
Mutasa unleashed an unprecedented orgy of terror and torture of MDC-T
supporters in Headlands, the whole of Rusape and its environs.

Residents of Rusape urban reported that Mutasa took over some properties and
used them to house hordes of armed youths/operatives that he used to
terrorize MDC-T supporters in Headlands and Makoni constituencies.

Below are accounts of some of the horrible incidents in which Mutasa was
directly involved or is alleged to have sponsored.

On the 22nd May 2008 another activist, Taurayi Kamuchira, was abducted by
ZANU PF militia under instruction from Mutasa. They took him to
Chinyamukamani base where youths led by Phillip Mushayi assaulted him with
logs, iron bars and whips. Kamuchira died during the assault.

Philip Mushayi addressed the MDC-T activists detained at the base, telling
them what had happened to Kamuchira was going to be their fate as well. He
said Mutasa had given them authority to kill anyone who supported MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai so they were safe from arrest.

On the 25th June 2008 armed youths deployed by Mutasa wreaked havoc in the
Eagles Nest area of Headlands and were seen driving around in two vehicles,
one of them reported to be Mutasa’s Toyota Venture.

Masitafundikera Gumura was attacked at his home by this gang after they
accused him of leading MDC activities in that area. The attack was so
ruthless that Gumura died during the assault.

His wife Aquiline Sanzvengwa Gumura was also assaulted and sustained severe
injuries all over her body. She was taken to hospital the following morning
but passed away on the 28th June 2008.

On the 25th June 2008, Mutasa’s gang also pounced on Robert Ziyengwa and his
wife at their home in Headlands.

The elderly couple was accused of supporting the MDC-T. The gang used pieces
of wood, iron bars and gun butts to assault them. The beating was so severe
the elderly couple also died during the assault.

In another incident on the same day residents in the Eagles Nest area were
targeted by Mutasa’s gang, which included ZANU PF youths and CIO operatives.

Defenceless villagers were killed in cold blood while the police refused to
intervene. Some were beaten to death and others were stabbed. Also killed
was MDC activist Sandros Mandizha.

June 27, 2008: Taurai Zindomba, another small scale farmer in the headlands
area was attacked at his home by a gang of Zanu PF youths and operatives
from Rusape. This barbaric gang used barbed wire and a knife to tear and
pull Taurai’s intestines out. He died instantly.

His brothers Abel and Sternly, touched by what happened to their brother,
wept in grief and were savagely assaulted sustaining serious injuries.
Fortunately they survived.

On July 30, 2009 in the Macheke resettlement areas, a 16 year old boy Arnold
Mosterd died after being beaten by Zanu PF supporters who accused him of
supporting the MDC. Arnold was killed after he had asked for his outstanding
wages from his previous employer a local Zanu PF Chairman Harry Munetsi.

The seven people who killed Arnold were arrested by the police but Didymus
Mutasa MP ordered their release. Mutasa ordered the villagers in the area to
deal with any strangers who would come into the area inquiring about the
death.

Terence Ranger, Emeritus Professor of history at Oxford, has described
Didymus Mutasa as “a ruthless and acquisitive politician who is notorious
for using violence against his political opponents.”

Even Zanu PF members have not been spared the wrath of his violent and
ruthless ill temper. In 2005 Mutasa was reported to have abducted a Zanu PF
war veteran (Nyakuedzwa) and pounded him to near death after he dared to
challenge his nomination during Zanu PF primary elections in Rusape.

Didymus Mutasa has the blood of many people on his hands and in a new
Zimbabwe, he will be one of many senior Zanu PF people that will be hauled
before the courts and answer to charges of sanctioning the mass murder of
hundreds of people in their constituencies.


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The Battle For Zimbabwe Part 3: Sydney Sekeramayi the new Kingmaker?

http://nehandaradio.com/
 
 
 

Nehanda Radio publishes the final installment, of the three part Mugabe succession race. We take a brief look at a dark horse candidate, who might end up becoming potentially the next President should things fall apart and there is no decisive frontrunner between Vice-President Joice Mujuru and her chief rival Defence minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa. Pleasant reading!

By Itai Mushekwe

State security minister, Sydney Sekeramayi, may just surprise all of us and become president, as he is largely viewed as a compromise candidate, who President Robert Mugabe is said to appreciate his soberness at not being obsessed with the succession politics, making him the new Zanu PF powerbroker or kingmaker we are told.

Minister of State for National Security Sydney Sekeramayi

Sydney Sekeremayi

Sekeramayi, like Mnangagwa has the incredible support of the military after having jelled well with the securocrats, during his reign as minister of defence in 2001 following the death of his predecessor Moven Mahachi, who perished in a road accident in the now volatile turf of Manicaland.

Mugabe’s succession it seems, will be very much influenced by the power outcome of the battle for Manicaland province, where a fierce plot to kick out Zanu PF secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa out of the party has reached a high.

Mutasa and Sekeramayi hail from provinces, which are a stone’s throw away from each other. The latter is considered, to be the godfather of Mashonaland East.

Manicaland on the one hand, is known to be a hotbed of the liberation struggle after Mugabe and the late Edgar Tekere, sought the assistance of chief Rekai Tangwena to cross into Mozambique for the struggle.

Now defence minister, Emmerson Mnangagwa, is reported to be anxious to retain control of the province following the suspension of Mike Madiro, the Zanu PF Manicaland provincial chairman, by elements aligned to Vice President Joice Mujuru, through Mutasa.

Mutasa is the most senior Zanu PF politician in Manicaland.

Nehanda Radio can reveal that Mutasa, who wanted to be vice president has already spoken to Mugabe about the plot to oust him, and he was told to “maintain his cool”, while his foes are building up a case against him to be either expelled or demoted for causing the destruction of Zanu PF’s catchment area in the province.

Mutasa, although largely expected to survive the brawl, will be left weakened as Madiro is reportedly about to be reinstated thus dealing the Mujuru faction another blow below the belt, party insiders said.

We also have it on good account, that Sekeramayi, is prepared to throw his weight behind Mnangagwa, and will only make himself available for selection to replace Mugabe, should the defence minister fail to torpedo Mujuru.

“Sekeramayi has all along been Plan B of the security chiefs,” sources said.

“The military is the main pillar of power in our country, that is why vice president Mujuru seemed to be cruising to the top office, owing to the late husband’s complex military links crafted when he became the first commander of our forces in 1980. Anyone who has the support of army structures, can be assured of victory whether by covert or overt means.”

COSLEG mystery

Further briefings, also bring to light revelations that Sekeramayi is an inner circle confidant of Zimbabwe’s own shadowy military industrial complex. The minister alongside Mnangagwa are both shareholders of COSLEG, a powerful mining company jointly owned by the military top brass and DRC leader, Joseph Kabila.

According to a United Nations (UN) report compiled in 2002, Sekeramayi and Mnangagwa together with senior security chiefs are implicated as belonging to an “elite network” alleged to have involved Zimbabwe in the costly Congo war that bled the treasury of more than US$200 million, for personal enrichment and covert military business expansions.

Mnangagwa key strategist

“The key strategist for the Zimbabwean branch of the elite network is the Speaker of the Parliament and former head of Zimbabwe Intelligence, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa.

“Mr. Mnangagwa has won strong support from senior military and intelligence officers for an aggressive policy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,” states the UN report.

“His key ally is a Commander of ZDF (Zimbabwe Defense Force) and Executive Chairman of COSLEG, General Vitalis Musunga Gava Zvinavashe. [COSLEG is a natural resource exploitation firm largely owned by the family of Joseph Kabila and the Zimbabwe military.

“Joseph Kabila succeeded his father Laurent as president of the DRC after the elder's assassination in 2001.] The General and his family have been involved in diamond trading and supply contracts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

“A long-time ally of President Mugabe, Air Marshal Perence Shiri, has been involved in military procurement and organizing air support for the pro-Kinshasa armed groups fighting in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. He is also part of the inner circle of ZDF diamond traders who have turned Harare into a significant illicit diamond-trading center.”

Sekeramayi the coordinator

“Other prominent Zimbabwean members of the network include Brigadier General Sibusiso Busi Moyo, who is Director General of COSLEG. Brigadier Moyo advised both Tremalt and Oryx Natural Resources, which represented covert Zimbabwean military financial interests in negotiations with State mining companies of the Democratic Republic of the Congo,” the report points out.

“Air Commodore Mike Tichafa Karakadzai is Deputy Secretary of COSLEG, directing policy and procurement. He played a key role in arranging the Tremalt cobalt and copper deal. Colonel Simpson Sikhulile Nyathi is Director of defence policy for COSLEG.

The Minister of Defence and former Security Minister, Sidney Sekeramayi, coordinates with the military leadership and is a shareholder in COSLEG.

The UN Panel has a copy of a letter from Mr. Sekeramayi thanking the Chief Executive of Oryx Natural Resources, Thamer Bin Said Ahmed Al-Shanfari, for his material and moral support during the parliamentary elections of 2000. Such contributions violate Zimbabwean law.”

Growing Mugabe voice

Sekeramayi is also now a burgeoning influence as a trusted Mugabe voice, our informers say, as demonstrated two months ago, when the intelligence minister, who is also Zanu PF secretary for national security called for massive support in Mugabe’s re-election campaign while speaking at the burial of Peter Nyakuba, a party cadre who was declared a liberation hero and got a state sponsored funeral in Goromonzi.

Six years ago ‘diesel n’anga’ Rotina Mavhunga a.k.a Nomatter Tagarira fooled Mugabe’s entire cabinet into believing she could conjure pure diesel from rocks in Chinhoyi.

Gullible government ministers Didymus Mutasa (right) and Sidney Sekeramayi (near Mutasa) fall for diesel mystic Rotina Mavhunga who was showing them diesel allegedly coming from rocks in Chinhoyi.

“Zanu-PF is the only party that has the people’s interests at heart,” said Sekeramayi.

“The weapon to secure our future is our vote and all party cadres should go out and vote for President Mugabe for Zimbabwe’s future. There are people who are waiting to blame Zanu-PF for violence especially when they know that we are headed towards an election victory. We need to campaign peacefully so that we leave our detractors in no doubt when we win the elections.”

EU rebuff

To show his surging rise, Sekeramayi even castigated the European Union (EU), recently for maintaining targeted sanctions on Mugabe and senior service chiefs, saying the move is bent on fomenting conflict and disunity in Zanu PF. Under normal circumstances, the ministry of foreign affairs should respond on the matter.

Faction of operatives

Although Sekeramayi has no visible and formal faction inside Zanu PF, we were told the following, all former intelligence operatives sympathise with him from the closet: Nicholas Goche (Cabinet minister, credited with nailing former finance minister Kuruneri and businessman James Makamba); Kembo Mohadi (home affairs for over 10 years); Obert Mpofu (Spies on fellow Zanu PF ministers); Saviour Kasukuwere (started off as a junior CIO operative in Manicaland).

It is now clear that, whatever the outcome of Mugabe’s succession, Sekeramayi as a newly established power broker, has a big influence on where the political pendulum tilts.

 


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Food production in Zimbabwe

http://www.wfp.org/

Food production in Zimbabwe has been devastated by a combination of economic
and political instability, and natural disasters. Recurrent droughts, a
series of poor harvests, high unemployment (estimated at more than 60%),
restructuring of the agriculture sector and a high HIV/AIDS prevalence
rate – at 13.7 per cent, the fifth highest in the world - have all
contributed to increasing levels of vulnerability and acute food insecurity
since 2001. This situation has necessitated large-scale humanitarian food
assistance operations in the country.

While the end of hyperinflation in 2009 had positive effects on food
availability in the marketplace, Zimbabwe continues to battle poor liquidity
and high unemployment rates. Despite some progress, challenges remain in
attracting large-scale investment.

The 2012 Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment Committee (ZimVAC), which
estimates the nation’s annual food insecurity levels, predicts that more
than 1.6 million Zimbabweans will be unable to access sufficient food during
the peak hunger period, January – March 2013. This is the highest level of
food insecurity in the past three years. WFP is responding with a Seasonal
Targeted Assistance programme to help food-insecure households in 40 of the
country’s 60 rural districts. Meanwhile, WFP continues to implement its
year-round health and nutrition and social safety net programmes. These
include support to malnourished HIV/AIDS and TB patients and their
households, pregnant and nursing mothers, children under five, home-based
care patients, and forced migrants from neighboring countries.

At 1,076,772 mt, Zimbabwe’s total cereal production for the 2011-12
production season is one third lower than the previous year. The reduced
cereal production was mainly due to a reduction in the amount of land given
to maize cultivation (19% less than the previous year), the late start of
rains in most areas, prolonged dry spells especially in the southern half of
the country, late distribution and poor access to seeds and fertiliser. Poor
agricultural practices, lack of diversified livelihoods and persistent
macro-economic challenges characterized by a rise in the cost of living have
also contributed to the current food and income security crisis.


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As the farm sector embarks on the arduous road to recovery, the government plans new legislation on irrigation.

http://www.aljazeera.com/
 
 
Zimbabwe eyes food security amid drought
 
Madalitso Mwando Last Modified: 16 Apr 2013 14:42
 

Bulawayo, Zimbabwe - Sibangani Ngwenya raises his arm to show how tall his maize should be standing in a normal March, but a lack of rain means his crop will be a write-off this year.

"There is no water as you can see. This crop should be about this size," said the 55-year-old subsistence farmer in Lower Gweru in Zimbabwe's Midlands Province.

Here rains have been erratic, as in many parts of the country, exposing the need for new ways to help rural farming communities access enough water and produce enough food.

The UN World Food Programme (WFP) estimates that up to 1.6 million Zimbabweans require aid this year after poor harvests left subsistence farmers short of food for their families.

The government has long touted irrigation schemes as key infrastructure that could boost agricultural production. But financing such projects has been tough since Zimbabwe's chaotic land reform programme, which began in 2000, pushed many banks to withdraw support for agricultural activities.

"In many parts of the country, particularly in the south, the maize they harvested barely lasted a few months, bringing an early start to the 'hunger season.'"

- Felix Bamezon, World Food Programme

According to the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), land seizures under the programme led to a rapid decline in farming as the new owners had little or no expertise. Some were dubbed "cell phone farmers" as, unlike the former white landowners, they did not live on the land but in cities, keeping in touch with their farm managers by phone.

Food production plunged in that period, from 2 million tonnes of maize in 2000 to 400,000 in 2010, according to the CFU, which represents mainly white farmers.

Now, as the farm sector starts out on the arduous road to recovery amid shifting climate patterns, the government is planning to support its revival by crafting new legislation on irrigation.

The mechanisation and irrigation ministry is on a countrywide consultation drive to meet with farmers and collect their views to feed into the drafting of an act of parliament, officials said recently in Bulawayo.

Erratic rains

Ngwenya and thousands more farmers in Zimbabwe's south and southwestern regions have suffered from a mix of erratic rains and flash floods. In areas without irrigation schemes, farmers have been left counting their losses. Even at times of abundant water, they are unable to collect and store it for later use.

Zimbabwe, once a major food producer in Africa, has been hit by acute food insecurity in recent years as it grapples with poor farming infrastructure and low levels of investment in the sector.

The land reform programme left millions of dollars' worth of farm assets, including irrigation schemes, in a shambles.

On top of this, the irrigation ministry says climate change is making water scarcer, and because much of the country's agriculture is rain-fed, improving irrigation systems is an urgent priority.

"The country has been experiencing droughts, and this has resulted in food shortages which threaten food security," said Reston Muzamhindo, a principal director in the ministry.

"The government has seen the need to formulate a legal framework for irrigation development to make the country self-sufficient by increasing productivity and production," he added.

The new legislation, if approved, would make it mandatory for the government to allocate spending for large-scale irrigation schemes. Today, support comes mainly from international aid agencies.

Building community assets

Jonathan Tsoka, an engineer with the ministry, said the planned legislation would also introduce policies to coordinate irrigation activities across the country.

"There is a need to come with clear guidelines (as soon as possible) noting that the current policies … are often in conflict and sometimes work against the gains of irrigation development," Tsoka said.

Felix Bamezon, country director for the WFP, said the UN agency is already assisting communities across the country with irrigation, because it offers the best hope for ensuring food security.

"The programme provides assistance to mainly subsistence farmers and other food-insecure vulnerable people who were badly hit by last year's drought," Bamezon said.

"In many parts of the country, particularly in the south, the maize they harvested barely lasted a few months, bringing an early start to the 'hunger season'," he said, adding that food production is increasingly being hit by unpredictable rainfall.

The provision of food aid "makes it possible for vulnerable communities to devote more time and energy to building new infrastructure and learning new skills that will improve their food security", Bamezon added.

In 2012, the WFP helped local communities set up more than 260 assets, such as irrigation schemes, bridges and village gardens, he noted.

Risky investment

As Zimbabwe attempts to regain its position as a net food exporter in the Southern African Development Community (SADC), legislation on irrigation could be a first step towards realising that goal.

"Any potential investor in state-of-the art irrigation still has in mind what has happened here, with expropriation of land and other local economic empowerment initiatives, and all commitments to rebuilding farming will take more than legislation."

- Tomupei Horodza, agro-economist

But government engineer Tsoka said any new irrigation policy must address sources of funding for developing and maintaining irrigation schemes. He raised concerns about the lack of participation by private finance and multilateral finance institutions.

Many consider agriculture a risky investment, especially given ongoing reports of land takeovers by supporters of President Robert Mugabe. Analysts say this has spooked investors, who have turned to other sectors of the economy like mining.

The Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) have drawn attention to the low level of funding for African farming. In December, they appealed for a "global push for increased smart investments in Africa's agriculture, both by governments and the private sector".

In the absence of more financing, Zimbabwe's farmers face "a long road ahead", warned Tomupei Horodza, an agro-economist in Bulawayo.

"Government commitment to transform the sector will mean re-boosting investor confidence, considering the country's recent history in the farming sector," he said.

"Any potential investor in state-of-the art irrigation still has in mind what has happened here, with expropriation of land and other local economic empowerment initiatives, and all commitments to rebuilding farming will take more than legislation," he added.

Analysts say that, unless the government puts a stop to farm seizures and assures that property rights are respected, Zimbabwean agriculture may struggle to regain its full potential.

The legacy of past policies means that Ngwenya and other smallholders like him may not benefit from government-backed irrigation schemes for some time to come.

This article first appeared on the Thomson Reuters Foundation news service

 


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Zimbabwe Food for Assets Part One

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/news/analysis/65002/zimbabwe-food-for-assets-part.html
 

The World Food Programme (WFP) is not only meeting people’s immediate food needs, but also breaking the cycle of hunger by helping communities build productive community assets. SEE VIDEO BELOW


Food-insecure people who are physically able to work on the projects receive food as payment for their labour, and the whole community benefits.

































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Zimbabwe Food for Assets - Part Two

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/news/analysis/65003/zimbabwe-food-for-assets-.html
 

The World Food Programme (WFP) is not only meeting people’s immediate food needs, but also breaking the cycle of hunger by helping communities build or rehabilitate productive community assets.


Food-insecure people who are physically able to work on the projects receive food as payment for their labour, and the whole community benefits.

































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