The principals in the
inclusive government have been meeting in the last two days to iron out critical
election disputes, including the barring of a UN assessment team that was
blocked from entering Zimbabwe last week.
Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai revealed Tuesday that Finance Minister Tendai Biti and Justice
Minister Patrick Chinamasa had been given authority by the principals to seek
external funding for elections, but they could not reach an agreement because
the UN mission sought an unrestricted mandate to meet whoever they
wanted.
ZANU PF is unhappy with the
UN’s conditions to meet civil society organizations.
“The two ministers will
continue to persuade the UN to have a reduced list – especially a list that will
focus primarily on those institutions, political parties and organizations that
have anything to do with elections,” Tsvangirai told journalists shortly after
holding a meeting with President Robert Mugabe.
The Prime Minister added: “So
that is still an outstanding issue and I hope the two ministers will convince
the UN team to proceed because I think funding from that body will only be
conditional if they are allowed to have unrestricted access to various bodies
and institutions.”
The UN mission returned to
New York at the weekend after being stuck in Johannesburg, South Africa for
several days.
The PM said the government is
also looking at modalities of mobilizing funding internally without necessarily
ignoring the need for external support.
Biti told journalist Monday
that if there was honesty in diamond revenues, Zimbabwe should not even be
asking for election funds from outsiders. He said Zimbabwe’s diamond exports
were $800 million last year but only $45 million went to the
Treasury.
Meanwhile, the partners in
the coalition government, who are currently squabbling over the date of the
harmonized election, have also assigned Chinamasa and Constitutional Affairs
Minister Eric Matinenga to draw up a roadmap to a “possible position where the
principals are able to set the date.”
Tsvangirai said the ministers
will consider the legal and political issues surrounding that roadmap. “There
are legal issues like the constitution has to be signed by the President. We
need one voter registration, one month for the voter inspection and one month
notice and we have to consider the last day of parliament,” the PM pointed
out.
He said parliament, which
opens early next month, will definitely be dissolved on June 29th,
but the executive has four months to run elections – up to
October.
Tsvangirai said the same
ministers have been tasked to look at laws to be aligned to the new constitution
or to be adjusted so that parliament can amend the laws before the end of
June.
He said a meeting will be
convened with the four political party leaders in government, including Arthur
Mutambara and Welshman Ncube, next week to look at the proposed road
map.
HARARE — A fact-finding mission by the United
Nations election assessment team, which Finance Minister Tendai Biti on
Monday said had been cleared to enter Zimbabwe, was Tuesday thrown into
doubt after unity government principals failed to agree on granting the team
unrestricted access to all political players in the country, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai has revealed.
Addressing journalists after two days
of meetings by principals in the unity government, Mr. Tsvangirai said, the
matter has been referred back to the finance minister and Justice Minister
Patrick Chinamasa to talk to the UN mission and agree on a list of people
and organizations they should meet while in Zimbabwe.
Mr. Biti told a
press conference Monday that he had agreed with Mr. Chinamasa on who the
fact-finding mission would be allowed to meet, adding unity government
principals had the final say on whether the team would be allowed to meet
civil society leaders or not.
Harare requested $254 million from the UN
for elections but Biti said the figure has since been reduced to $132
million.
Mr. Tsvangirai said no election date has been set yet, adding
principals have assigned the minister of justice and constitutional affairs
to draw an election road map and suggest to the unity government leaders
when they think the elections can be held.
He said parliament should
continue with its daily business until its dissolution on June 29.
He
said funds will be raised so voter registration can start as soon as
possible.
Meanwhile, the Zimbabwe National Student Union president
Pride Mukono told a news conference Tuesday that voter registration must be
decentralised to all tertiary institutions to give students a chance to
register in the forthcoming elections.
Mukono said members of his
organisation will support a grand coalition of what he said are democratic
forces in the country. He urged the two MDC formations to unite against
Zanu-PF in the next elections.
Zimbabwe is due to hold crucial elections
sometime this year to end the shaky coalition government.
HARARe -
Zimbabwe hopes to raise $132 million needed for the forthcoming general
elections from the international community, diamond revenue, mobile
telecommunication firms’ licence fees and mining royalties, as the cash
crisis bites.
Fresh from bankrolling a constitutional referendum
through $40 million raised from a special bond floated to the local unit of
Old Mutual and the State pension fund, Finance minister Tendai Biti said he
had no intention of going that route again to fund the forthcoming watershed
polls.
Old Mutual Zimbabwe and the government-owned National Social
Security Authority (Nssa) are Zimbabwe’s largest fund managers.
“We
essentially, for lack of a better word, raped the economy for the
referendum,” Biti admitted at a news conference.
“We have no
intention of doing so again for the election. It’s not possible to continue
to borrow money from an already over-strained private sector that has in
fact a huge appetite for funds to fund working capital, to fund operational
costs, so we have no intention as Treasury to do that again.”
Zimbabweans
overwhelmingly approved a new constitution in a relatively peaceful March 16
referendum, a crucial step towards a general election later in the
year.
Biti said $132 million would be enough to cover the costs of the
election, and reiterated that Zimbabwe would need the help of foreign donors
to fund its presidential and parliamentary elections.
He however,
expressed alarm at the attempts by Justice and Legal Affairs minister,
Patrick Chinamasa to alter the terms of reference of a UN team that was due
to come and assess the political situation here, but said the issue has been
resolved.
“The international community must come to our assistance,” Biti
said. “They are prepared to come to our assistance, but we have had our own
challenges as a government.”
Biti said they jointly wrote to the UN
on March 4 2013, saying that the world body should come to Zimbabwe, “but as
all you know, one side of the government decided that it was not in the best
interest of the UN to come to Zimbabwe.”
“So we had a situation where
from Wednesday to today, the UN mission was still stranded in Joburg, I
believe they are now trying to make their way back to New York,” Biti
said.
“Yesterday, I spent the whole afternoon in negotiations with the
minister of Justice about the terms of reference of this mission to come
into Zimbabwe.
“We eventually panel beat an agreement which we all signed
in our ugly handwritings, to allow the mission to come. As far as we are
concerned, the mission should come, and there is nothing that should stop it
from coming.
The UN Electoral Needs Assessment Mission (NAM) to Zimbabwe,
led by a member of the UN Electoral Assistance Division Tadjoudine Ali
Diabacte, will meet with Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai, deputy Prime
Minister Arthur Mutambara, chief secretary to the President and Cabinet
Misheck Sibanda, Biti, Chinamasa, Regional Integration minister Priscilla
Misihairabwi-Mushonga, minister of Constitutional Affairs Eric Matinenga,
the co-ministers of Home Affairs Theresa Makone and Kembo Mohadi, Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission, the Registrar General Tobaiwa Mudede, the Fishmongers
(Western) group of ambassadors and Sadc ambassadors.
“We could not
agree on the question of whether or not the mission should see civic
society, so we have agreed that the issue should be resolved by Principals
and I hope that will be done as a matter of urgency,” Biti said.
The
Finance minister said he and Chinamasa had met with Diabacte on Sunday
afternoon and impressed upon him that there is no longer any impediment for
the UN mission to come to Zimbabwe.
“So our hope is that the mission
can come into Zimbabwe as a matter of urgency and talk to all of us on the
list that I have just read,” Biti said.
“It will be tragic if they don’t
come to Zimbabwe. The bottom line is that failure to fund this election
adequately will compromise the quality of the election.”
The
government is battling to bankroll its national budget without donor help
amid cooling economic growth that slowed to 4.4 percent last year from a 9.3
percent expansion in 2011.
Biti said the economy, projected to grow by 5
percent this year, remained “depressed” with tax revenues falling below
target amid burgeoning government spending, especially the salary bill for
its 235 000 employees.
He said he also hoped to bankroll the forthcoming
poll from diamond revenue.
“The other things that should fund elections
are diamond revenues. If there was honesty in diamond revenues, we should
not be asking for money from anyone,” Biti said.
“And that’s a fact.
If you look at last year 2012, our (diamond) exports were $888 million,
(only) $45million came to treasury. To the extent that we own 50 percent of
these diamond mines, the minimum we would have expected to get from $800m is
$300m. $300m would overcome both the referendum and the
elections.”
Biti said the cash-starved government was also in talks
with the three mobile phone operators to raise poll funds. Econet is
Zimbabwe’s largest mobile operator by subscribers and revenue ahead of
Telecel, the Orascom unit, and state-owned Net*One.
“We are also
negotiating with our telecommunications mobile operators vis-a-vis their
license fees which have, as you know, their licenses expire on the 30th of
June, and I hope that logic prevails, wisdom prevails, and a win-win
situation can prevail,” Biti said.
“So I have no doubt that a combination
of the international community, diamond revenue, mobile telecommunications
license fees, and the bit I will do around mining reforms, on royalties, we
should be able to fund this election adequately.
“It is important
that Zimbabwe has a sustainable election, a credible election, an exclusive
and inclusive election. So we have to fund it well.” - Gift Phiri, Political
Editor
SA is in discussions on
whether to help cash-strapped Zimbabwe fund its presidential and
parliamentary elections, says the national treasury.
"South Africa and
Zimbabwe are in discussion on whether the country will give Zimbabwe any
financial assistance," spokesperson Phumza Macanda said.
"We really don't
have much to go on because the discussions are at a sensitive stage. The
terms and conditions of whatever financial assistance are being discussed
and we don't have any details of the loan."
On Monday, Zimbabwe's finance
minister Tendai Biti said his treasury did not have the capacity to fund the
elections and that his country needed about R1.2-billion for the
elections.
Biti said the Zimbabwean government wrote to the United
Nations, South Africa and Angola to ask for loans.
He was reported
later on Monday as saying South Africa would contribute R900-million. The
elections are scheduled to be held in June.
Financial disarray While
the economy is growing – at 5% last year – public finances remain in
disarray. In March the government collected a total of $241-million in
revenue against a target of $301-million.
Exports since January stood
at at $689-million while imports for the same period totalled $1.7-billion.
"We are already under pressure. We are being suffocated even before we
include the elections of 2013," Biti said.
He said the government
received no revenue from diamond mines in January and February and only
$5-million in March against a target of $15-million.
"If there was
honesty from diamond revenue we would not be asking for money from anyone
for the elections," the minister said. Long-time rival Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's camp has accused Mugabe's Zanu-PF of pocketing diamond
revenues.
"We essentially raped the economy for the referendum," Biti
said adding that the funds borrowed for the elections could have been lent
to companies to increase production.
Some companies that had closed
at the height of the economic woes reopened following the formation of the
power-sharing government, but production has remained low.
Zimbabwe
is expected to hold elections at the expiry of a power-sharing government
formed four years ago by Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
There is no agreement yet
on the date of the elections. Mugabe wants them before June 29, while
Tsvangirai wants the elections later in the year to allow for reforms to
ensure a fair vote. – AFP, Sapa
AMUKELANI CHAUKE, TJ STRYDOM and REUTERS
| 16 April, 2013 00:48
MPs are expected to grill the Reserve Bank
today over reports that it will transfer a $100-million (R914-million) loan
to Zimbabwe.
Tendai Biti, Zimbabwe's finance minister, announced that
South Africa had approved the amount as budgetary support for his
cash-strapped country, helping plug a gap in its finances ahead of elections
expected in the second half of this year.
Biti's ministry asked South
Africa for a loan in September, reportedly to reduce Zimbabwe's budget
deficit.
Biti told a press conference yesterday: "Pursuant to discussions
in September, I'm aware that the South African cabinet has made a decision
and it's a positive decision."
The loan is controversial, being
granted amid a flurry of reports of intimidation and arrests of opponents of
President Robert Mugabe ahead of the elections. Mugabe has also vowed not to
allow Western observers to monitor the vote.
National Treasury
spokesman Phumza Macanda said the South African and Zimbabwean governments
were discussing the loan and its terms but refused to comment
further.
"The [loan is] aimed at increasing liquidity in the [Zimbabwean]
financial markets and offering longer-term loans to small and medium-size
enterprises," Macanda said.
"We are therefore not in a position to
discuss the talks."
Though the Treasury has refused to discuss the loan,
or state when the money will be transferred, Nick Koornhof, COPE's spokesman
on finance, said the loan would top the party's list of questions to the
Reserve Bank when its representatives appear before the parliamentary
portfolio committee on finance today.
The Reserve Bank was, before
yesterday's loan reports, scheduled to appear before the committee to
present its quarterly review.
"We have a finance committee meeting
[today] and I intend to raise it with the committee that we will ask the
Treasury to at least give us all the set of conditions [attached] to that
loan, and what it is for.
"Is it intended for election purposes? How will
they monitor that and why did it take so long to resolve this matter? Were
there things we don't know about?"
Koornhof said COPE was likely to
direct similar questions to the Reserve Bank.
David Ross MP, the DA's
spokesman on finance, said his party would also ask the Reserve Bank about
the implications of the loan.
His colleague, Tim Harris, said: "We
believe that the finance minister has a duty to convince South Africans that
any financial support provided to Zimbabwe needs to be conditional on the
money being spent on specifically defined projects that will improve the
prospects of real democracy in Zimbabwe through free and fair
elections.
"Under no circumstances should we tolerate extending a credit
line without strict political conditions."
Though knowledge of the
loan conditions is sketchy, the cash injection is being made at a time when
South Africa's own finances are stretched.
Weaker economic growth
adversely affected tax revenue in South Africa during the past
year.
SARS announced this month that revenue collection was R12-billion
below the target proposed in the previous year's Budget.
In 2011,
when the Treasury approved a R2.4-billion bailout for Swaziland, ostensibly
to force its ruler, King Mswati III, to introduce political reforms, public
pressure forced the government to reveal all the conditions of the
bailout.
Zimbabwe's economy has been on the mend since President Robert
Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai agreed to share power after
disputed 2008 elections but it is still suffering from a hangover after a
decade-long recession widely blamed on Mugabe.
With the Treasury
making it clear that discussions between the two countries were not for
public consumption, reports hinted that Zimbabwe - which voted on its
constitutional referendum last month - needed the money to fund its
forthcoming elections.
Biti said the elections will cost
$132-million.
He said Zimbabwe borrowed $40-million domestically to fund
the referendum, despite the country's weak economic position.
"We
essentially raped the economy for the referendum," he said, adding that the
funds could otherwise have been lent to companies to increase
production.
But, despite all parties voting in the referendum, human
rights and pro-democracy groups said more than a week ago that election
intimidation by Zanu-PF supporters was mounting.
In March, Zimbabwe
rebuffed calls for Western observers to be allowed to monitor the elections,
citing the sanctions applied against Mugabe and his
acolytes.
Yesterday, Paul Hoffman, director of the Institute for
Accountability in Southern Africa, said: "The human rights record of
Zimbabwe suggests that we should not touch them with a barge pole."
April 18this a day set aside for Zimbabweans to
commemorate their liberation from the callous colonial regime after a long-drawn
struggle that cost many lives.
It should be a time when both
young and old reflect on the sacrifices of thousands of Zimbabweans, some of
whom did not live to see the dawn of that day in 1980, when the black majority
officially defeated and replaced the white minority.
Back then, the day was marked
with befitting pomp and ceremony, with everyone who chose to celebrate,
participating willingly in the hope that this was a new era.
Sadly, that spirit was
short-lived and has waned over the years with disenchanted Zimbabweans across
the country narrating ordeals of continuous harassment, intimidation and
dispossession at the hands of liberation war movement ZANU PF.
Recent events –where arrests
and torture of innocent citizens whose only crime is their failure to express
rabid support for ZANU PF — have raised questions about the real meaning of
Zimbabwe’s Independence, with many convinced that we simply replaced one cruel
regime with an equally callous one.
Speaking to SW Radio Africa,
listeners told how they are being forced by ZANU PF to fork out amounts ranging
from $5-$11 as contributions towards the April 18thcelebrations.
“We have been told that if we
don’t pay the money, we will be charged and sentenced to do community service by
the chief,” Pagiwa Sithole of Mbire Ward, Manicaland, told SW Radio Africa’s
listener-driven Callback programme.
“What we find disappointing
is that most of us are not employed, and have no means of raising the $12 which
we are being forced to pay. There was a drought this season and so we can’t even
sell anything to raise the money,” Sithole added.
Before the land invasions and
the chaotic redistribution exercise of 2000, resources for such events and
celebrations would be taken care of by proceeds from the CAMPFIRE programme – an
initiative aimed at the sustainable utilisation of the country’s natural
resources.
But these resources have been
plundered and pillaged during the Mugabe-driven lawlessness of the past decade,
meaning that rural communities now have the extra burden of paying for what
others say has become a ZANU PF project.
Another listener, going by
the name of ‘January’ for fear of victimization, said: “Independence has lost
its lustre. When we first celebrated, we thought it was a national event, but
over the years, ZANU PF has hijacked it to the extent that the event is
punctuated by the chanting of the regime’s slogans.”
‘January’, of Mvurwi, also
revealed that villagers have been told to contribute $5 towards the April
18thcelebrations, which
come amid revelations that some people in Ward 26 have been dispossessed of the
plots of land they were given during the redistribution
exercise.
“How then can we say we are
truly independent when citizens are offered land and then dispossessed just
because they belong to another party? We shouldn’t even be paying for the
Independence Day celebrations. Those freedom fighters waged the liberation
struggle to reclaim that the country’s resources from the white minority,”
‘January’ said.
“The country has vast amounts
of diamonds and that should raise enough revenue to pay for such national
events, but because only a few are enjoying the fruits of Zimbabwe’s
independence, that is not the case,” ‘January’ said.
Hlaselani Mangena, an exiled
Zimbabwean in South Africa, said real Independence has eluded many of the
country’s youths, hence the massive exodus to South Africa where they have to
grapple with xenophobia on a daily basis.
“I wouldn’t be in South
Africa if Zimbabwe was truly independent. People are still living in fear, they
are suffering under oppression, older people are not being catered for by the
government,” Mangena said.
“Looking at the youth,
especially those from the Matebeleland region, we might as well be living in
1970 because there have been no plans to empower them economically or even
through the education system so what independence can we talk about,” asked
Mangena.
Mangena added that
Zimbabweans should recognise that ZANU PF had over the years strategically
appropriated and monopolised the Independence narrative. He urged all
Zimbabweans to reclaim April 18th by voting the regime out of
power.
The MDC-T election directorate met in Harare on Monday and decided
to call for primary elections for early May, where members will compete to
stand as candidates for the party in the general elections.
The party
had earlier said the internal vetting system for candidates will be
conducted shortly after the April 18th Independence Day celebrations, but
decided to move the dates to early next month.
Party spokesperson
Douglas Mwonzora told SW Radio Africa the election directorate will now
forward the new timeline and sequence of elections to the National Council,
which is expected to meet on Wednesday to announce the actual date for the
primaries.
“In respect of those areas where we do not have sitting
members of parliament the primaries will start in those areas. After that we
will deal with confirmations for the sitting MPs and if a sitting MP does
not pass then primaries will be held in those constituencies,” Mwonzora
explained.
He said because “we don’t have the luxury of time,” the
confirmation process for sitting legislators, which usually takes place
before the primaries, will be held last – after the opening of
parliament.
Parliament is expected to open on May 7th, where the
Constitutional Bill is going to be tabled and debated. It is hoped that the
confirmation delay will give sitting lawmakers time to take part in the
debate around the key legislation, as some of them may be dropped by their
party after the vetting process. Those who fail are supposed to go through
full primary elections.
Meanwhile, a showdown is looming between party
cadres in some hotly contested areas. On Tuesday Makoni South MP Pishai
Muchauraya was slapped with attempted murder charges after his challenger,
former Daily News editor, Geoffrey Nyarota accused the legislator of
threatening him with death.
Observers say the latest developments are
unfortunate as the MDC-T in Manicaland should be taking advantage of the
serious ZANU PF infighting in the province to launch programs and mobilise
support ahead of elections.
ZANU PF national chairman Simon Khaya-Moyo
has been deployed by the Politburo to probe the factional fighting that
threatens to destroy the party in the province.
Moyo’s visit to the
eastern highlands follows a petition by officials who accused Didymus
Mutasa, the secretary for administration, of causing factionalism and
imposition of candidates.
President Robert Mugabe’s party is yet to
announce the dates and ground rules for what appears to be a potentially
divisive primary elections.
The other partner in the coalition
government, the MDC led by Professor Welshman Ncube, is yet to announce
primary election dates.
MATOBO - Deputy
Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe has warned senior police officers who are
getting involved in politics now, saying they face dismissal should the MDC
win the forthcoming polls.
“According to our both new and old
constitutions police officers should not get involved in politics,” Khupe,
who is also the mainstream MDC vice president, told hundreds of MDC
supporters at a rally in Matopo South on Sunday.
“I would like to
warn those police officers who are going around saying, Pamberi ne Zanu PF
while there are still in police force that bhasopo because you will be
trouble in our new government.”
Khupe spoke as a serving top police
officer Oliver Mandipaka earned promotion from the rank of chief
superintendent to assistant commissioner even though he is campaigning to be
Member of Parliament for Buhera South on President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF
ticket in apparent breach of the law enforcement agency’s resign-to-run
rule.
The Police Act clearly states that a police officer who intends to
contest an election shall resign from office before embarking on a campaign
or the date of the election.
Mandipaka has been distributing fliers
in Buhera, showing him in Zanu PF regalia but has said he has no intention
of quitting the force.
Khupe said Zanu PF will collapse after election
later this year after a resounding defeat by her party.
“Once you go
in numbers to vote for our president Tsvangirai, that will be the end of
Zanu PF,” she said.
Khupe said an MDC government was going to revive more
than 90 companies which shutdown in Bulawayo. “We are going to revive all
Bulawayo companies which were shut down because of Zanu PF misrule,” she
said.
“We want to stop our children from endangering their lives while
crossing into South Africa to look for jobs. We have investors who are ready
to come.”
Bulawayo used to be the hub of industrial activity in the
country but in recent years big companies have closed down or relocated to
other cities.
This has seen more than 20 000 people losing their
jobs.
Last year Finance minister Tendai Biti launched the Distressed
Industries and Marginalised Areas Fund to revive Bulawayo
industries.
Under Dimaf, the government, in partnership with Old Mutual
through CABS, committed itself to providing $40 million for the revival of
industries. - Pindai Dube
By Richard Chidza, Staff
Writer Tuesday, 16 April 2013 10:43
HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai’s MDC wants regional bloc Sadc to force the country’s military
bosses to declare they will accept this year’s watershed poll regardless of
the winner.
MDC spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora told the Daily News
yesterday that his party is pushing for an urgent summit on Zimbabwe’s
looming elections.
“I can confirm we are pushing for an urgent (Sadc)
summit that we think should be held soon to deal with Zimbabwe’s electoral
issues in particular the political playfield,” Mwonzora said.
“We
want Sadc to take a firm stance on the role of the security sector in the
coming elections.”
The move by Tsvangirai and his party is likely to stir
a hornet’s nest given that Mugabe has steadfastly declared that the
“military is a no go area.”
Zanu PF spokesperson Rugare Gumbo immediately
scoffed at the MDC move.
“Why should Sadc be involved in internal matters
and why should an opposition party invite Sadc?” Gumbo queried.
“Sadc
will not countenance such nonsense. I think it is inexperience in diplomatic
matters by the MDC. It is time wasting. Sadc will deal with fundamental
matters.”
However, Mwonzora said his party wanted Sadc to insist on a
strict adherence to the rule of law and in particular the observance of the
new draft constitution’s provisions.
“Zimbabweans must campaign and
vote freely without being molested,” Mwonzora said. “The provisions of the
new charter are adequate but we want Sadc to make sure they are respected to
the letter and spirit especially by security services no matter who emerges
the winner of the elections.”
Mwonzora said Sadc must tackle security
sector reforms to “get rid of the ghost of 2008 fiasco in which the military
was heavily involved.”
Several high-ranking members of the military and
the police have consistently taken every opportunity to declare they will
not accept any leader without liberation war credentials.
Tsvangirai
has however, insisted on security sector reforms as espoused by the Global
Political Agreement (GPA).
Zimbabwe’s security sector as well as
paramilitary groups aligned to Zanu PF were fingered in systematic violence
during the 2008 elections run-off from which Tsvangirai pulled out at the
eleventh hour citing intimidation and the murder of over 200 of his
supporters.
The MDC-T spokesman for Manicaland
province Pishai Muchauraya was on Tuesday charged by the police with two
counts of threats to ‘murder’ his party’s political rival Geoff
Nyarota.
The two are expected to square off in the party primaries for
the Makoni South constituency due at the end of April or early May. One of
those who allegedly received death threats from Muchauraya is Sophia
Chibayambuya, Nyarota’s aunt and an MDC-T aspiring councilor in the same
constituency.
Nyarota, a seasoned journalist and former editor of the
Daily News before it was banned a decade ago, is challenging Muchauraya for
the right to represent the MDC-T in the parliamentary elections due anytime
between now and September this year.
Muchauraya however denies the
charges and is expected to appear in court on Wednesday for a bail hearing.
His lawyer Tonderai Bhatasara told SW Radio Africa that the alleged threats
are said to have been issued between the 25th and 28th of February this
year.
“The MP signed a warned and cautioned statement at the Harare
central police station today (Wednesday) but he vehemently denies the
charges. This is political mud-slinging aimed at tarnishing my client’s
stature and reputation,” Bhatasara said.
Nyarota said he could not
comment on a matter that is now a police case, but confirmed he generated an
affidavit that is being used against Muchauraya.
“After I received the
threats I notified the relevant authorities in the MDC but getting no
response I went to the police afraid I would be killed,” Nyarota
said.
In his affidavit, Nyarota claims that on the morning of Thursday,
February 28th 2013, he received a telephone call from a private number, with
the caller telling him in Shona: “Uri benzi. Uri zibenzi.” (You are a fool.
You are a big fool.)
“He (the caller) then hung up the phone. He
immediately called again. This time he said: ‘Uri zibenzi. Uri kutuma anhu
ako kwendiri, Asi uchafa. Ndinokuuraya. Ndinouraya inini. Anondiziya anoziya
kuti ndinouraya’. (You are a big fool. You are sending your people to me.
But you are going to die. I am going to kill you. I am a killer. Those who
know me are aware that I am a killer),” Nyarota said.
“The accused
was speaking in pure Chindau. I recognized the voice of Muchauraya. He comes
from Chipinge and normally speaks in unadulterated Chindau,” claimed
Nyarota.
A senior party official called for restraint from both parties,
urging the two protagonists to allow democracy to take its
course.
But party spokesman Douglas Mwonzora told said they will not
interfere with the police investigations or the court case, but will take
retrospective action based on their own investigations.
“The party
does not have any information on the veracity of the allegations. The party
is careful not to intervene lest it be seen to be obstructing justice. We
will wait to know from the court what really transpired,” Mwonzora
said.
He added: “However, the party will do its own investigations to see
if there’s any substance in the allegations. If it is true the party will
take action and if it not, then the party will also take action. We want to
know the motivation of this whole matter.”
Villagers in Chisumbanje are said to be losing
patience and demanding answers from the authorities, who claimed that the
contentious ethanol plant there would reopen last month.
The plant
has been closed since early last year amid worsening tensions between the
community and the plant’s investors. The community has lost land, livestock
and income as a result of the plant, while some people have faced violence
and intimidation.
The ethanol plant is owned by controversial businessman
Billy Rautenbach who has strong links to ZANU PF ministers. In 2009 ZANU PF
Minister Didymus Mutasa gave Rautenbach permission to take over 5,000
hectares of land at the Chisumbanje Estate (then owned by the Agricultural
and Rural Development Authority – ARDA) to grow sugarcane for production of
ethanol fuel. In the same year Mutasa reportedly signed a letter authorising
Rautenbach to operate the ethanol project at Chisumbanje, but never
disclosed this to Cabinet.
It however appeared last month that some
progress was being made towards dispelling the tensions, after the company
running the plant, Green Fuel, said it was reopening. The state mouthpiece
Herald newspaper reported that Green Fuel was welcoming back its employees,
and production was expected to resume completely by April 4th. This was
reportedly after a directive by Vice President Joice Mujuru.
But
according to the Platform for Youth Development Trust, the plant remains
shut and residents have been left fuming. The Trust’s Director Claris
Madhuku told SW Radio Africa on Tuesday that there is serious anger in the
community “who are suffering because the plant remains
closed.”
Madhuku said that efforts by a government committee tasked with
resolving the tensions between the community and the plant’s owners appeared
to be making headway. This committee, headed by Deputy Prime Minister Arthur
Mutambara, was making progress according to Madhuku.
“To date up to
five meetings have been done with the village representatives, company
representatives, elected councillors, traditional leadership, member of
parliament and council officials all sharing a spirit of progress. Key
resolutions were then made on the 21st of February 2013 and a letter
accompanied the resolutions done on behalf of the community to Professor
Mutambara. But he is still to respond,” Madhuku explained.
He added:
“Villagers now blame the absence of communication between themselves and
Mutambara as the source of new challenges, and they are demanding
answers.”
Madhuku said that many of the problems at the plant stem from
widespread confusion among the various stakeholders involved, and the
ongoing politicisation of the issues.
“The MDC is blaming ZANU PF and
ZANU PF is blaming the MDC. But as long as the plant is not reopened it is
the community hat suffers. So the speculation and confusion must be
explained once and for all,” Madhuku said.
Tuesday, 16 April 2013 10:36 HARARE -
Six Hurungwe chiefs in Mashonaland West have petitioned President Robert
Mugabe asking him to sack Hurungwe East legislator Sarah Mahoka on
allegations of disregarding traditional customs and stealing presidential
inputs.
In a March 1, 2013 letter to Mugabe written in vernacular,
chiefs Mujinga, Dendera, Nyamhunga, Nematombo, Chundu and Dandawa accuse
Mahoka of abusing the presidential inputs scheme.
“Vanoremekedzwa,
isu semadzimambo ekuHurungwe District tiri kuisa zvichemo zvedu kwamuri
pamusoro petsika nemagariro naMP Mai Mahoka vekuHurungwe East Constituency
asiri kutifadza (As chiefs we write to express disgruntlement at Mrs
Mahoka’s disregard for traditional customs).
“Zvakatanga apo MP Mahoka
vakatsoropodza Mambo Mujinga izvo zvisina kutiitira zvakanaka.Mugore ra2011
MP Mahoka vakatora presidential inputs kubva mumaoko aMambo Mujinga vakapa
vanhu vavo vavaida.(It started when MP Mahoka cast aspersions on Chief
Mujinga.
She also took farming inputs from Chief Mujinga and distributed
them to her preferred beneficiaries.)
“Vari kugadza masabhuku
munzvimbo dzakagariswa vanhu patsva zvisina mvumo yaMambo Mujinga (She is
also enthroning headmen without authority from the chief),” reads part of
the letter.
The traditional leaders bitterly complained to Mugabe that
Mahoka is usurping their powers as well as supporting rival claimants to the
Dendera chieftainship for political expedience hence their appeal to
Mugabe.
“Pamusangano watakaita musi wa February 28, 2013 takaona kuti MP
Mahoka havafanire kunge vari mumatunhu edu uye tsika dzakashata dzakadai
dzinoodza magariro evanhu vazhinji. (We resolved after a meeting held on
February 28, 2013 that she should not be an MP in our area because of her
disregard for culture which is disruptive to our way of life),” the chiefs
complained.
The letter was copied to Hurungwe District administrator,
provincial administrator and governor for the province Faber Chidarikire who
could neither deny nor confirm receipt of the letter.
“I am in a
meeting right now, I will only be able to discuss the letter with you later
in the day,” Chidarikire said.
Mahoka who is also Zanu PF women’s league
chairperson for Mashonaland West however denied the allegations saying she
was in good books with Chief Mujinga and accused her political rivals of
coaxing him to sign the damning letter.
“The chief likes me a lot, in
fact I am liked by everybody in the province including MDC supporters,” said
Mahoka, adding that she never laid her hands on presidential inputs as they
were distributed by traditional leaders.
“Traditional leaders were
responsible for the inputs and there is no way I could have touched them. I
have my own resources, I have my farm given to me by president Mugabe and no
one can remove me from this area.” - Mugove Tafirenyika
WASHINGTON DC — The Progressive Teachers’ Union
of Zimbabwe (PTUZ) has written to the International Labour Organization
(ILO) complaining about what it says is the government’s continued
contravention of labour laws, the politicization of the classrooms and
related issues.
In its letter written Monday, the union said it is not
happy with the recently adopted draft constitution which it says falls below
its members’ labour expectations.
The teachers’ union also said it is
unhappy about the de-harmonization of labour laws governing civil servants
and private sector workers, the government’s failure to recognise the Apex
Council leadership and stagnant civil servant salaries.
The PTUZ also
claims that political parties in the inclusive government continue to invade
schools for political purposes with teachers being harassed and
bullied.
This is not the first time that a Zimbabwean labour organisation
has raised complaints to ILO. A few years ago the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions wrote to the world labour body resulting in a commission of
inquiry into labour issues in Zimbabwe.
Recommendations were made to
the government but are yet to be implemented.
PTUZ general secretary
Raymond Majongwe said they expect ILO to engage Zimbabwe on the issues they
raised during the next ILO conference in June this year.
Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku
Monday 15 April 2013 granted an application filed by three former
legislators to hear their appeal against the dismissal of their petition in
the High on an urgent basis. To that end the Supreme Court has ordered the
Registrar of the High Court to prepare the record of proceedings in the
lower court and transmit the same to the Supreme Court. Thereafter, the
Registrar of the Supreme Court was also ordered to set down the matter after
the appellants, Abednico Bhe
The urgent chamber application for the
urgent hearing of the by-elections case had been filed by the three
legislators’ lawyer Tawanda Zhuwarara of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights,
who had argued that there was a need to hear the matter urgently following
Judge President Justice George Chiweshe’s ruling on 8 April 2013 excusing
President Robert Mugabe from complying with the court’s order.
Tuesday, 16 April 2013 10:57 HARARE - Zimbabwe is
importing Genetically Modified Organism (GMO) maize from South Africa after
its newly- resettled farmers failed to provide enough food to feed its 12
million citizens.
Presenting a State of the Economy Report yesterday,
Finance minister Tendai Biti said government has allowed imports of GMOs
from the neighbouring country despite earlier declarations by President
Robert Mugabe that Zimbabweans will not consume GMOs.
Mugabe and
Agricultural minister Joseph Made are both on record vowing that Zimbabweans
will not be subjected to any genetically modified foodstuffs as this has a
long-term consequence on health.
But Biti said there was not enough maize
for the nation and government has been forced to import GMOs.
Biti
said this is not the first time that government is allowing GMO foodstuff in
the country as it once imported prior to the formation of the inclusive
government in 2009.
“The country urgently needs 150 metric tonnes to
August 2013 and private millers themselves have the financial capacity to
import 150 metric tonnes,” Biti said.
“I need to tell Zimbabwe that
part of the grain that they are importing is actually GMO grain.”
The
minister said these GMOs will be milled under tight security conditions
under heavy police guard to ensure that the imported maize is not planted
for agricultural purposes.
“When the grain is imported, it is milled
under very secured environment, the police will have to be there to ensure
that nobody takes the grain and goes and plant it in a little field in
Dotito or Chendambuya. They are already doing so and they are already
importing,” Biti said.
GMOs have serious health implications that
include, obesity, and cause massive changes in the natural functioning of
DNA, according to health experts.
To highlight the precarious food
situation, Biti said the fragile coalition resolved at its recent Cabinet
meeting to take its begging bowl to the UN World Food Programme (WFP) to
plug the food deficit.
Biti said his ministry is also going to release $5
million towards the purchase of 150 000 tonnes of maize from Zambia under a
government-to-government deal which he described as “non-accommodative” as
it is expensive compared to importing from South Africa.
“We have
agreed as government that we make what is referred in NGO (non-governmental
organisations) lingo as a consolidated appeal to the donors through the WFP,
but this is just for the shortfall between now and harvest deliveries,” Biti
said. - Xolisani Ncube
Via Press
Release: Chitungwiza - Youth in Chitungwiza on Sunday laid down demands that
they said would enable the holding of a free and fair poll ahead of the
watershed plebiscite expected later this year.
Speaking to Youth Agenda
Trust on the sidelines of the Play Your Vote Sports Tournament held in
Zengeza 3, youths drawn across Chitungwiza said the Inclusive Government
must fix all outstanding issues in the implementation of the Global
Political Agreement (GPA) before elections are held.
Among some of the
reforms the youths demanded included security sector realignment, a robust
national healing and reconciliation framework, audit of the voter’s roll and
comprehensive voter education and education on the new
constitution.
The youths also challenged the principals to the GPA to
assure the youths that the violence that rocked the 2008 elections will not
erupt again as Zimbabwe looks at turning a new corner and emulate the recent
elections in Kenya.
The youths who were from various political and
social affiliations said they want international observers to come and
monitor the elections and for SADC to ensure that Harare strictly adheres to
the body’s guidelines on the conduct of free and fair elections.
“We
do not want to be bullied by politicians this time around. The last time we
witnessed our brothers and sisters running away from their homes, all in the
name of elections. We do not want that situation to be repeated again. As
the youth of Chitungwiza, we have all come together today to speak out
against violence in all its different forms, said Obey Mwariwangu of
Zengeza.
A petition by the youths will soon be tabled before the
principals to the GPA which clearly outlines the demands of the youths as
well as a collective youth manifesto.
T-shirts and caps with voter
education messages aimed at young people provided with support from the
Youth Empowerment and Transformation Trust (YETT) were distributed. The
regalia were inscribed with messages, “Real Swagg is My Vote” and “Kana
usina kuregister wakasara”.
Meanwhile, the sports tournament which was
organized by Youth Agenda to urge the youth to register to vote was briefly
disrupted by a group of suspected Zanu PF supporters driving a white Honda
CRV. They left the ground after making several movements across the soccer
field before they went to fetch the officer in charge at St Mary’s police
station identified as Inspector Badza.
Badza came and quizzed the
youth on the motive of the sports games and confessed that he had been
tipped off by Zanu PF supporters but found no offence with the
activities.
The incident served a reminder that despite all the efforts
that are being made to inculcate a culture of peace in the country, there
are some who are still living in the past and do not want to
repent.
In 2008, Zimbabwe held a forgettable run-off election that ended
up with President Robert Mugabe as the sole contestant and winner but saw
hundreds of innocent Zimbabweans perishing while others were left without
limbs. The election was widely condemned and described by SADC as a
sham.
NCA Press Release: The National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), calls
upon all its members and every Zimbabwean to join the celebrations of
Independence Day on 18 April. On 18 April 1980, after decades of colonial
and white supremacy rule, we proved to ourselves and the world that Zimbabwe
was now a democracy. We must however always remember, as we celebrate our
freedom, that it was not won without struggle and sacrifice. Thousands of
members of the liberation movement were arrested, jailed, tortured, exiled
or even sacrificed their lives to help free our nation from racist
tyranny.
In particular we dip our flags in honour of two of our greatest
leaders, Josiah Magama Tongogara and Hebert Chitepo ,who both passed away on
the eve of our independence and thus narrowly missed the chance to witness
the democratic breakthrough that they did more than most to bring
about.
While we have much to commemorate we also have a lot still to
achieve before we can say that all Zimbabweans are really free. We cannot
ignore the millions of Zimbabweans who live in poverty who cannot benefit
from political freedom, as they face a daily struggle to
survive.
Millions of our people cannot find work and the millions still
living in squatter camps fully celebrate their 'freedom' as they struggle to
find ways to earn a decent living and live in a proper house?
We also
have to shrink the massive levels of inequality which have made Zimbabwe the
most unequal society in the world. Such inequality mocks our struggle to
build a free, fair and equitable society. Neither can we celebrate freedom
when our society is scarred by such high levels of crime and
corruption.
Gross inequalities in wealth distribution, health and
education remain defined along political lines just similar to the time it
was done along racial lines. The fault lines of the colonial economy remain
largely intact.
In the main it is the children of the poor, the working
class whose educational experience is marked by poor learning
infrastructure, high tuition fees, classroom overcrowding, high dropout
rates and unsafe schools. There are equally glaring discrepancies in the
quality of health care, with a first-world service for the wealthy in
government and the private sector and a third-world service for the poor in
the public sector.
The highest levels of poverty and underdevelopment are
also still concentrated in our townships and rural areas.
Also denied
the full fruits of our freedom are the millions who suffer from HIV/AIDS and
other deadly diseases - many of them diseases caused by poverty. The
millions who suffer from HIV/AIDS and other deadly diseases, many of which
are diseases of poverty, are also not truly free. Many of these diseases
would have disappeared if people could afford quality food and had access to
the medicines they need, including antiretrovirals for people living with
HIV/AIDS. We urge all our members to get themselves tested.
33 years
after a protracted war, the nation will finally adopt a new constitution, a
constitution which the leaders of the land imposed on the people. The fruits
of freedom cannot be enjoyed if you have no job, no money, no food on the
table, nothing to pay your children's school fees or no proper health care
for your family. This new constitution will never guarantee our freedom. It
retains power on one person, a big legislature and it does not compel the
state to allocate a specified minimum percentage of the nation’s revenue to
deal with the needs of the poor.
The only way for the people of Zimbabwe,
our families and our communities to win real and total freedom is for us to
get organised in strong, fighting trade unions, a strong alliances and civil
society formations and fight for a genuine people driven constitution and
the realisation of the Peoples Charter.
We will forever remain
indebted by the revolutionary and progressive step made by the 179 849 brave
Zimbabweans who voted NO in the referendum, not only did they voted wisely,
but it was in honour and in defence of our independence.
We must
recruit and organise all in colleges, in factories, churches, and all
sectors. We must drastically improve our own civic organisations, so that
they recruit more `members as we prepare to fight bigger struggles ahead.
Via Press
Release - By Precious Shumba, Director, Harare Residents’ Trust (HRT): The
election season is upon us. Political parties are busy screening their
candidates. Politicians have become the most visible leaders across
Zimbabwe. Some of the political leaders and civil society leaders have
described the next Harmonised Elections the second to the 1980 Independence
Elections. Others have described this coming election as a decider of the
fate of anti-democrats, who are set to be quarantined to the dustbin of
political history, based on their own interpretation of events unfolding in
the country.
The truth of the matter is that this next Harmonised
Election will be fought on five key issues, namely indigenisation, job
creation, economic revival, the security of the citizens, the track record
of electoral contenders, given that the three main political parties have
had an opportunity to demonstrate their capacity in their time in the
Inclusive Government, established on 13 February 2009. This is across the
board, from the executive, national and local government.
The actual
performance of the three parties, forming the Inclusive Government will go a
long way in determining who gets the majority vote. In the next elections
the citizens of Zimbabwe will determine who become the next President of
Zimbabwe, and not any foreign power, or opinion polls will deliver the vote
to any one of the political parties.
Zanu PF has unceasingly distracted
the urban local authorities to run their affairs through abuse of executive
powers bestowed on the Minister of Local Government, Rural and Urban
Development Ignatius Chombo by allegedly interfering with the tendering
processes and dismissal of corrupt councillors.
The MDCs have not
really pushed for the democratisation of the local government sector where
citizens remain peripheral players. The Urban Councils’ Act Chapter 29:15,
remains problematic to residents as they are treated with contempt by both
the councillors and the administrators of local authorities, and the
Ministry of Local Government, Rural and Urban Development brought its
amendments of the Urban Councils Act, aided by MDC Members of Parliament.
Urban councils are now being run by powerless Mayors, and committees of
council exclude residents in major decisions. This matter will influence
voters in a major way. The MDCs have to respond well to this through a
careful selection of its candidates otherwise they will be damaged by the
calibre of leaders they will present to the electorate, competing against
Zanu PF candidates.
Zanu PF is determined to retain the presidency, and
recover its majority in Parliament and in the Senate. With presidency in
the bag, they look forward to appoint their trusted cadres, among them
those who are holding portfolios today in local government, security, home
affairs, defence, and introduce some changes in the portfolios that are
currently held by the MDC formations. At the same time, the MDC, surnamed
Tsvangirai, has already started creating messages that impress upon the
voter the decisive nature of the forthcoming elections where ‘they are
marching to State House with Save,’ and condemning other political actors
as imitators, whose political life will end after the elections.
But
the MDC, led by Professor Welshman Ncube is not folding its arms. They are
busy re-organising, and trying to select election candidates by consensus,
trying to avoid the risky primary elections, which have the potential to
bring more conflict within the same political party ahead of crucial
elections. According to media reports, this MDC side has already confirmed
its presidential candidate, just like the MDC-T and Zanu PF.
Political
actors like Dr Simba Makoni (Mavambo Kusile Dawn), former ZIPRA intelligence
supremo Cde Dumiso Dabengwa (Zapu), and MDC99 leader Job Sikhala have not
yet shown where they are going at a national scale, in terms of visible
mobilisation of the electorate, and marketing their priorities, policies and
plans in the event they occupy the Presidency.
The real electoral contest
will be among Zanu PF, MDC-T and MDC. That is not to say that the MKD,
MDC99 and Zapu are not major players, but that they have not demonstrated
consistency and hunger to really transform Zimbabwe starting with a visible
grassroots presence.
Zimbabwe has been unfortunate to have only one
president since independence in 1980. Zanu PF has been the dominant party,
backed by the President’s Office, the Military, the Prisons, the Police and
youths militia. This has been possible because of an all too powerful
Executive Presidency that has been able to determine how things happen,
within the institutions of the State, reducing the influence and power of
the Judiciary and the Legislature.
Within this context of analysing
the likely scenarios that will emerge from the elections, there is need to
examine the position of Zimbabwe’s civil society, as a key player in the
political of transition in the country. The majority of the civil society
organisations would prefer the ouster of Zanu PF from power owing to its
abuse of authority, the persecution of civic leaders, rampant corruption in
the exploitation of the nation’s minerals resulting in endemic poverty and
underdevelopment, and the subsequent of opaque administration of the
revenue generated, high unemployment levels in the country, and an abusive
security sector that acts with impunity towards those opposed to Zanu PF’s
rule.
Some of the civil society leaders are mostly advocating for a
coalition of political parties around the candidacy of the MDC’s Morgan
Tsvangirai as a proposed recipe to defeat Zanu PF and ascend to the
Presidency, and take charge of the Government of Zimbabwe. A lot of energy
has been devoted to making this proposal acceptable, and it is being touted
as the only realistic chance of ending Zanu PF’s dominance of Zimbabwe
political life. They argue that without a coalition, Zanu PF will remain in
charge of Zimbabwe. There are concerned stakeholders who have taken it upon
themselves to approach the various political leaders, arguing for the
establishment of a coalition against Zanu PF in the coming Harmonised
Elections. Whether this initiative is driven by selfish motives or genuine
desire for a transformation is beyond the scope of this paper.
In my
opinion, a coalition among the other political parties against Zanu PF has
no prospect of success without the necessary drive among the political
leaders in either the MDC-T or MDC.
Previously, the Ncube MDC has
accused the Tsvangirai MDC of being abusive and treating them like
nonentities in electoral contests, arguing that the MDC-T has the capacity
to go it alone. Within the same context, there are officials in the MDC-T
who have not forgiven Professor Ncube for his principled stand to defend
the democratic vote of a united MDC national council executive meeting on
12 October 2005 with 31 councillors voting against participating in the
senate elections and 33 councillors favouring participation, causing the
split. I personally doubt it was the only cause. Tsvangirai reportedly
overturned this binding resolution and decided against participating,
although the MDC-T is now represented in the senate.
That split was
unnecessary as it was premature and retrogressive. I personally believe that
this was a personalised battle of influence between Professor Ncube and
Tsvangirai. Both leaders could have swallowed their pride and built a
stronger movement for democratic change than the delay they both
engineered, with encouragement from their lieutenants who were also
desperate to be in positions of influence within their political parties.
There are individuals that surround Tsvangirai and Ncube that have no wish
to rejoin hands because they have tasted power, and will apparently work
behind the scenes to scuttle efforts at forming an alliance.
Suppose the
coalition is established, will MDC-T favour Ncube to lead the coalition or
they will stick with Tsvangirai, arguing he is the ‘face of the struggle’
and demands that every other political party wanting the coalition should
rally behind Tsvangirai. Or maybe the coalition partners will find a new
person altogether. Ideally, Tsvangirai has the clout of national presence,
but the question is, is he capable to bridging differences among diverse
people from differing political persuasions?
A political alliance in my
world should have clearly defined objectives, outputs and outcomes, against
which they will measure and time the level of support following elections.
The architects of an alliance politics should immediately develop a
strategy of how they will organise themselves in the electoral campaign.
Zimbabweans want what is best for them, and not what is best for the
political leaders. The path they will have to follow in order to gain the
Presidency, the legislature and the local councils has to be pragmatic,
with all players prepared to compromise than remain glued to singular
positions.
Some of the outcomes that are anticipated by the nation on
whoever assumes the Presidency are; secure expanded democratic space, and
enhance citizen participation in all spheres of the economy; legal, policy
planning, implementation and legislative frameworks are enhanced for the
participation of the marginalised people, especially women and the youths,
particularly without the local government sector and within the
parliamentary systems.
It is true that in March 2008, Dr Simba Makoni,
then independent, garnered unexpected votes (8,3 %) from Zimbabweans, who
believed in him. Speculation and accusations that he stole Tsvangirai’s
victory are hollow and unrealistic as no one knows really who voted for Dr
Makoni. Assumptions are not facts.
The argument presented by Mr
Pedzisai Ruhanya, the Director of the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute
(Zimbabwe Independent, 12 April 2013, Tsvangirai-Ncube pact game-changer)
that “In articulating the significance of the need for the democratic
forces to unite, the two MDC formations — one led by Tsvangirai and the
other by Ncube — need to show and exercise leadership for the broader
democratisation cause” to me sounds great but does not examine the issues
that must unite them besides defeating Zanu PF.
The proposition for an
alliance of democratic forces is ideal but it requires genuine strategists
and leaders for it to take root among the citizenry. The alliance should
not be about removing President Mugabe and Zanu PF from office, but should
be about strengthening our institutional capacity as a nation, institutions
that will work for the good of all Zimbabweans.
His argument assumes
that Tsvangirai and Ncube, aided by other forces, and forming the next
Government, will result in the democratisation of Zimbabwe. Who are its
vociferous advocates and lobbyists? The two have been in the Inclusive
Government where they both acted with impunity to call for a referendum
without giving citizens an opportunity to read through the Draft
Constitution. What democracy are they supposed to advance if they believe
in the communist approach of ‘guided democracy’ in pursuit of their narrow
partisan interests, which do not necessarily represent the whole of
Zimbabwe?
The real game changers in the next Harmonised Elections are
the 179 489 voters who rejected the Draft Constitution on 16 March 2013
Constitutional Referendum, because I believe these were discerning. They
meant what they voted for, based on their understanding of the document.
These people are found across the political divide, and it is not known how
they will expand their base of influence during voting.
It is time
that Zimbabweans vote around issues, systems and institutions and not
personalities that might turn out to be worse in our lives. The next
Harmonised Elections will be decisive. The citizens have an opportunity to
punish errant politicians who think that it is enough to occupy positions,
but do very little to justify why they deserve a second chance in the same
position. Citizens must form alliances around their issues and demand
accountability before the electoral contest from their leaders, challenging
them on their short-term decisions.
The Times Editorial: President Jacob Zuma and his
Finance Minister, Pravin Gordhan, will have to explain to wary South
Africans why we are giving $100-million (R914-million) to our neighbour
Zimbabwe.
According to a report from Zimbabwe yesterday, its finance
minister, Tendai Biti, announced that South Africa had approved $100-million
in "budgetary support" that would plug a gap in the country's finances ahead
of elections. Zimbabwe is expected to hold elections in the second half of
the year.
Though the details of the loan are still off-limits to the
public, Zuma must explain it before South Africans start complaining of yet
another loan to the man they love to hate - President Robert
Mugabe.
Zuma must avoid the miscommunication that we experienced when our
troops were killed in the Central African Republic last month.
He
should explain why it is important for South Africa to have a stable
neighbourhood and that the loan to Zimbabwe will contribute to a democratic
region.
He should also explain to South Africans that the money is
not intended to prop up Mugabe and his inner circle, but will help bring
about political and economic stability in that country.
If Zuma fails
to heed this advice, he again runs the risk of being accused of demanding
more money from already cash-strapped South Africans.
Being open about
our role in Zimbabwe, and why it is important to help fund its democratic
projects, will help South Africans to understand that we cannot, as a
country, operate as an island.
Stability in Zimbabwe will benefit South
Africa's quest to expand its economy.
It will also help the region to
realise its economic potential, which is at present hampered by the
political instability in Zimbabwe and Swaziland.
If the state chooses to
be silent, Zuma should not cry foul if he is attacked and blamed for
mismanaging our finances.
The Minister of State for Presidential Affairs, Didymus
Mutasa, led violent political campaigns in his Headlands constituency and
other parts of the country.
As a former Minister responsible for the
Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) he often used its agents to commit
some of the atrocities.
In 2002 Mutasa shocked Zimbabweans when he
blatantly said he would not care if 6 million people died because of food
shortages, as the country would be better off with ZANU PF members
only.
During that time ZANU PF was notorious for politicising the
distribution of food aid, especially in rural areas, and hunger was
widespread.
In February this year, Zimbabwe was shocked by the gruesome
murder of Christpowers Simbarashe Maisiri, the 12 year old boy from
Headlands who died after the hut he was sleeping in was burnt down by Zanu
PF thugs.
Implicated in the murder were Gilbert Makura (Zanu PF district
chairperson for Village 47), Isaac Dhogo (Dobo), Annah Mumbana and Tendai
Gosho (Zanu PF district chairlady) who all work for Mutasa the local
MP.
Sadly this was not the first time Mutasa had victimised the Maisiri
family.
The child’s father, prominent MDC-T activist Shepherd Maisiri, a
poor farmer in the Inyati Resettlement area, has suffered relentless
persecution by Mutasa since 1999. In addition to being abducted and
tortured, his homestead has been burnt a record seven times in the past 10
years.
The people assigned by Mutasa to carry out these abuses over the
years have been identified as Walter Rushambwa, Maxwell Chidzambwa, Punish
Mhiripiri, Walter Mhepo (now deceased), Kainos Chidzambwa, Albert Makura,
ZRP police Inspector Muchazorwa and Lovemore Manenji.
In one incident
Maisiri was put into a jute bag, bundled into Punish Mhiripiri’s truck and
dumped in the Rusape Dam. He was only saved by fishermen laying their nets
during that night.
On the 3rd January 2008, Maisiri was in Harare when he
was again manhandled by two men who took him to a waiting car. To his
surprise Mutasa was there and personally threatened him before driving off.
Later that day a man and a woman followed Maisiri to Mbare
Musika.
“They boarded the same bus with him to Mutare, where he was
arrested on arrival, put into cells and released. The two people who had
followed him from Harare were at the police station when he was released;
Maisiri sensing danger managed to outmanoeuvre them and escaped to
Mozambique that same night.”
Mutasa’s thugs however were not done
with Maisiri. With the MDC-T activist hiding in Mozambique, one of the
thugs, identified as Lovemore Manenji, raped Maisiri’s wife on the 23rd June
2008 as punishment ‘for hiding her husband.’
In a rare case of
prosecution, Manenji was last year sentenced to 32 years in prison for
raping two MDC supporters including Maisiri’s wife.
Manenji, 56, who is
also a bishop at Mabasa Avapositori Church, was found guilty of five counts
of rape and sentenced to 32 years in prison by Rusape regional magistrate,
Hosea Mujaya.
In the run up to the one man presidential run-off election
in June 2008, Mutasa unleashed an unprecedented orgy of terror and torture
of MDC-T supporters in Headlands, the whole of Rusape and its
environs.
Residents of Rusape urban reported that Mutasa took over some
properties and used them to house hordes of armed youths/operatives that he
used to terrorize MDC-T supporters in Headlands and Makoni
constituencies.
Below are accounts of some of the horrible incidents in
which Mutasa was directly involved or is alleged to have
sponsored.
On the 22nd May 2008 another activist, Taurayi Kamuchira, was
abducted by ZANU PF militia under instruction from Mutasa. They took him to
Chinyamukamani base where youths led by Phillip Mushayi assaulted him with
logs, iron bars and whips. Kamuchira died during the assault.
Philip
Mushayi addressed the MDC-T activists detained at the base, telling them
what had happened to Kamuchira was going to be their fate as well. He said
Mutasa had given them authority to kill anyone who supported MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai so they were safe from arrest.
On the 25th June
2008 armed youths deployed by Mutasa wreaked havoc in the Eagles Nest area
of Headlands and were seen driving around in two vehicles, one of them
reported to be Mutasa’s Toyota Venture.
Masitafundikera Gumura was
attacked at his home by this gang after they accused him of leading MDC
activities in that area. The attack was so ruthless that Gumura died during
the assault.
His wife Aquiline Sanzvengwa Gumura was also assaulted and
sustained severe injuries all over her body. She was taken to hospital the
following morning but passed away on the 28th June 2008.
On the 25th
June 2008, Mutasa’s gang also pounced on Robert Ziyengwa and his wife at
their home in Headlands.
The elderly couple was accused of supporting the
MDC-T. The gang used pieces of wood, iron bars and gun butts to assault
them. The beating was so severe the elderly couple also died during the
assault.
In another incident on the same day residents in the Eagles Nest
area were targeted by Mutasa’s gang, which included ZANU PF youths and CIO
operatives.
Defenceless villagers were killed in cold blood while the
police refused to intervene. Some were beaten to death and others were
stabbed. Also killed was MDC activist Sandros Mandizha.
June 27,
2008: Taurai Zindomba, another small scale farmer in the headlands area was
attacked at his home by a gang of Zanu PF youths and operatives from Rusape.
This barbaric gang used barbed wire and a knife to tear and pull Taurai’s
intestines out. He died instantly.
His brothers Abel and Sternly, touched
by what happened to their brother, wept in grief and were savagely assaulted
sustaining serious injuries. Fortunately they survived.
On July 30,
2009 in the Macheke resettlement areas, a 16 year old boy Arnold Mosterd
died after being beaten by Zanu PF supporters who accused him of supporting
the MDC. Arnold was killed after he had asked for his outstanding wages from
his previous employer a local Zanu PF Chairman Harry Munetsi.
The seven
people who killed Arnold were arrested by the police but Didymus Mutasa MP
ordered their release. Mutasa ordered the villagers in the area to deal with
any strangers who would come into the area inquiring about the
death.
Terence Ranger, Emeritus Professor of history at Oxford, has
described Didymus Mutasa as “a ruthless and acquisitive politician who is
notorious for using violence against his political opponents.”
Even
Zanu PF members have not been spared the wrath of his violent and ruthless
ill temper. In 2005 Mutasa was reported to have abducted a Zanu PF war
veteran (Nyakuedzwa) and pounded him to near death after he dared to
challenge his nomination during Zanu PF primary elections in
Rusape.
Didymus Mutasa has the blood of many people on his hands and in a
new Zimbabwe, he will be one of many senior Zanu PF people that will be
hauled before the courts and answer to charges of sanctioning the mass
murder of hundreds of people in their constituencies.
Nehanda Radio publishes the final
installment, of the three part Mugabe succession race. We take a brief look at a
dark horse candidate, who might end up becoming potentially the next President
should things fall apart and there is no decisive frontrunner between
Vice-President Joice Mujuru and her chief rival Defence minister, Emmerson
Mnangagwa. Pleasant reading!
By Itai Mushekwe
State security minister, Sydney
Sekeramayi, may just surprise all of us and become president, as he is largely
viewed as a compromise candidate, who President Robert Mugabe is said to
appreciate his soberness at not being obsessed with the succession politics,
making him the new Zanu PF powerbroker or kingmaker we are
told.
Sydney Sekeremayi
Sekeramayi, like Mnangagwa has the
incredible support of the military after having jelled well with the
securocrats, during his reign as minister of defence in 2001 following the death
of his predecessor Moven Mahachi, who perished in a road accident in the now
volatile turf of Manicaland.
Mugabe’s succession it seems, will be
very much influenced by the power outcome of the battle for Manicaland province,
where a fierce plot to kick out Zanu PF secretary for administration, Didymus
Mutasa out of the party has reached a high.
Mutasa and Sekeramayi hail from
provinces, which are a stone’s throw away from each other. The latter is
considered, to be the godfather of Mashonaland East.
Manicaland on the one hand, is known to
be a hotbed of the liberation struggle after Mugabe and the late Edgar Tekere,
sought the assistance of chief Rekai Tangwena to cross into Mozambique for the
struggle.
Now defence minister, Emmerson
Mnangagwa, is reported to be anxious to retain control of the province following
the suspension of Mike Madiro, the Zanu PF Manicaland provincial chairman, by
elements aligned to Vice President Joice Mujuru, through
Mutasa.
Mutasa is the most senior Zanu PF
politician in Manicaland.
Nehanda Radio can reveal that Mutasa,
who wanted to be vice president has already spoken to Mugabe about the plot to
oust him, and he was told to “maintain his cool”, while his foes are building up
a case against him to be either expelled or demoted for causing the destruction
of Zanu PF’s catchment area in the province.
Mutasa, although largely expected to
survive the brawl, will be left weakened as Madiro is reportedly about to be
reinstated thus dealing the Mujuru faction another blow below the belt, party
insiders said.
We also have it on good account, that
Sekeramayi, is prepared to throw his weight behind Mnangagwa, and will only make
himself available for selection to replace Mugabe, should the defence minister
fail to torpedo Mujuru.
“Sekeramayi has all along been Plan B of
the security chiefs,” sources said.
“The military is the main pillar of
power in our country, that is why vice president Mujuru seemed to be cruising to
the top office, owing to the late husband’s complex military links crafted when
he became the first commander of our forces in 1980. Anyone who has the support
of army structures, can be assured of victory whether by covert or overt
means.”
COSLEG
mystery
Further briefings, also bring to light
revelations that Sekeramayi is an inner circle confidant of Zimbabwe’s own
shadowy military industrial complex. The minister alongside Mnangagwa are both
shareholders of COSLEG, a powerful mining company jointly owned by the military
top brass and DRC leader, Joseph Kabila.
According to a United Nations (UN)
report compiled in 2002, Sekeramayi and Mnangagwa together with senior security
chiefs are implicated as belonging to an “elite network” alleged to have
involved Zimbabwe in the costly Congo war that bled the treasury of more than
US$200 million, for personal enrichment and covert military business
expansions.
Mnangagwa key
strategist
“The key strategist for the Zimbabwean
branch of the elite network is the Speaker of the Parliament and former head of
Zimbabwe Intelligence, Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa.
“Mr. Mnangagwa has won strong support
from senior military and intelligence officers for an aggressive policy in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo,” states the UN report.
“His key ally is a Commander of ZDF
(Zimbabwe Defense Force) and Executive Chairman of COSLEG, General Vitalis
Musunga Gava Zvinavashe. [COSLEG is a natural resource exploitation firm largely
owned by the family of Joseph Kabila and the Zimbabwe
military.
“Joseph Kabila succeeded his father
Laurent as president of the DRC after the elder's assassination in 2001.] The
General and his family have been involved in diamond trading and supply
contracts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
“A long-time ally of President Mugabe,
Air Marshal Perence Shiri, has been involved in military procurement and
organizing air support for the pro-Kinshasa armed groups fighting in the eastern
Democratic Republic of the Congo. He is also part of the inner circle of ZDF
diamond traders who have turned Harare into a significant illicit
diamond-trading center.”
Sekeramayi the
coordinator
“Other prominent Zimbabwean members of
the network include Brigadier General Sibusiso Busi Moyo, who is Director
General of COSLEG. Brigadier Moyo advised both Tremalt and Oryx Natural
Resources, which represented covert Zimbabwean military financial interests in
negotiations with State mining companies of the Democratic Republic of the
Congo,” the report points out.
“Air Commodore Mike Tichafa Karakadzai
is Deputy Secretary of COSLEG, directing policy and procurement. He played a key
role in arranging the Tremalt cobalt and copper deal. Colonel Simpson Sikhulile
Nyathi is Director of defence policy for COSLEG.
The Minister of Defence and former
Security Minister, Sidney Sekeramayi, coordinates with the military leadership
and is a shareholder in COSLEG.
The UN Panel has a copy of a letter from
Mr. Sekeramayi thanking the Chief Executive of Oryx Natural Resources, Thamer
Bin Said Ahmed Al-Shanfari, for his material and moral support during the
parliamentary elections of 2000. Such contributions violate Zimbabwean
law.”
Growing Mugabe
voice
Sekeramayi is also now a burgeoning
influence as a trusted Mugabe voice, our informers say, as demonstrated two
months ago, when the intelligence minister, who is also Zanu PF secretary for
national security called for massive support in Mugabe’s re-election campaign
while speaking at the burial of Peter Nyakuba, a party cadre who was declared a
liberation hero and got a state sponsored funeral in
Goromonzi.
Gullible government ministers Didymus Mutasa (right) and Sidney
Sekeramayi (near Mutasa) fall for diesel mystic Rotina Mavhunga who was showing
them diesel allegedly coming from rocks in Chinhoyi.
“Zanu-PF is the only party that has the
people’s interests at heart,” said Sekeramayi.
“The weapon to secure our future is our
vote and all party cadres should go out and vote for President Mugabe for
Zimbabwe’s future. There are people who are waiting to blame Zanu-PF for
violence especially when they know that we are headed towards an election
victory. We need to campaign peacefully so that we leave our detractors in no
doubt when we win the elections.”
EU rebuff
To show his surging rise, Sekeramayi
even castigated the European Union (EU), recently for maintaining targeted
sanctions on Mugabe and senior service chiefs, saying the move is bent on
fomenting conflict and disunity in Zanu PF. Under normal circumstances, the
ministry of foreign affairs should respond on the matter.
Faction of
operatives
Although Sekeramayi has no visible and
formal faction inside Zanu PF, we were told the following, all former
intelligence operatives sympathise with him from the closet: Nicholas Goche
(Cabinet minister, credited with nailing former finance minister Kuruneri and
businessman James Makamba); Kembo Mohadi (home affairs for over 10 years); Obert
Mpofu (Spies on fellow Zanu PF ministers); Saviour Kasukuwere (started off as a
junior CIO operative in Manicaland).
It is now clear that, whatever the
outcome of Mugabe’s succession, Sekeramayi as a newly established power broker,
has a big influence on where the political pendulum
tilts.
Food production in
Zimbabwe has been devastated by a combination of economic and political
instability, and natural disasters. Recurrent droughts, a series of poor
harvests, high unemployment (estimated at more than 60%), restructuring of
the agriculture sector and a high HIV/AIDS prevalence rate – at 13.7 per
cent, the fifth highest in the world - have all contributed to increasing
levels of vulnerability and acute food insecurity since 2001. This situation
has necessitated large-scale humanitarian food assistance operations in the
country.
While the end of hyperinflation in 2009 had positive effects on
food availability in the marketplace, Zimbabwe continues to battle poor
liquidity and high unemployment rates. Despite some progress, challenges
remain in attracting large-scale investment.
The 2012 Zimbabwe
Vulnerability Assessment Committee (ZimVAC), which estimates the nation’s
annual food insecurity levels, predicts that more than 1.6 million
Zimbabweans will be unable to access sufficient food during the peak hunger
period, January – March 2013. This is the highest level of food insecurity
in the past three years. WFP is responding with a Seasonal Targeted
Assistance programme to help food-insecure households in 40 of the country’s
60 rural districts. Meanwhile, WFP continues to implement its year-round
health and nutrition and social safety net programmes. These include support
to malnourished HIV/AIDS and TB patients and their households, pregnant and
nursing mothers, children under five, home-based care patients, and forced
migrants from neighboring countries.
At 1,076,772 mt, Zimbabwe’s total
cereal production for the 2011-12 production season is one third lower than
the previous year. The reduced cereal production was mainly due to a
reduction in the amount of land given to maize cultivation (19% less than
the previous year), the late start of rains in most areas, prolonged dry
spells especially in the southern half of the country, late distribution and
poor access to seeds and fertiliser. Poor agricultural practices, lack of
diversified livelihoods and persistent macro-economic challenges
characterized by a rise in the cost of living have also contributed to the
current food and income security crisis.
Bulawayo,
Zimbabwe- Sibangani Ngwenya raises his arm to show
how tall his maize should be standing in a normal March, but a lack of rain
means his crop will be a write-off this year.
"There is no
water as you can see. This crop should be about this size," said the 55-year-old
subsistence farmer in Lower Gweru in Zimbabwe's Midlands
Province.
Here rains
have been erratic, as in many parts of the country, exposing the need for new
ways to help rural farming communities access enough water and produce enough
food.
The UN World
Food Programme (WFP) estimates that up to 1.6 million Zimbabweans require aid
this year after poor harvests left subsistence farmers short of food for their
families.
The government
has long touted irrigation schemes as key infrastructure that could boost
agricultural production. But financing such projects has been tough since
Zimbabwe's chaotic land reform programme, which began in 2000, pushed many banks
to withdraw support for agricultural activities.
"In many parts of the country, particularly in the
south, the maize they harvested barely lasted a few months, bringing an early
start to the 'hunger season.'"
- Felix Bamezon, World Food
Programme
According to
the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU), land seizures under the programme led to a
rapid decline in farming as the new owners had little or no expertise. Some were
dubbed "cell phone farmers" as, unlike the former white landowners, they did not
live on the land but in cities, keeping in touch with their farm managers by
phone.
Food
production plunged in that period, from 2 million tonnes of maize in 2000 to
400,000 in 2010,according to the
CFU, which represents mainly white
farmers.
Now, as the
farm sector starts out on the arduous road to recovery amid shifting climate
patterns, the government is planning to support its revival by crafting new
legislation on irrigation.
The
mechanisation and irrigation ministry is on a countrywide consultation drive to
meet with farmers and collect their views to feed into the drafting of an act of
parliament, officials said recently in Bulawayo.
Erratic rains
Ngwenya and
thousands more farmers in Zimbabwe's south and southwestern regions have
suffered from a mix of erratic rains and flash floods. In areas without
irrigation schemes, farmers have been left counting their losses. Even at times
of abundant water, they are unable to collect and store it for later
use.
Zimbabwe, once
a major food producer in Africa, has been hit by acute food insecurity in recent
years as it grapples with poor farming infrastructure and low levels of
investment in the sector.
The land
reform programme left millions of dollars' worth of farm assets, including
irrigation schemes, in a shambles.
On top of
this, the irrigation ministry says climate change is making water scarcer, and
because much of the country's agriculture is rain-fed, improving irrigation
systems is an urgent priority.
"The country
has been experiencing droughts, and this has resulted in food shortages which
threaten food security," said Reston Muzamhindo, a principal director in the
ministry.
"The
government has seen the need to formulate a legal framework for irrigation
development to make the country self-sufficient by increasing productivity and
production," he added.
The new
legislation, if approved, would make it mandatory for the government to allocate
spending for large-scale irrigation schemes. Today, support comes mainly from
international aid agencies.
Building community
assets
Jonathan
Tsoka, an engineer with the ministry, said the planned legislation would also
introduce policies to coordinate irrigation activities across the
country.
"There is a
need to come with clear guidelines (as soon as possible) noting that the current
policies … are often in conflict and sometimes work against the gains of
irrigation development," Tsoka said.
Felix Bamezon,
country director for the WFP, said the UN agency is already assisting
communities across the country with irrigation, because it offers the best hope
for ensuring food security.
"The programme
provides assistance to mainly subsistence farmers and other food-insecure
vulnerable people who were badly hit by last year's drought," Bamezon
said.
"In many parts
of the country, particularly in the south, the maize they harvested barely
lasted a few months, bringing an early start to the 'hunger season'," he said,
adding that food production is increasingly being hit by unpredictable
rainfall.
The provision
of food aid "makes it possible for vulnerable communities to devote more time
and energy to building new infrastructure and learning new skills that will
improve their food security", Bamezon added.
In 2012, the
WFP helped local communities set up more than 260 assets, such as irrigation
schemes, bridges and village gardens, he noted.
Risky
investment
As Zimbabwe
attempts to regain its position as a net food exporter in the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), legislation on irrigation could be a first step
towards realising that goal.
"Any potential investor in state-of-the art irrigation
still has in mind what has happened here, with expropriation of land and other
local economic empowerment initiatives, and all commitments to rebuilding
farming will take more than legislation."
- Tomupei Horodza,
agro-economist
But government
engineer Tsoka said any new irrigation policy must address sources of funding
for developing and maintaining irrigation schemes. He raised concerns about the
lack of participation by private finance and multilateral finance
institutions.
Many consider
agriculture a risky investment, especially given ongoing reports of land
takeovers by supporters of President Robert Mugabe. Analysts say this has
spooked investors, who have turned to other sectors of the economy like
mining.
The Alliance
for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) and the International Fund for
Agricultural Development (IFAD) have drawn attention to the low level of funding
for African farming. In December, they appealed for a "global push
for increased smart investments in Africa's
agriculture, both by governments and the private
sector".
In the absence
of more financing, Zimbabwe's farmers face "a long road ahead", warned Tomupei
Horodza, an agro-economist in Bulawayo.
"Government
commitment to transform the sector will mean re-boosting investor confidence,
considering the country's recent history in the farming sector," he
said.
"Any potential
investor in state-of-the art irrigation still has in mind what has happened
here, with expropriation of land and other local economic empowerment
initiatives, and all commitments to rebuilding farming will take more than
legislation," he added.
Analysts say
that, unless the government puts a stop to farm seizures and assures that
property rights are respected, Zimbabwean agriculture may struggle to regain its
full potential.
The legacy of
past policies means that Ngwenya and other smallholders like him may not benefit
from government-backed irrigation schemes for some time to
come.
This article first appeared on the Thomson Reuters
Foundation news service
The World Food
Programme (WFP) is not only meeting people’s immediate food needs, but also
breaking the cycle of hunger by helping communities build productive community
assets.SEE VIDEO
BELOW
Food-insecure people
who are physically able to work on the projects receive food as payment for
their labour, and the whole community
benefits.
The World Food
Programme (WFP) is not only meeting people’s immediate food needs, but also
breaking the cycle of hunger by helping communities build or rehabilitate
productive community assets.
Food-insecure people
who are physically able to work on the projects receive food as payment for
their labour, and the whole community benefits.