http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
23 April
2012
Zimbabwe’s government is set to face some tough discussions with a
delegation from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which is set to
arrive in the country for talks next month.
The IMF team is expected
in Zimbabwe to assess the country’s economic
situation with it’s overall
debt said to be more than US$9 billion. The IMF
delegation is set to
evaluate how Zimbabwe is abiding by its agreements
towards paying off its
debts, as part of its Article IV consultations, which
will also see the
global financial lender attempting to assess Zimbabwe’s
economic
health.
The IMF visit comes at a time when Zimbabwe’s economic growth is
said to be
once again slowing down, amid concerns about local, controversial
indigenisation policies and ongoing political turmoil. Analysts have warned
that these issues are adding to already low investor confidence, in turn
making unemployment a major economic downfall.
Analyst Bekithemba
Mhlanga told SW Radio Africa on Monday that there will be
“very difficult
discussions” at the upcoming IMF talks, particularly
because, at face value,
the country is in a better state than it was.
“The IMF will say: ‘we know
you are generating income from diamonds, we know
the economy is growing
slightly, how come you’re unable to meet your debt
obligations?’” Mhlanga
said.
He said these and other sticky issues, like government
inefficiency, low
civil servants wages and tax leakages will likely be
tackled by the IMF.
On more controversial issues like the ZANU PF led
indigenisation drive and
the political stalemate in the country, Mhlanga
said these issues will also
likely be raised. On indigenisation, Mhlanga
explained that the IMF “will
probably accept it is a law of the country, by
they will advise about how it
should be implemented.”
Meanwhile, on
the political front, Mhlanga explained that the IMF will take
a
non-interfering, advisory approach.
“The IMF will say: ‘you (Zimbabwe)
need to get your house in order, because
the whole big picture of your
politics will determine you economic future,’”
Mhlanga said.
He
added: “The IMF won’t interfere on the country’s politics, but they will
say: ‘Get it right’.”
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Written by Pindai Dube
Monday,
23 April 2012 12:35
BULAWAYO - Corruption and political interference
in the distribution of a
government grain loan scheme meant for the poor has
left starving villagers
in parts of Matabeleland and Midlands provinces
reeling.
Deputy Agriculture minister Seiso Moyo said cases of villagers
going hungry
because grain meant for them is hijacked by corrupt officials
along the
distribution chain are rising.
Human rights organisations
such as the Zimbabwe Peace Project have also
reported cases of politicising
food distribution, with supporters of
President Robert Mugabe benefitting
most.
Moyo admitted to the Daily News that his ministry had received
reports of
such cases, adding the practice is illegal.
The Grain
Marketing Board (GMB), a failed parastatal, is in charge of the
distribution
of the grain loan scheme.
“GMB has been rocked by corruption in the past
months and this has adversely
affected vulnerable people who should benefit
from the scheme. Midlands and
Matabeleland are examples where villagers have
failed to access grain under
the scheme,” said Moyo.
Households,
especially in rural areas, facing food problems because of last
agricultural
season’s failure are supposed to be the primary beneficiaries.
GMB has
been hit by serious corruption allegations of late, with company
officials
being arrested or fired at some of its branches.
Moyo said part of the
solution lay in intended beneficiaries blowing the
whistle on corrupt
activities.
“What I want to say to those people failing to access grain
from GMB under
the grain loan scheme is that they should report this to our
ministry
officials, councillors, MPs and to members of the Joint Monitoring
and
Implementation Committee (Jomic),” said Moyo.
Jomic is a cross
party organ formed to monitor the performance of the
three-year-old fragile
coalition government.
“We want everybody who failed to get a good harvest
this year to receive
grain under this government programme. Also, the maize
should not be
distributed along political party lines,” said
Moyo.
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai appointed Moyo to the post after
coalition
partner Mugabe refused to allow his first choice, Roy Bennett to
work in
government.
According to a crop assessment done by
government, close to a third of the
staple maize planted on 1 600 000
hectares are a write off because of poor
rains and inadequate
resources.
United Nations agency World Food Programme, whose intervention
has saved
Zimbabwe from mass starvation over the past decade, says more than
one
million people are in need of food aid.
Zimbabwe has struggled
with massive food shortages since 2000 when Mugabe
began mass seizures of
white-owned farms to resettle landless blacks, most
of whom lacked resources
and expertise.
http://www.iol.co.za
Zimbabwe tuned 32 this week still
frozen in a transition which seems
interminable . Peta Thornycroft looks at
where the country is now.
So Robert Mugabe was talking peace again on
independence day, which has
become, over the last couple of years of the
inclusive government, a regular
part of his prepared speeches at national
events.
Can anyone believe that Mugabe was sincere, particularly as he
fails to
acknowledge that the overwhelming violence he was talking about
over the
last decade was committed by his supporters, organised by some of
his
closest aides, and that without violence he would not have survived as
president.
Did he mean Zanu PF must stop killing, beating, maiming
Movement for
Democratic Change supporters when he said: “We have done wrong
to our
people” through violence “and fighting among ourselves….”?
Is
he going to send messages to Zanu PF’s rural engine, its district
coordinating committees and tell them what he told a packed stadium in
Harare on Wednesday: “All fights, all struggles that were violent should not
be allowed…We organise ourselves on the basis of freedom of choice,
belonging to a party of choice and freely voting for the party of
choice."
If he knows what he and his colleagues did was wrong then why
isn’t the
partisan police, controlled by his loyalists, rounding up the
perpetrators
not only for the sake of justice but to be sure they don’t do
it again.
Their names, addresses, identity numbers are known, there is a
raft of
evidence against them, even photographs, to help detectives nail
them.
Only a handful of Zanu PF members have been found guilty of
violence in the
last decade, but where are prosecutions of those who killed
about 300,
seriously injured about 500, and displaced tens of thousands in
2008, after
Mugabe lost the first round of the presidential poll?
A
few more prosecutions might stop another round of violence at elections,
probably next March, not his words from the national podium which are more
about getting air time on the BBC World Service than admonition to a
relatively small core of leg breakers on Zanu PF’s election time
payroll.
Maybe his independence day words about freedom of association if
delivered
to rural areas about 100 km north east of Harare would stop Zanu
PF
loyalists from moving around the area counting and noting names etc., of
voters in their huts, as was in process about four weeks ago when
Independent Newspapers was there.
It was around this area, dotted by
small, shabby growth points and peasant
agriculture, that the first round of
violence began in April 2008 when Zanu
PF realised Mugabe was easily beaten
in the first round of the presidential
poll by MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai
a few days earlier.
Results were deliberately delayed by the then
Independent Electoral
Commission, headed up by Zanu PF loyalist, Judge
George Chiweshe.
He gave Zanu PF the time it needed to get the violence,
threats and terror
going to ensure that Mugabe won the run off by teaching
the anti Mugabe
voters in the first round a lesson: do not to go to the
polls in the second
round or vote properly this time.
To ensure the
lesson was learned Zanu PF not only killed some, but also
looted their pans,
pots, fertiliser, harvest, and trashed some houses in
some
villages.
It got so bad that Tsvangirai had no alternative but to pull
out of the run
off in June 2008, which Mugabe, as the only candidate won,
but it was a
hollow victory as for the first time Africa didn’t acknowledge
his
presidency, and, with empty supermarket shelves, and no money to pay the
army, the old man had to get into the inclusive government.
Part of
the deal he signed up to for the inclusive government was an end to
political violence.
Slowly over the last year, he has been talking
that talk, and the violence
has reduced substantially and the number of
spiteful prosecutions and
partisan bail conditions by the Zanu PF
attorney-general Johannes Tomana
have reduced as well.
Mugabe says he
wants an election this year. Well, he said that last year
too. The new
constitution, which he agreed must be in place before new
polls, and it has
made progress with intense negotiations, but it is not
quite in place yet
and it has to be put to a referendum when it is finally
agreed. And also be
submitted to parliament which will take a month or two.
That
constitution, insiders say, will not be as liberal as South Africa’s,
by a
long shot, but will be a whole lot better than the present one as it
will
reduce presidential powers, and put in place more democratic ways of
appointing security chiefs.
And of course, it will limit
presidential terms of office, which really
doesn’t affect Mugabe as he is
barely fit enough to rule now, let alone keep
going for another
term.
So, some suggest his latest peace talk is about moving towards
achieving
amnesties for Zanu PF perpetrators since 2000, as well as security
of tenure
for himself to avoid another exhausting election- even as he keeps
up his
public demand for elections this year as a rhetorical
smokescreen..
For, notwithstanding his criticism of the inclusive
government, it has kept
him in just about as much power and comfort as he
had before. And he must be
haunted about whether he can win another election
without violence which the
Southern African Development Community (SADC)
which is ultimately in charge
of this transition, says it will not
tolerate.
So, some observers believe that far from rushing to elections,
he is
actually manouevering for the inclusive government to be extended when
it
reaches the end of its constitutional shelf life in March next year.
That
will keep him at the top, as usual, talking peace as he goes, and give
him a
bit of time to shore up his shattered legacy via western aid managed
by key
MDC ministers.
It would also take pressure off him, for the
moment, about the vexing
question of a successor.
The succession
battle inside Zanu PF has the potential to upset Zimbabwe’s
fragile
reconstruction from the financial tsunami ZabyPF inflicted on it
after
2000.
Just about everyone in Zanu PF either wants Mugabe's job or wants
his or her
friend or ally to get it.
Mugabe sets an example they all
would like to emulate. He had not a stick of
furniture when he took over in
1980 and whether he retires from office, or
dies in office, he is a wealthy
man with unlimited access to funds from the
treasury for medical treatment
abroad, to finance his “acquired” farming
estate, his mansion in Harare and
another home in Asia.
He and a few of his top aides, mostly in the
security sector, live rather
like Britain’s Edwardians, unable even to brush
dandruff from their jackets
without a valet.
So it is also comforting
for some of his most disreputable allies in the
security sector in
particular to keep him there.
And perhaps the constitutional amendment which
would be required to extend
the life of the inclusive government beyond next
March would also give Prime
Minister Tsvangirai a bit more power.
http://www.swradioafrica.com/
By Tererai Karimakwenda
23 April
2012
Many schools in Zimbabwe will be hiking their fees again as of the
next
term, adding to the burden of most families who are already struggling
to
pay for their children’s education. Reports said some schools will be
backdating the increases and demanding the difference from the last
term.
When the 2012 school year started in January, many students failed
to return
to school because both public and private institutions had raised
their fees
by an average of 40%. Teachers were also demanding an increase in
salaries,
with government claiming there was no money.
In January,
government boarding schools increased their fees by $25 to $395
a term and
while private boarding school fees went up to $585. Fees for day
students
increased by $20 to $180 per term.
Just four months later, fees are being
hiked again. The increases range from
a minimum of $50 at Borrowdale Primary
School, which will charge $250 per
term, to over $100 more at Marondera
High, which will be charging $570 per
term.
The school system was
de-centralised last year, with government
relinquishing power and
responsibility for school fees to the provinces.
Oswald Madziva of the
Progressive Teachers’ Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ)
explained that this has
brought a new set of problems which are “side
effects” of
decentralisation.
“The economic environment has remained relatively
stable and the drivers of
school fees, which are textbooks, have not gone up
much in price. So we
wonder what is motivating these increases,” Madziva
told SW Radio Africa on
Monday.
Madziva said one problem is that
members of the School Development
Committees, who are elected by parents, do
not pay fees at those schools and
feel no burden. They therefore recommend
increases to the parents at “stage
managed” general
meetings.
“Another driving force is that we have executives whose
descendants’ fees
are paid for by their relative companies as part of their
packages. So these
people invest everything to influence parents. So the
poor suffer in the
process,” Madziva said.
At independence Zimbabwe
had one of the most highly rated school systems in
the world, producing
quality students who competed and excelled at the top
universities. This
system has deteriorated since independence and Zimbabwean
officials are
often strongly criticised for sending their children to school
outside the
country.
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
23 April 2012
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai is engaged to be married, leaving behind the drama of last year’s rumours that he had married another woman in a traditional ceremony.
This time discussions on the ground are focusing on the background of his fiancée, Harare businesswoman Elizabeth Macheka, whose father Joseph Macheka is a member of ZANU PF’s central committee. Macheka is also former Mayor of Chitungwiza and a controversial figure in his own right.
Many Zimbabweans have expressed concern that Tsvangirai is marrying someone with strong ties to ZANU PF, the party that has brutalised thousands of his supporters and continues to fight against key reforms agreed to by the coalition partners.
Some observers said the marriage may impact on the nation should Tsvangirai become President of Zimbabwe after the next election. They expressed concern over whether his wife’s loyalties lay with him and the MDC-T or her father and ZANU PF.
Surprisingly the state media has been silent on the development. Last year they spearheaded a media blitz which claimed the Prime Minister had married Locadia Karimatsenga Tembo and paid the first installment of the traditional “bride fee”.
A series of dramatic stories followed in the state mouthpiece The Herald newspaper and on ZBC television, playing out scenarios that had Locadia camping out at the home of Tsvangirai’s mother after allegedly being rejected.
A traditional chief loyal to ZANU PF then got involved, raising suspicions that the whole affair had been set up to undermine Tsvangirai, who is Robert Mugabe’s main rival and a threat to ZANU PF in parliament.
Tsvangirai was married to his first wife Susan for about thirty years before her death in a suspicious car accident in 2009. The 35 year old Elizabeth’s first husband, who was an airforce commander, also died in a car crash in 2002. The couple is said to have celebrated with an engagement party last Friday night.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Written by Kaleen Gombera and Annie
Mpalume
Monday, 23 April 2012 12:38
HARARE - It was all affection
as Elizabeth Macheka began public life as
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s
fiancée.
Elizabeth was introduced as Tsvangirai’s fiancée to guests
attending the
graduation party of close aide Jameson Timba’s daughter,
Vimbayi last
Saturday.
Clad in a swanky blue outfit, she looked
elegant as she sat next to her man.
The two constantly whispered, leaving
Elizabeth in blushes.
Tsvangirai announced his engagement to Elizabeth at
a private function last
Friday evening.
People on the street have not
quite met her, but they told the Daily News in
snap interviews yesterday
that settling down could be good for Tsvangirai,
who was fast gaining the
reputation of a playboy.
Nelson Viya, a Harare-based businessperson said
it was overdue for
Tsvangirai to settle down, considering his position both
in government and
in his MDC party.
“It is a good thing because it
shows some decency. He has been reported in
the media to have a number of
women and so it is good that he is now
settling down,” said
Viya.
Airtime vendor Munyaradzi Musvipa said Tsvangirai should have
settled down a
long time ago as it helps build his political profile as a
caring husband
and father.
“Staying single is a disadvantage to his
political life. I think he has done
himself justice. I would like to
congratulate him,” Musvipa said.
Another vendor who identified herself
Lucy said while she sympathised with
Locadia Karimatsenga, who was turned
down by the premier last year, it was
important for Tsvangirai to have a
wife and disassociate his name with
immoral behaviour.
“As a woman, I
think he was very unfair to Locadia. But because I am not
privy of what
happened, I think this engagement is a good development,” she
said.
Locadia was left in the wilderness after she unsuccessfully
eloped to
Tsvangirai’s rural home to force marriage after claiming the
premier had
impregnated her. Her family claimed Tsvangirai paid lobola, but
the former
trade unionist said he had only paid compensation for making her
pregnant.
Fishing in Zanu PF’s pond appears to appeal to Tsvangirai, who
has suffered
harassment, including beatings, verbal abuse and imprisonment
at the hands
of the same party since forming his MDC in 1999.
Locadia
was sister to Zanu PF MP for Goromonzi Biata Nyamupinga.
Elizabeth is
daughter to senior Zanu PF politician and former mayor of
Chitungwiza Joseph
Macheka.
She is also the former wife of the late Air Force of Zimbabwe
wing commander
Mabasa Simba Guma, who died in a car accident along the
Harare-Bulawayo road
in 2002.
Ironically, Tsvangirai also lost his
first wife Susan in a tragic road
accident in 2009, a month after the
formation of his coalition government
with President Robert
Mugabe.
His father-in-law to be is still a beneficiary of appointments
criticised by
the MDC as part of Zanu PF’s patronage system.
Two
months ago, Local government minister Ignatius Chombo appointed Macheka
as a
special interest councillor in Chitungwiza following the dismissal of
two
Zanu PF appointed councillors on allegations of corruption.
http://www.businessday.co.za
PAUL MOYO
Published: 2012/04/23 08:05:08
AM
ORGANISERS of this week’s Zimbabwe International Trade Fair 2012 said
there
had been a marked increase in the number of exhibitors and countries
listed
to attend.
Some European countries, who shunned the fair in a
decade of political and
economic upheaval following President Robert
Mugabe’s land seizures, will
make a return to the event in Zimbabwe’s
second-biggest city, Bulawayo, from
April 24-28.
Among other European
exhibitors are Italy, Poland and Germany.
Former colonial ruler Britain,
US, Australia and France did not confirm they
would be sending
representatives before going to press.
Other countries that confirmed
businesses and state participation include
Brazil, China and SA, as well as
Namibia and Pakistan. Brazil is
participating for the first time.
SA
and China — Zimbabwe’s biggest trade partners — have 35 companies between
them exhibiting.
Other foreign nations participating are: Botswana,
Kenya, Indonesia, Iran,
Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia.
"The
exhibition is likely to be outstanding in terms of quality of exhibits,
product mix and innovation by exhibitors," event GM Daniel Chigaru
said.
The exhibition will see 62% of exhibitors returning while first
time
exhibitors account for 38%, he said.
The highlight of the
exhibition is the International Business Conference on
Wednesday.
Vice-President Joice Mujuru is the keynote speaker.
Foreign speakers will
come from SA, Brazil and Zambia.
CAJ News
http://www.newstimeafrica.com/
Written by Vladimir Mzaca on
April 23, 2012.
Just like journalist Aaaron Wee writes that China’s
foreign policy will soon
resemble that of the United States a century ago-
that of aggression in
economic and political dominance in the world, those
signs are already there
for all to see in Africa, Zimbabwe in particular.
This week Zimbabwe hosts
the country’s premier trade expo the Zimbabwe
International Festival where
over the years the world of business would
converge in the second largest
city Bulawayo to network. However, due to
years of human rights abuses and
floating of democratic principles Zimbabwe
was placed under trade embargo by
the European Union and the United States
as a result trade between Zimbabwe
and the First World dried up. The United
States, Britain, Germany to mention
a few last graced the trade expo more
than a decade ago and only vowed to
return if Zimbabwe restored human rights
and democracy.
This presented a chance for China to play ball with
Zimbabwe with the
country’s economy virtually grinding to a halt President
Mugabe and his
allies adopted the “Look East policy” for business, relief
aid and political
support in a relationship where Zimbabwe with resources is
the junior
partner. With the trade expo starting on 24 April China is the
single
biggest exhibitor having taken up 500 square meters of space to be
filled by
35 companies ranging from mining, health services, infrastructure
and
engineering. China’s role at the trade fair is about selling its brand
and
showing “solidarity” in doing business in Zimbabwe and
Africa.
China is in control of Zimbabwe’s economy taking advantage of the
establishment’s fall out with the West. Some sections of President Mugabe’s
ZANU PF have even suggested that Zimbabwe should adopt using the Chinese
Yuan as the main currency in that regard dropping the United States dollar,
British Pound and the South African rand that have kept the country afloat
at the collapse of the country’s currency the Zimbabwean
dollar.
China’s involvement in Africa has portrayed elements of
capitalism
relegating socialism to a mere social structure. China has
managed to
control Zimbabwe’s natural resources through backyard deals and
day light
robbery on a country swimming in international debt and
condemnation. Early
this month Zimbabwe’s Minister of Finance Tendai Biti
told University of
Zimbabwe students during a public lecture that the
government sold mineral
wealth for a mere US$205 million when it could have
sold it for more than
US$60 billion if things had been done
properly.
The mining rights in question are in the diamond, platinum,
coal and gold
industries. The Chinese control major stakes in these fields.
A report by
Rapaport the international diamond industry watchdog in a
damning report
revealed that China owns more than half of Zimbabwe’s diamond
industry
through consortiums of business people fronting for the People’s
Republic of
China. The only danger faced by China in its control of
Zimbabwean resources
would be the politics of the day. China has managed to
be in Zimbabwe at
this level largely because of the country’s link with
Mugabe’s ZANU PF that
has been in power since independence from Britain in
1980. ZANU PF’s style
of rule and party structure borrow a lot from China in
terms of ideology.
Whereas the biggest opposition party the Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) lead by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai which
entered the coalition
government in 2009, is seen as representing the
interests of the West, in
case it wins upcoming elections China would be on
its way out of Zimbabwe.
Early warnings have been voiced in neighbouring
Zambia where President
Michael Sata soon after his inauguration in September
2011 threatened to get
rid of the Chinese. Just like in Zimbabwe the Chinese
control the primary
industries of Zambia. China’s role in taking over
Africa is like cancer at
an advanced stage that can only be watched while
the cancer stricken body
suffers unless a miracle comes along.
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
23/04/2012 00:00:00
by Staff
Reporter
THE MDC-T has dismissed as “malicious and unfounded” reports
the party has
been rocked by a bitter power struggle pitting secretary
general, Tendai
Biti against organising secretary, Nelson Chamisa.
A
report in the Sunday Mail claimed that divisions within the party came to
a
head during a heated standing committee meeting where deputy national
spokesperson and Bulawayo East MP Tabitha Khumalo blasted the alleged
rivalry between Biti and Chamisa.
Khumalo allegedly said the bitter
rivalry between factions aligned to the
pair was undermining the MDC-T ahead
crucial elections likely to be held
this year adding MDC-T leader Morgan
Tsvangirai’s “management style was
(also) killing the party”.
But in
a statement Monday the MDC-T dismissed the report as yet another
desperate
attempt at a hatchet job by the state media on behalf of Zanu PF
adding
Khumalo was not a member of the party’s national standing committee
and has
never attended any of its meetings.
“We restate that there are no power
struggles in the MDC … (the party)
remains one happy, united family focused
on bringing real change,” the party
said.
“We are aware that sources
of these defamatory stories are not in the MDC,
but at the ministry of
Media, Information and Publicity where a senior civil
servant has chosen to
abandon his public service duties to devote time to
undermine the
MDC.
“The MDC’s position is that these doomsday cults and authors of
disorder in
Zanu PF will not stop the national project of bringing real
change to the
people of Zimbabwe.”
Despite speculation that he is
keen on Tsvangirai’s job, Biti was last
Thursday quite effusive in his
praise of the MDC-T leader during a lecture
presented at the Atlantic
Council, a think tank and public policy group
based in Washington,
US.
Biti said Tsvangirai’s “connectivity with the people” was one of the
reason
the MDC-T would “win (the next) election decisively”.
“… In
Morgan Tsvangirai we have got a leader who is essentially the face of
the
struggle, the face of change in Zimbabwe. He’s clearly the undisputed –
undisputable leader of the change struggle in Zimbabwe,” he said.
Final journey ... Mutharika's casket draped in the
Malawian flag
23/04/2012 00:00:00 | |
by Staff Reporter | |
Share |
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai have attended the burial of former Malawian President Bingu wa Mutharika at a family mausoleum dubbed the 'Taj Mahal’.
Mwai Kibaki of Kenya, Armando Guebuza of Mozambique, Hipikefunye Pohamba of Namibia and Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania were among the heads of state at Monday’s Catholic service in Blantyre, Malawi’s commercial capital.
President Mutharika, who died on April 5 aged 78, was buried later at his nearby Ndata Farm in a white mausoleum he had built for his first wife, Ethel, who died in 2007.
Mutharika called the mausoleum “Maphumulo wa Bata,” which means “Peaceful Rest” in the country's main language, Chichewa. But other Malawians, critical of the money he spent on his farm retreat soon after first being elected in 2004, dubbed the mausoleum the Taj Mahal after the white Marble mausoleum located in Agra, India built by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan in memory of his third wife, Mumtaz Mahal.
Fackson Moya, 48, walked 10km to witness the last journey of the man praised for early polices that ended a devastating famine but died in office blamed for pushing one of the world's poorest nations deeper into crisis.
Mutharika was laid to rest in the white marble edifice he had built during his eight years in charge of one of the world's most impoverished nations.
Enelesi Kabichi, 56, was curious about the "big house" which was splashed on the front page of the local newspaper, the Daily Times, on Monday.
"I wanted to come and see this white building where the president will be laid to rest. This is something new in our culture that a house can be built for a dead person," she said.
The funeral will cost 242 million Malawian kwacha (about US$1.5 million), Malawi's Sunday Times reported, including 20 million kwacha for decorations and 21 million on funeral cloth handed to Malawians for free.
Mutharika had said he wanted his mausoleum to be a "national monument to be visited by Malawians as part of a national heritage".
Mussa said the mausoleum, "built like a house, has two tombs... one for the wife and one for Mutharika. The mausoleum will be a museum at the end of the day".
The late president also built a marble-and-granite mausoleum costing US$600,000 for Malawi's founding president, Hastings Kamuzu Banda, who died in 1997.
Grand ... The mausoleum where
Mutharika was buried on Monday
White House ... Mutharika's home on
his Ndata Farm in the tea-growing district of
Thyolo
Mutharika came to power in 2004 as the country's third president.
He was the first to die in office and Joyce Banda, his former foe and vice president, was sworn in as the country's new leader hours after his death was officially confirmed two days later.
"President Bingu wa Mutharika taught me and all Malawians to dream, he taught us not only to dream but also to dream in colour," she said.
Alongside Mutharika's brother Peter, Chapola-Chimombo led the visiting African leaders as they paid their respects at the open casket of the former president, who was a church-going Catholic.
Peter Mutharika, the country's foreign minister, was anointed as heir-apparent for his Democratic Progressive Party in the 2014 elections when his brother was due to retire.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
23 April 2012
Hundreds of Bulawayo City Council (BCC) workers
decided to down tools on
Monday, in protest over the non-payment of their
wages.
SW Radio Africa Bulawayo correspondent Lionel Saungweme reported
that over
300 disgruntled council workers camped outside the council’s
Revenue Hall
and vowed not to resume work until their demands were
met.
The unpaid council wage bill in the City has reportedly reached over
US$700.000 which consists of four months wages and allowances.
“The
Council employees said they were protesting at the difficult economic
circumstances they have been suffering for months, and decided to hold a
sit-in outside council’s Revenue Hall,” Saungweme said.
Some council
operations have been paralysed as a result of the industrial
action. The
workers insisted that their dues be paid before they resume
work.
The
BCC reportedly received a loan from Kingdom bank, amounting to millions
of
dollars in December last year to help pay salaries for its workers, and
used
some of the money for income-generating projects.
The MDC-T led city
council however used US$4.5 million from the loan to
purchase luxury
vehicles for departmental heads. Town clerk Middleton Nyoni
took delivery of
a Range Rover while finance director Kimpton Ndimande got a
Toyota Fortuner.
The director of Housing and Community Services, Isaiah
Magagula was given a
Toyota Prado.
Saungweme said council has failed to repay the loan,
forcing the bank to
issue summons threatening to seize property belonging to
the BCC.
“Kingdom bank has indicated they want to attach Tower Block and
Revenue
Hall, two of city main landmarks. The whole things is a mess now
following
revelations that council decided to buy luxury vehicles instead of
using the
money for priority areas like water, health and service delivery,”
Saungweme
added.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Alex Bell
23 April 2012
An award winning foreign
photojournalist arrested in Beitbridge a week ago
is said to still be locked
up, despite reports from the state media that he
had been
released.
New Zealand born Robin Hammond was arrested last week Monday in
the border
town, along with Zimbabwean national Bertha Chiguvare after being
allegedly
found taking photographs for a story on the irregular migration of
Zimbabweans to South Africa. The pair was accused of not having proper
accreditation, allegedly after entering the country on the grounds that they
were on holiday.
According to the NewsDay newspaper, Hammond has been
fined US$150 for
allegedly contravening sections of the Protected Areas and
Places and
Immigration Acts. The paper reported on Monday that he risks a
60-day jail
term if he fails to pay the fine by the end of this
week.
The state’s mouthpiece Herald newspaper reported last Friday that
Hammond
had been released and some local journalists had reported that he
was
deported to South Africa.
But on Monday, Hammond’s family was
quoted as saying that he was in fact
still being detained. A New Zealand
news service called Dominion News quoted
Hammond’s sister Jessica Doube who
said he was still locked up.
“We’ve heard from his fiancé in South
Africa, and she said he hasn’t been
released,” Doube reportedly said,
adding: “We are obviously disappointed the
reports aren’t true, we would
love him to be freed.”
Radio New Zealand News was also reporting Monday
that he was still detained,
quoting New Zealand’s Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and Trade.
Hammond is a renowned human rights photographer who
previously has won
Amnesty International Media Awards. Originally from
Wellington, New Zealand,
he is now based in Cape Town.
His arrest
last week meanwhile is the second time this year that he has been
detain in
Zimbabwe. Earlier this year Hammond spent time locked up in what
he called a
“horrible, dingy” cell with no windows and was forced to sleep
on concrete.
http://www.swradioafrica.com
By Tichaona
Sibanda
23 April 2012
The prosecution case against three Mthwakazi
Liberation Front (MLF) leaders
who are facing treason charges resumed at the
Bulawayo High court on Monday.
The state alleges that the three MLF
leaders, Charles Thomas, John Gazi and
Paul Siwela, attempted to topple the
government by distributing flyers
inciting the public to revolt against the
government.
The three leaders deny the charges and have pleaded not
guilty. They face
the death sentence if convicted. SW Radio Africa’s
Bulawayo correspondent,
Lionel Saungweme said another allegation by the
state is that the trio also
distributed flyers calling for the separation of
Matebeleland and other
parts from the rest of Zimbabwe.
The trial is
before High Court Judge, Justice Nicholas Ndou. Saungweme
reported that
evidence produced in court so far by state witnesses makes the
prosecution
case shaky and inconsistent. On Monday, the state called a
senior Bulawayo
Law and Order police officer, George Ngwenya to the witness
stand to explain
how the three leaders had committed a ‘treasonous’ offence.
According to
Saungweme, police raided homes of the leaders and found an MLF
calendar with
words ‘State of Mthwakazi’ printed on it. In addition there
were flyers that
said ‘oust murderers from power’ that were also picked up
from their
homes.
Our correspondent said it was clear the two state witnesses were
finding it
difficult to explain what it is that they saw as ‘treasonous’ in
the
material they picked up from the leaders.
The witnesses on
Monday, both police officers also contradicted previous
testimony by other
key state witness before the trial was adjourned in
March. Another key state
witness has already dismissed police claims that he
had seen Thomas and Gazi
distributing flyers in the city.
Saungweme said there is an assumption
the defence team will wait for all
state witnesses to testify before they
decide to apply for the case to be
discharged. Saungweme said the defence
team is confident the prosecution
case “has been built on shaky
foundations.” The trial was adjourned to
Tuesday when Ngwenya will continue
with his testimony.
http://dailynews.co.zw
Written by Wonai Masvingise, Staff Writer
Monday, 23
April 2012 12:18
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF is
panicking over Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai’s invitation of popular
Nigerian prophet Temitope Balogun
Joshua (TB Joshua) to attend prayer
meetings in the country this year.
The anxiety, reflecting in secretive
efforts to “blackmail” the immigration
department to deny the Lagos-based
evangelist a visa should he decide to
come, was exposed through a spurious
state media story yesterday claiming
that TB Joshua’s visit would be used
for the MDC’s electoral campaigns.
The Daily News was told yesterday that
hardliners in Zanu PF, who are
worried that the relationship between TB
Joshua and Tsvangirai could give
the MDC leader massive support, are already
plotting to deny him entry into
Zimbabwe.
It also comes as the
popular preacher’s stock has been rising in Zimbabwe
and abroad after his
February prediction that an old African leader would
die within months, and
60 days later, Malawi’s President Bingu wa Mutharika,
78, died of heart
failure.
A few days before wa Mutharika’s death, TB Joshua announced that
the death
of an African leader was imminent.
Didymus Mutasa, the Zanu
PF secretary for administration, yesterday however
stressed that they had no
problems with TB Joshua’s anticipated arrival in
the country even though he
was coming on Tsvangirai’s invitation.
“Ngaauye hake (he can come) if he
is Tsvangirai’s guest. If he is Tsvangirai’s
guest he is programmed by
Tsvangirai to do what he says. Ko Zanu PF
inopindawo papi? (Where does Zanu
PF fit in?),” he said.
TB Joshua is expected to be in the country on May
25 for the National Day of
prayer.
While Zimbabweans — like their
regional counterparts – were also
“spellbound” by TB Joshua’s prophecy and
resultant speculation about the
president’s health, especially after his
prolonged stay in Singapore, Mugabe’s
henchmen and notably serial political
flip flopper Jonathan Moyo have
launched a full-on attack to not only
discredit TB Joshua, but have also
fallen short of calling him “a western
assassin”.
“TB Joshua’s involvement in this tragedy smacks more of a plot
than a
prophecy. One thing for sure is that there is no prophecy here but
just a
prediction if one is to give him a benefit of doubt. This leaves open
the
questions as to what happened because to neutral people there appears to
be
more to the saga than meets the eye,” the Tsholotsho North legislator
said.
“In some circles, there is even spirited speculation in well
informed
circles that TB Joshua had privileged intelligence information
about a death
plot against... Mutharika and the plotters used him as their
microphone to
divert attention... and let the death appear like it was an
act of God when
it was an intelligence operation,” Moyo added.
An
unofficial Zanu PF propagandist, but key decision-maker, Moyo went on to
quote the Bible — 2 Timothy 3 verses 1-5 — about false prophets and in his
bid to further discredit the “man of God”, and said the precision in timing
could have been a coincidence based on “someone with medical information and
not from God”.
“It’s possible to medically induce a cardiac arrest no
wonder why his death
was first leaked by his doctors,” the former government
minister said.
A top MDC official who spoke on condition of anonymity
said Zanu PF was
misleading people into believing that TB Joshua told
Tsvangirai he would
never lead the country.
“Zanu PF is panicking
because they know the truth about what was said and
what is unfolding. They
want to hide behind the man of God’s name to
promulgate their own agendas.
You must not twist a man of God’s words. What
TB Joshua told Tsvangirai was
in the positive; actually it was very, very
positive,” the MDC official
said.
“TB Joshua did not say he (Tsvangirai) will not lead the country.
Zanu PF is
saying that because they know what was said. They know the truth
of what God
has in store for this country. That is why they are panicking.
God works in
his own way, for Zanu PF to be where it is, it was God’s
design,” he added.
http://www.africalegalbrief.com
Sunday, 22 April 2012
23:28
THE Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe says it has no obligation to pay a
cotton
spinning company over R2,6 million withdrawn from its two bank
accounts five
years ago.
Responding to a lawsuit filed by the
cotton spinning company — Scottco —
seeking to recover the money lost to the
central bank at the height of the
economic meltdown in 2007, RBZ argues that
it has no legal relationship with
the company.
Scottco issued summons at
the High Court seeking an order compelling the RBZ
to return R1 455 667,12
and US$1 513,88 withdrawn from its MBCA Bank account
in 2007.
It also
wants another R1 168 432,46 and US$37,50 that was taken from another
account
at BancABC.
All the money should be returned with interest as prescribed by
the law.
The two banks remitted the money to RBZ on October 2 2007 following
a
Monetary Policy Statement directing all corporates to surrender all the
foreign currency to the Central Bank within 24 hours.
The
statement was issued on October 1 2007.
The RBZ and its governor Dr Gideon
Gono and the two banks as defendants,
deny liability in their papers filed
at the same court.
“First (RBZ) and second (Dr Gono) defendants deny that
they have an
obligation to pay Plaintiff (Scottco) on demand as alleged as
they have no
legal relationship with the plaintiff from which liability can
arise and
neither has the alleged basis for liability been pleaded,” read
part of the
defendants’ plea.
The central bank and its governor further
deny that they connived with the
two banks to deprive Scottco of its
monies.
They also deny that they issued any unlawful directives as
alleged.
The directives issued, argues RBZ, were not in breach of the
provisions of
the Constitution as claimed by the cotton company.
“The
first and second defendants never dealt with the plaintiff nor did they
ever
refer to plaintiff in issuing directives issued.
“The first defendant at all
material times dealt with third defendant (MBCA
Bank). There is no cause of
action between plaintiff and the first and
second defendant.”
The central
bank said any liability sought to be imputed upon it and its
Governor was
refuted.
MBCA Bank pleads that it was obliged to comply with the directive of
the
RBZ, which it did and notified its client (Scottco).
Apart from
confirming that it transferred Scottco’s monies to RBZ, the bank
does not
accept that it is indebted to it.
It says the money is with the central bank,
which had publicly confessed
having used it for what it termed national
interest.
“The third defendant pleads that it was obliged to obey the
directive if
same was made in terms of the valid and existing law,” said
MBCA.
The bank further states: “The third defendant pleads that it is not
indebted
to the plaintiff or obliged to plaintiff to pay any amount claimed
or at
all.”
BancABC says it remitted Scottco monies to RBZ hence the
obligation to
settle the claim rests with the central bank.
“Fourth
defendant admits having refused to pay on demand and avers that it
is not
indebted to plaintiff but first defendant is,” said BancABC.
“Upon issuing
the directive, first defendant undertook to pay plaintiff on
demand.”
The
bank argues that after transferring the funds, RBZ assumed and created a
contractual obligation to pay Scottco, which obligation was independent of
BancABC.
In its lawsuit Scottco argues that it entered into agreements
with MBCA and
BancABC to keep the balances in the respective accounts on
condition that
they were payable on demand.
Although the two financial
institutions acknowledged their indebtedness to
Scottco they have, however,
failed to pay back the money.
Dr Gono invoked provisions of the Exchange
Control Regulations, Statutory
Instrument 109 of 1996 to have foreign
currency transferred to the central
bank, which the firm argued was done
without consent.
Scottco lawyer Mr Succeed Takundwa said the banks had a duty
at law to
disobey the instruction given by Dr Gono because it was clearly
unlawful.
He argued that the Statutory Instrument used to issue instructions
to take
money from the corporate Zimbabwe citizens did not give RBZ powers
to take
people’s money without their consent.
Dr Gono, said Mr Takundwa,
contravened provisions of the Constitution of
Zimbabwe.
He accused the
banks of failing to take a strong position to defend their
clients.
Mr
Takundwa said banks should have taken a strong position to defend their
clients.
“The banks are at fault in failing to protect their clients.
They exhibited
extreme cowardice by obeying something clearly prohibited by
the supreme law
of the country,” he said.
This, Mr Takundwa said,
deprived his client of its property in breach of the
Constitution.
In
terms of provisions of Section 16 of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, all
Zimbabwean citizens are protected from deprivation of their property.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw/
Written by Gugulethu Nyazema, Staff Writer
Monday, 23
April 2012 12:30
HARARE - Zimbabwe’s maternal mortality rate has
increased to 960 deaths per
100 000 lives, according to the Zimbabwe Women
Resource Centre Network
(ZWRCN).
This comes at a time when Zimbabwe
has received millions of dollars from
foreign donors to curb child deaths
and revamp the health sector, which
deteriorated due to dilapidated
machinery and brain drain at the height of
the country’s political and
economic problems.
Speaking at a launch of a campaign on accelerating
maternal health services
provision for women at the weekend, ZWRCN
executive director Naome
Chimbetete said World Health Organisation
guidelines are set at 70 deaths
per 100 000 and Zimbabwe maternal mortality
rate is more than 10 times
higher than that.
“It is important that we
as the community and coalition partners work
together to reduce the
maternity mortality rate by half. The maternal
mortality rate in the country
has been identified as a primary concern and
proposes a solution that
addresses the maternal health delivery system at
district hospital level and
rural clinic level, calling for comprehensive
services and basic services at
these levels respectively,” said Chimbetete.
Chimbetete said improvement
of access to basic and comprehensive maternal
health services is critical
and urgent in Zimbabwe.
“Our advocacy goals and objectives are aimed at
the improved accessibility
of basic maternal health services at rural
clinics level and district
hospitals by 2014 through adequate, targeted and
time-out allocation of and
transparency in spending of resources directed at
maternal health,” she
said.
She said women organisations and ZWRCN
strongly believed that through
adequate financing and mobilisation of
support, the situation can be
reversed such that the cost, in terms of lives
and financing, is not passed
on to women.
Campaigners say between 1
300 and 2 800 women and girls die each year due to
pregnancy-related
complications, and most of these deaths are avoidable.
Additionally,
another 26 000 to 84 000 women and girls suffer from
disabilities caused by
complications during pregnancy and childbirth each
year.
Minister of
Health and Child Welfare Henry Madzorera said discussions are
underway for
all government hospitals to remove user fees so that pregnant
women receive
treatment for free.
In Harare, maternity fees are pegged at $25 at
council clinics.
These charges were contributing to increased women
delivering in homes as
they failed to raise the registration
fees.
High user fees have been blamed for maternal deaths and
complications.
Apart from user fees, there are three delays identified to
be contributing
to pregnancy complications.
These include the delay
in deciding to visit a health facility, delay in
getting transport to the
institution and the delay in getting assistance
while at the
institution.
Failure to deliver under the supervision of skilled
personnel is among
reasons why Zimbabwe has recorded a high number of
pregnancy-related deaths.
http://www.dailynews.co.zw
Written by Staff Writer
Monday, 23 April
2012 12:26
HARARE - Zimbabweans have suffered repeated cycles of
political and state
sponsored violence, some of it bordering on near
genocide since independence
from Britain in 1980. Yet, 32 years on, no
effective mechanisms have been
put in place to ensure justice is
done.
Because transitional justice mechanisms are lacking, conflict has
become
part of Zimbabwe’s culture, says Heal Zimbabwe Trust, a local human
rights
group working with grassroots victims of conflict.
Heal
Zimbabwe said this had led to past victims joining the bandwagon of
perpetrators.
Examples are some victims of Gukurahundi who today have
become useful tools
of repression for President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu
PF party.
These include some who at some point were condemned to jail
during the 1980’s
massacres, but after joining government as ministers, they
have turned into
perpetrators and are no longer keen to have the issue of
Gukurahundi
discussed publicly, said Heal Zimbabwe in a report released last
week.
“Truth telling on the conflict in Zimbabwe has been a missing link
for the
desired national healing and peace building, as a result, the
Zimbabwean
conflict has since before independence been a vicious cycle where
those who
were victims at one time become the perpetrators and vice versa,”
reads the
report.
“Zimbabwe has for the past three decades failed to
come up with legislation
to provide for transitional justice prosecutions.
The only attempt was the
setting up of a Human Rights Commission which to
date is still in its
infancy. It is however not certain that the presence of
a commission to
investigate human rights abuses can lead to prosecutions
because there is no
law to support it. Worse still there is an attempt by
the commission to
deliberately ignore human rights abuses that happened
before September
2009,” reads the report.
Zimbabwe, however, could
learn valuable lesions from countries such as
Rwanda, which went through a
vicious conflict that killed over 800 000
people in its first 100 days in
1994.
“The truth to the nature and execution of organised torture and
violence has
not been told. Rwanda recorded success in the Gacaca because
the courts
rewarded truth telling,” Heal Zimbabwe said, adding that it
should be easier
for Zimbabwe to deal with transitional justice issues
because it has fewer
conflict victims than Rwanda.
Below we publish
an abridged version of the Heal Zimbabwe report on how the
country can learn
from Rwanda’s experiences.
Transitional Justice in Rwanda
Rwanda’s
post-genocide experience with transitional justice is varied and
complex.
The Rwandan case study presents two distinct transitional
justice strategies
which are the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
(ICTR) and the
grassroots Gacaca courts.
By definition, The ICTR is
an ad-hoc United Nations’ institution with an
international jurisdiction,
located outside the territory of the population
affected by the violence,
and uses formal trial and punishment procedures.
Both the tribunal’s
successes and failures have been instructive for the
design and execution of
future transitional justice strategies, such as the
International Criminal
Court (ICC).
On the other hand, Rwanda’s Gacaca courts sought to provide
a kind of
justice that is both institutionally and culturally different from
the ICTR.
Organic Law
The legal foundation for genocide
prosecutions in Rwanda was Rwanda’s
Organic Law; this law was developed in
1996 and had a temporal jurisdiction
of October 1 1990 to December 31
1994.
The Organic Law is most significant for its categorisation of
criminal
responsibility: category one is for the most serious criminals and
comprises
those in a position of authority and orchestrators; category two
comprises
perpetrators and accomplices; category three is for those who
looted or
stole property.
The ICTR
The Security Council acted
upon the Rwandan Government’s request under
Chapter VII of the United
Nations Charter to establish the International
Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
in 1994.
The Statute of this Tribunal closely resembles its sister
tribunal in The
Hague, the International Criminal Tribunal for
Yugoslavia.
The ICTR has a temporal jurisdiction of 1994 and its mandate
is to prosecute
the leaders and masterminds of the Rwandan genocide. Despite
its
characterization as international justice, the International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda has both the mandate and institutional components to
foster local ownership of transitional justice within Rwanda.
Gacaca
Courts
Gacaca, meaning “justice on the grass”, is an indigenous dispute
resolution
mechanism that was reinvented by the post-genocide Rwandan
Government to
judge genocide cases in local communities.
As a
primarily restorative justice strategy, Gacaca’s processes of community
participation, truth-telling, and compensation were meant to achieve
reconciliation through a swift and culturally appropriate mechanism for
accountability.
While reconciliation was the ultimate goal of Gacaca,
its practical benefits
cannot be ignored. Rwanda’s prisons were overcrowded
and the number of
suspects estimated at over 761 448 in all categories of
criminal
responsibility.
The approximately 12 000 Gacaca courts
spread across the country were able
to prosecute these cases more quickly
than a national court system.
Lessons for Zimbabwe
The idea of
realising that criminal activities that happen in a conflict
require the
involvement of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its
special courts
like the one set up in Rwanda is something the Inclusive
Government in
Zimbabwe can adopt.
The Government has also the duty to pursue other
non-legal process such as
reparations.
The Government of Rwanda made
efforts towards this and by 2001 a draft law
was in place for a compensation
scheme put forward by the ministry of
Justice to Parliament and the
Senate.
However, for the Rwandan Government, compensation was only to the
poorest of
survivors in the form of health and education assistance.
http://allafrica.com/stories/201204231060.html
By Andre Van Wyk, 23 April
2012
Cape Town — More than 200 singing and drum-beating demonstrators
took to the
streets of London in the hopes that their protest will push the
United
Nations (UN) to supervise the next general elections in
Zimbabwe.
Organised by Zimbabwe Vigil, the protesters handed their
petition to a
representative of UK Prime Minister David Cameron at 10
Downing Street.
The petition states: "We call on the Security Council to
ensure that the
next elections in Zimbabwe are free and fair. We look to the
United Nations
to supervise the electoral process and the handover of power
to a new
government and believe peace-keeping troops will need to be in
place before,
during and after the polling.'The petition has been signed by
more than
12,000 people across the wold over the past two years.
The
London-based organisation, with the MDC Diaspora, also called on South
Africa to pressure Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe into honouring the
2008 Global Political Agreement.
The demonstrators, led by Rose
Benton of Zimbabwe Vigil, Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) chairperson
Ephraim Tapa and MDC-United Kingdom
chairperson Tonderayi Samanyanga,
carried messages like 'Mugabe Must Go Now'
and 'No More Violent
Elections'.
The petition forms part of the Free Zimbabwe Global Protest,
an
international movement. Recent demonstrations in the U.S., South Africa
and
the UK also coincided with the country's Independence Day celebrations
on
April 18.
Zimbabwe Vigil has had supporters outside the Zimbabwean
embassy in London
every Saturday over the past decade in protest against
human rights abuses
allegedly perpetrated by the Zanu-PF and its supporters.
Johnny Rodrigues
Chairman for Zimbabwe
Conservation Task Force
|
http://www.businessday.co.za/
If political
leaders who influence policy and funding choices were forced to
use public
health systems, they would find a way to address many of the
challenges they
blame for the condition of systems that force them to flee
to other
countries when they feel a bit poorly
DIANNA GAMES
Published:
2012/04/23 08:03:42 AM
THE death this month of Malawi’s p resident Bingu
wa Mutharika in a private
clinic in Johannesburg brings to mind other
African leaders whose lives
ended in hospitals far from the public health
systems of their home
countries. Malawi’s first post-independence president,
Hastings Banda, died
at a private clinic in SA in 1997. Africa’s
longest-serving president, Omar
Bongo of Gabon, died in a Spanish hospital,
while Togo’s former leader,
Gnassingbe Eyadema, died in an aircraft in 2005
while being evacuated for
emergency treatment abroad. Nigeria’s Umaru
Yar’Adua was admitted to
hospitals in Germany and Saudi Arabia, while
Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere died
in a London hospital.
Most of the
continent’s current leaders also prefer to be sick in foreign
hospitals and
private clinics. Angolan President Eduardo Dos Santos has been
treated in
Spain and Brazil and plenty of Angolans will bet he hasn’t seen
the inside
of a local health facility. The same applies to Zimbabwe’s Robert
Mugabe,
who frequents hospitals in Malaysia and Singapore.
Cost is not an issue
for Africa’s political elite, who prefer to pour
taxpayers’ money into
overseas medical facilities rather than spending it on
improving health
systems at home.
Getting ill in most African countries is not for the
faint-hearted. But as
incomes improve, Africans return from abroad and
expatriate numbers grow,
healthcare is becoming a major investment
opportunity — private healthcare,
that is.
McKinsey research suggests
that healthcare spending in sub-Saharan Africa
will more than double its
2006 levels to reach about R245bn a year by 2016,
60% of which will go to
private healthcare. To meet increased demand, it
says, total investment of
up to R200bn will be required.
But most Africans cannot afford private
healthcare facilities and most don’t
have access to medical insurance. Even
public healthcare is seldom entirely
free for patients.
Africans
battle a range of communicable and parasitical diseases. The
continent bears
66% of the world’s HIV/AIDS burden, which swallows up
resources in public
healthcare systems. Now the continent faces a dramatic
increase in
lifestyle-related diseases, such as diabetes, hypertension and
cancer. The
experts say that probably 85% of diabetes cases are undiagnosed
and the
incidence may be higher than HIV in 20 years’ time.
Rising health costs
in developed countries have resulted in a shift in focus
to promoting health
rather than treating sickness. In the UK, primary health
interventions saved
about 80000 people from dying of cardiovascular disease
over a decade. H
ealthcare experts will tell you how difficult it is to
change people’s
behaviour.
In Africa, fighting the battle from a prevention perspective
will be even
harder. The basic tools of prevention, such as sanitation,
clean water and
nutrition, are generally not in place.
Countries have
become dependent on donors to foot the bill for health
spending but this
assistance is declining with financial problems in donor
countries.
Governments have to now think about more strategic and
sustainable
interventions.
In 2001, 53 African countries signed the Abuja Declaration
pledging to
dedicate 15% of national budgets to improving healthcare. The
World Health
Organisation reports that only SA and Rwanda have met the
target in the
decade since then. Seven states have cut spending. Poor
management systems,
a lack of maintenance and hygiene in facilities, poor
municipal services,
inadequate equipment and fraud in tendering and
procurement processes also
deter progress.
Healthcare issues are
complex but two issues seem clear. Government funding
is well below what is
needed to sustain a basic healthcare system and what
exists is not being
used efficiently. The other is that if political leaders
who influence
policy and funding choices were forced to use public health
systems, they
would find a way to address many of the challenges they blame
for the
condition of systems that force them to flee to other countries when
they
feel a bit poorly.
• Games is CEO of Africa At Work, a consulting company
focusing on African
business.
http://www.politicsweb.co.za/
Wilf Mbanga
23 April 2012
The
Zimbabwean editor Wilf Mbanga condemns a travesty of justice in that
country
The Zimbabwean: Editorial
A tale of two murders: a
travesty of justice
A policeman was murdered last year. 29 people were
arrested, tortured in an
effort to extract confessions, and been held in
filthy conditions in various
police stations for months on end - and are now
in maximum security prison.
Some of the suspects ended up in hospital with
bone fractures. Some were
kept in solitary confinement. The state prosecutor
has invoked the notorious
Section 121 of the criminal code, which allows him
to reverse any decision
by a magistrate or judge to grant bail, to keep the
accused persons in
prison.
Police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri told
mourners soon after the murder:
"Those who live by the sword shall die by
the sword." He promised
retribution for the murder. Nearly 12 months later,
no evidence linking the
29 suspects to the murder has been presented in
court. In a desperate
attempt to get relief from their inhumane treatment,
the suspects - all MDC
officials - took the matter to the High
Court.
What happened then would be farcical if it were not so tragic. On
several
occasions, the court did not sit. Either the prosecutor was
attending a
funeral, or was sick, or not ready to argue his case. The judge
also had his
moment when he could not come to court as he was "not feeling
well" or was
attending to some "other business". Now he has reserved
judgement
"indefinitely". Meanwhile the hapless MDC officials rot in jail
under
atrocious conditions.
Recently, another murder took place. This
time, six policemen beat to death
a man they claimed had stolen a purse from
the wife of the Member in Charge
of Shamva Police. Chihuri called it a case
of "indiscipline". Despite there
being irrefutable evidence that these
policemen killed the man, they were
granted bail of $50 each upon their
first appearance in court. There were no
reports of them having been
tortured in custody; no non-appearances in court
by the prosecutor; no sick
judge; no invocation of Section 121; no judgement
reserved
"indefinitely".
While these murderous policemen enjoy their freedom, the
29 presumed
innocent MDC officials languish in prison. We challenge the
police to
present before a competent court any evidence they may have of
their guilt.
This is a shameful travesty of justice.
Wilf
Mbanga
The Zimbabwean
www.thezimbabwean.co.uk