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Govt plans to legalise unpaid seizure of foreign firms

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
23 April 2013

The ZANU PF led empowerment ministry is planning to legalise the unpaid
takeover of foreign owned companies in Zimbabwe, in the latest twist in the
indigenisation campaign.

According to the Sunday Mail newspaper, the Ministry is working closely with
the Attorney General’s office to make key amendments to the Indigenisation
and Empowerment Act, which currently stipulates that shares be bought by the
government at fair market value.

The amendments, according to the Sunday Mail, are being designed to ensure
that ‘the people of Zimbabwe benefit fully, and without cost whatsoever,
from enterprises that exploit their God-given natural resources’.

The indigenisation campaign, spearheaded by Robert Mugabe’s party, requires
foreign owned firms to cede 51% of their shares to Zimbabweans. Companies
that have complied with the indigenisation rules have done so with
agreements that they would be compensated.

Mining giant Implats, for example, in its Indigenisation agreement, said it
will transfer 20% of its local Zimplats shares to employee and community
trusts and 31% to a state-run National Indigenisation and Economic
Empowerment Fund. Implats agreed to ‘sell’ this majority stake for $971
million, by loaning Zimbabwe the money that would be paid back with
interest.

This agreement saw Indigenisation Minister Saviour Kasukuwere land in hot
water with Mugabe, who told the state media in March: “That is the problem,
they gave us 51 per cent saying that it is a loan that we are giving you,
and we are paying for you in advance and then you can pay us back tomorrow.”

He added: “I think that is where our minister made a mistake. He did not
quite understand what was happening, and yet our theory is that the resource
is ours and that resource is our share, that is where the 51 per cent comes
from.”

Kasukuwere has since said that Mugabe’s position is the correct one, and
Implats needs to take the President’s comments into account.

Economist Masimba Kuchera told SW Radio Africa on Tuesday that it was this
situation that has led to the indigenisation legislation being amended,
saying it proves “the government was not sincere at all with the
indigenisation plans.”

Kuchera also warned that this latest development will have a serious impact
on the already fragile investment market in Zimbabwe, because there is no
clarity about what the empowerment rules are.

“This lack of clarity means Zimbabwe’s economy will be hamstrung vis a vis
investment, because investors are not sure about how the law will be
interpreted (if they invest),” Kuchera said, adding: “It puts everyone in a
difficult position.”


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Indigenisation: Kasukuwere changes course

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

22/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Staff Reporter

THE government is working on changes to the country’s indigenisation regime
that will likely render null and void the US$971 million Zimplats compliance
transaction as well as tweak the programme in line with suggestions made by
the central bank.

The Zimplats agreement was the single largest compliance transaction steered
by Empowerment Minister Saviour Kasukuwere under the programme which gives
Zimbabweans 51 percent ownership and control of foreign companies operating
in the country.

But the transaction is now mired in controversy over allegations of
irregularities while Kasukuwere was also publicly slated by President Robert
Mugabe who accused the minister of making a mistake when signing off the
deal.

Under the terms of the agreement, beneficiary institutions were expected to
pay full fair value for the equity but Mugabe said the government’s policy
was that the mineral resource belonged to Zimbabwe and should make up the
country’s 51 percent contribution to the business.

“I think that is where our minister made a mistake. He did not quite
understand what was happening and yet theory yedu ndeyekuti resource iyoyo
ndeyedu and that resource is our share that is where the 51 percent comes
from,” the Zanu PF leader said in his birthday interview with state media.

Kasukuwere’s supporters however, said the deal was still to be finalised but
in what appears to be a direct response to Mugabe’s criticism, the minister
is now working on legislative changes that would see mineral resources being
used as payment for the 51 % equity acquisitions.

A white paper outlining the proposed changes states that: “The
Indigenisation and Empowerment Ministry and Government of Zimbabwe would
like to revise materially, the policy and law on indigenisation and
empowerment with respect to the acquisition of 51 percent shareholding in
all non-indigenous businesses operating in the country.

“The motivation for this position arises out of the desire to ensure that
the people of Zimbabwe benefit fully, and without cost whatsoever, from
enterprises that exploit their God-given natural resources.

“Government’s endeavour in this regard is to realise shareholding in such
non-indigenous businesses in exchange for natural resources, thereby
creating enterprise partnerships between non-indigenous investors and
indigenous entities based on contribution of resource of capital in the
measure reflected in by our 51/49 percent law.”

Observers said the changes would likely render null and void various deals
reached with mining companies such as the South Africa-based platinum majors
Anglo American Platinum (Amplats) and Impala Platinum (Implats) as well as
Canadian gold miner, Caledonia Mining.

Amplats owns the Unki Platinum Mine in Shurugwi while Implats developed the
Zimplats operations in the Selous area and also owned a 50 percent interest
in Zvishavane-based Mimosa Platinum.

“The proposed changes mean that all the agreements reached so far are null
and void and that vendor financing will also be outlawed. Everyone will have
to go back to the drawing board,” said a government official who did not
want to be named.

“The development also throws up interesting questions regarding the US$17
million demanded by (Harare advisory firm) Brainworks Capital for work
related to the Zimplats transaction. Who is going to pay for advice that has
been thrown out?”

Again, in an apparent nod to a counter empowerment proposal made by Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) governor Gideon Gono, the proposed changes would also
include “provisions on procurement (aimed at) achieving the regulation of
procurement practices of private and public companies and preferential
procurement for women, youths, disabled and local communities”.

Gono has long argued that the equity model pursued by Kasukuwere would not
lead to broad-based economic empowerment and proposed a counter approach
that would compel the foreign companies to do most their procurement with
indigenous entities.

The proposal was however ridiculed by Zanu PF politburo member, Jonathan
Moyo who said: “the (logic of the) so-called supply side model touted by
Gono is akin to that of a house nigger whose hopeless mentality is that it
is far better to profit from selling the furniture of the house as a vendor
under the spell of Maslow’s discredited hierarchy of needs than to own the
house even if it does not have any furniture.”

Gono and Kasukuwere have also clashed over the indigenisation of the country’s
banking sector with the RBZ chief arguing that a one-size-fits-all approach
would likely harm a key but sensitive and still fragile sector of the
economy.

Kasukuwere however, says the banks must comply with the law and is leaning
on the local units of the UK-based Barclays and Standard Chartered banks as
well as South Africa’s Standard and Nedbank groups to submit compliance
plans.


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Zanu-PF Factionalism Worsens in Manicaland Province

http://www.voazimbabwe.com/

Loirdham Moyo
23.04.2013

HARARE — Serious divisions within President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party
were exposed in court today when two officials took the stand in Mutare in a
case in which former Manicaland provincial chairman, Mike Madiro, and acting
Women’s League chairperson, Dorothy Mabika, are accused of allegedly
stealing cattle donated for the president’s birthday last year.

Zanu-PF members John Chirimambowa and Angawashe Nelia Maenda followed their
party’s secretary for administration, Didymus Mutasa, in incriminating the
two for allegedly stealing 10 cattle donated to the 21st February Movement
for the president’s birthday bash.

Chirimambowa, a farmer and Zanu-PF provincial secretary for production and
labour, told Mutare magistrate Lucy Anne Mungwari that he sold the 10 beasts
to the party for $5,000, adding they should have been slaughtered for the
celebrations to mark Mr. Mugabe’s 88th birthday.

Defence lawyer Tinofara Hove said the two are victims of factionalism in
Zanu-PF in Manicaland Province.

The defense said the fact that the beasts are still at Chirimambowa’s farm
means he is the one who stole the cattle since he had been paid in full.

Chirimambowa refuted the claim saying factionalism had nothing to do with
the case.

Mr. Hove claimed that Chirimambowa was part of a plan to persecute the two,
an allegation he denied.

Maenda, the acting Zanu-PF provincial administrator and the party’s
secretary for production and labour in the Women’s League, said accused
Mabika of ordering her to alter minutes of an earlier meeting about the
missing cattle to save her from the police.

The accused is said to have sent a text message to another Zanu-PF colleague
asking them to work together to change the minutes concerning three of the
10 beasts.

Maenda told the court that the former provincial chairman also instructed
her to move the cattle to the home of Zanu-PF councillor for ward 25, Peter
Dombropoulos’ farm in Odzi.

The accused’s attorney maintained his clients were being used as scapegoats
in Zanu-PF factionalism that has torn the former liberation party apart in
the province. Two employees who work for Zanu-PF in the province are
expected to take the stand before the case is wrapped-up. The case continues
tomorrow.


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Mutasa takes stand in Madiro stock theft trial

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

22/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Abel Zhakata I Herald

THE trial of suspended Zanu PF Manicaland chairman Mike Madiro and his
deputy Dorothy Mabika, who are facing charges of stock theft, began in
Mutare on Monday.
Madiro, 49, and Mabika, 47, face charges of theft involving 10 cattle
donated by a Chipinge farmer towards the hosting of celebrations for
President Robert Mugabe’s birthday in Mutare last year.

The duo, through their lawyer, Tinofara Hove, pleaded not guilty to the
charges when the trial began before Mutare provincial magistrate Lucie-Anne
Mungwari.

Zanu PF officials Didymus Mutasa, Absalom Sikhosana and Supa Mandiwanzira
all took the witness stand after being called by the prosecution.

Mutasa told the court the duo erred by not disclosing the cattle to the
party, as well as slaughtering three of the beasts for an event other than
the 21st February Movement celebrations for which they were meant.

He said the party expects accountability and Madiro, as the provincial
chairman, must have disclosed everything that had been bought or donated
towards the celebrations including the balance which the party normally
donates to charity.

“If those cattle were secured for the 21st February celebrations, and they
ended up being used for another function without the party’s knowledge, that
is an offence. As the national secretary for administration, I should have
been told of these developments,” he said.

Mutasa rejected a charge by the defence lawyer that the trial amounted to
political persecution.
“That’s not correct. They (Madiro and Mabika) did wrong and that is why we
are in court. They are all my friends and I believe we are friends,” he
said.

Prosecutors also called Zanu PF national youth league chairman Absolom
Sikhosana and the party’s treasurer for Manicaland, Supa Mandiwanzira.

Sikhosana, challenged by the defence lawyer about factional fights in the
party’s Manicaland executive, insisted that he was not aware of any
divisions and refused to answer questions relating to the alleged rifts.

Mandiwanzira told the court he released funds to pay for the 10 cattle,
adding that this was his only involvement with the case. It was not
explained what happened to the money he released, as the beasts at the
centre of the trial were donated.

He also confirmed it was party practice that beasts bought for one event can
be used for a different function as long as it is approved by the party.

Jane Rose Matsikidze, prosecuting, told the court that Madiro and Mabika
received the cattle donation on behalf of the party from John Chirimambowa
of Farm 39, Middle Sabi, in Chipinge but did not hand them over to the
party.

But Hove, in his defence outline, maintained that his clients, who are on
US$150 bail each, are innocent.
He said the “fictitious allegations” raised against them were a result of
political persecution revolving around factionalism in the Zanu PF
provincial structures in Manicaland.

“The defence will maintain that this is a case of political persecution
whereby the State is being abused and used to persecute the accused. This
has nothing to do with the administration of justice,” the lawyer said.

“A perusal of the State outline together with the state witnesses clearly
shows that the essential elements of stock theft have not been specifically
alleged, let alone established.

“As of now, the said cattle are still at the said farm. Therefore, if anyone
stole the cattle, it should be John Chirimambowa since the cattle are at his
farm and they have always been at his farm.”

The trial continues on Tuesday.
Meanwhile, Mabika is being tried seperately tried on stock theft charges
over six cows she received in 2011 from another Chipinge farmer, Dawid
Hercules Jourbert, on behalf of Zanu PF.

She allegedly stole the cattle and then tried to rewrite minutes of a
provincial executive meeting to reflect that the party had written off the
beasts after they died due to lack of stock feed.


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Parties rally behind MDC poll demands

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

Tuesday, 23 April 2013 10:47

HARARE - Political parties, including Zapu and the Welshman Ncube led MDC,
yesterday rallied behind Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC demands for
transparency in the voter registration process.

At a closed door meeting between 18 political parties and the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission (Zec) also attended by under-fire Registrar General
Tobaiwa Mudede, the political parties demanded that Mudede be restricted to
the issuance of identity documents only.

Mudede has been the Registrar General for the past 33 years and stands
accused of working in complicity with President Robert Mugabe’s party to rig
elections. Mudede has repeatedly denied the charges.

Zapu spokesperson Mjubiso Noko, said Mudede failed to explain delays in the
voter registration exercise.

“After the meeting Mudede tried to defend himself on the issue of mobile
registration by blaming Finance minister Tendai Biti. He was saying he has
not been given any money for the programme but no one listened to him.

“He could not say anything on the issue of ghost voters and the fact that
people openly told him he and Zanu PF made things worse,” said Noko.

In a statement, MDC spokesperson Douglas Mwonzora, said parties are
concerned with the lack of transparency in the voter registration process.

“All the political parties expressed dismay at the manner in which the voter
registration exercise was being carried out by the Registrar General’s
office especially in the rural areas.

“The MDC demanded that the residence requirement under which potential
registrants were required to furnish the Registrar’s offices with letters
from traditional leaders to prove their residents in various wards must be
scrapped. This is because this requirement was being abused in some areas
resulting in some people being denied these letters by the traditional
leaders on political grounds,” said Mwonzora.

The meeting between Zec and political parties was called for after the MDC
wrote to the electoral body expressing concern over the preparations of the
watershed elections especially on voter registration.

“The MDC submitted that the appointment of persons to run elections had to
be done in a politically inclusive manner. This includes the appointment of
voter educators as well as polling officers.

“During the referendum, Zec only appointed Zanu PF sympathisers in the form
of ward youth officers to work as the polling officers. “This is
unacceptable.

Although the government had announced that mobile voter registration
targeting mainly rural communities was supposed to commence on January 3,
2013 nothing in that regard has materialised to date.

“The MDC demanded that the mobile voter registration exercise be embarked
upon as a matter of urgency,” said Mwonzora.

Sources said all parties except Zanu PF demanded that Mudede’s wings should
be clipped.

Some smaller parties that attended the meeting even threatened a poll
boycott unless reforms are implemented.

Kisinoti Mukwazhe who leads the Zimbabwe Development Party (ZDP) said there
is no need for elections if the office of the Registrar General is not
reformed.

“Eight parties including ours indicated that if reforms are not put in place
then they won’t be any need for elections. The voters roll is in shambles
and Mudede who has rigged elections for Zanu PF should be removed from the
process which must be led by Zec.

“The process of registering to be a voter is taxing and meant to frustrate
first time voters,” said Mukwazhe. - Richard Chidza and Fungi Kwaramba


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MDC-T, Zanu PF slam voter registration

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

22/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Staff Reporter

ZANU PF and the MDC-T have expressed concern over irregularities in the
voter registration exercise as the country prepares for elections expected
later this this year.

The parties met the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) in Harare on Monday
to discuss the state of the voters’ roll, registration of voters and
accreditation of observers ahead of the elections.

Zanu PF’s Sydney Sekeramayi said they had discovered cases in which people
were using unoccupied buildings as their residencies when registering as
voters.

“If 60 people are registered under Mahachi Building as their place of
residence or if we have 200 people registered under Goromonzi Secondary
School, it should begin to raise eyebrows. This is an area we think ZEC
should look at,” he said.

“Our concern is when we have large numbers of people registering under one
house. These are some of the issues we feel distort our voters’ roll and
want them addressed.”

MDC-T chairman Lovemore Moyo said people in rural areas were failing to
register because of the requirement to produce proof of residence.

He said: “In rural areas we have been confronted with a situation where
prospective voters have difficulties in registering in the various centres.

“Some are turned away because the letters from the kraal head do not have a
date stamp. Honestly, where do we expect a kraal head to get a date stamp?”

Mavambo’s Chenjerai Gwanzura added: “The requirement of proof of residence
is also preventing some people from registering as there are some landlords
who are refusing to sign those letters proving residency especially if they
know that the tenant supports a rival political party to theirs.”

ZEC chair, Justice Rita Makarau, said voter registration was still the
responsibility of the Registrar General’s office.
“Our voter registration is ward based. This means that all voters must first
prove by way of documentation. Voter registration is a function given to the
Registrar General of voters by the electoral law,” she said.

She however rejected allegations by the MDC-T that the commission’s
secretariat was biased and unprofessional.

The MDC-T has demanded the reconstitution of the secretariat claiming its
ranks had been massed by security services personnel with links to Zanu PF.

“This is not the first time I have heard about (the allegations of bias) but
I invite anyone with concrete examples of bias to come forward,” Makarau
said.

“It does not matter whether a person has a military background but if they
are showing bias there is every reason to leave the organisation.”


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Zanu-PF accuses rival of fiddling with voters roll

http://www.africareview.com/

By KITSEPILE NYATHI in Harare | Tuesday, April 23  2013 at  14:11

Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF ruling party has accused its
opponents of manipulating the voters roll ahead of elections he wants held
in June.

Zanu PF, which in the past has been accused of stuffing the voters register
with names of dead people and babies to rig elections in their favour,
lodged the complaint with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC).

It claimed the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) led by Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai was registering people using other people’s houses.

“Our concern is when we have large numbers of people registering under one
house,” Zanu PF secretary for security Sydney Sekeremayi told the state
owned Herald newspaper on Tuesday.

“These are some of the issues we feel distort our voters roll and want them
addressed."

The Registrar-General’s office, which compiles the voters roll, has been
accused by opposition parties of favouring President Mugabe and his party.

The MDC on Tuesday accused the office of frustrating prospective new voters
by making unreasonable demands and delaying the registration process.

“In rural areas we have been confronted with a situation where prospective
voters have difficulties in registering in the various centres,” said MDC
chairman, Mr Lovemore Moyo.

“Some are turned away because the letters from the kraal head do not have a
date stamp. Honestly, where do we expect a kraal head to get a date stamp?”

The rural areas are considered to be Zanu PF’s strongholds as the party has
not won in urban areas across the country since the MDC was formed in 1999.

ZEC chairperson Justice Rita Makarau said the body would look into the
complaints raised by the parties.

“We are listening to all those concerns and we hope that in the near future
we will be able to address the nation at large and the political parties on
the issues,” she said.

Zimbabwe’s three governing parties are not agreed on the timing of the
elections to end their coalition but President Mugabe insists they must be
held by June 29.

ZEC says it has not been allocated enough many to clean the voters roll.

Last week the electoral body announced that it had finally removed the name
of Zimbabwe’s last colonial ruler, Ian Douglas Smith, who died in 2007.


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Glen View 29 trial: Defence prepares application for discharge

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
23 April 2013

The defence team representing 29 MDC-T supporters accused of murder, on
Tuesday requested a postponement of the case to allow them to complete a
document to be used to apply for their clients’ acquittal and discharge.

Lawyer Gift Mtisi said they had underestimated the amount of work needed for
the combined application after the state closed its case last month.

At the close of the state case the defence team had said they would begin
oral submissions for discharge on Tuesday, but the amount of work involved
meant the team failed to meet its target.

‘We have to compile the document based on an individual’s circumstances.
Remember some of our clients were in Glen View during the commission of the
crime, but nowhere near the scene, while others were not in Glen View
altogether,’

Mtisi told SW Radio Africa that they were still working on the application
but remained hopeful they will finish the job soon. He said this was the
reason they requested a postponement.

‘As soon as we are done, it may be this week or next week, we will proceed
with our plans to request the High Court to acquit our clients on the murder
charge because there is no substance at all to the allegation,’ Mtisi said.

All the 29 MDC-T activists have pleaded not guilty to murdering police
inspector, Petros Mutedza two years ago in Glen View.

In the discharge application, the defence will have to satisfy the court
that the prosecution team failed to prove their clients’ guilt and that they
have no case to meet.

‘We remain optimistic despite the hurdles that we faced along the way that
our application for discharge will be granted. We have confidence justice
will prevail,’ said Mtisi.

He said that all the evidence presented in court by state witnesses ‘did not
warrant their clients to be placed on their defence.’

‘There is no substance at all, evidence against our clients is simply not
there, so they have no case to answer,’ Mtisi added.

Since it began the trial has been subject to several deferments, with just
the bail application for the 29 activists postponed more than 7 times,
mainly to allow the state to build its case.

The 29 activists were arrested in May 2011 when a police detail, responding
to reports of political disturbances in Harare’s Glen View area, was
attacked resulting in the death of Inspector Mutedza.

They have been on remand since then, with five of the accused still held in
custody where they have been reportedly tortured and ill-treated.

The five – Last Maengahama, Tungamirai Madzokere, Simon Mapanzure, Yvonne
Musarurwa and Rebecca Mafukeni – were deemed a flight risk and remanded in
custody when their colleagues were bailed last year.


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Bulawayo youths’ court appearance postponed

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Nomalanga Moyo
23 April 2013

On Tuesday the trial of 23 members of a Bulawayo youth lobby group, who were
arrested earlier this month on allegations of holding an illegal protest,
was postponed to May 4th.

The youths were picked up by police on April 8th, while walking to the
offices of national energy supplier the Zimbabwe Electricity Supply
Authority (ZESA) and were slapped with two charges, with a third charge
added at a later date.

All 23 are part of youth empowerment umbrella group Mthwakazi Youth Leaders
Joint Resolution, which was formed to represent different youth groups in
the city.

On the day in question, the youths say they were on their way to seek
employment at ZESA, after learning that the company had already hired people
from Kwekwe to work at its Insukamini sub-station located in Nketa
residential suburb.

The activists also intended to hand in a petition challenging ZESA’s hiring
policy, which they say sidelined unemployed people from the city in favour
of those from other regions. They said they were simply calling for
city-based employers to give first preference to local youths before hiring
from other regions.

However, police intercepted the group around the Donnington industrial area
and accused them of demonstrating, in breach of the country’s security laws.
The police further slapped the group with criminal charges relating to
fanning hatred towards people of a specific ethnic tribe, which the youths
deny.

Following their release on bail on April 9th, group spokesman Mqondisi Moyo
told this station that the youths were ‘walking peacefully and not
protesting’, and stated that walking in groups is common practice amongst
unemployed people.

Speaking to SW Radio Africa correspondent Lionel Saungweme the youths said
they were unhappy with the postponement of their case, as it deprived “them
of a chance to complain about the ill-treatment they received from the
police”. The youths said their human rights were violated when they were
locked up at Khami Maximum Prison, instead of being sent to a remand prison.


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Govt ‘happy’ with financially strong Diaspora

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
23 April 2013

The government is said to be ‘happy’ with a Diaspora that continues
remitting millions to Zimbabwe, because of the ongoing weak state of the
national economy.

Recent figures from South Africa have suggested that roughly $600 million is
being remitted to Zimbabwe annually from the Diaspora.

These figures are according to South Africa’s First National Bank, which
recently launched a cellphone-based cash remittance service to Zimbabwe. The
Bank quotes research it conducted, showing that about 1.9 million
Zimbabweans living and working in South Africa send home an average of R6.7
billion a year.

Another South African financial services group, Standard Bank, has said that
it handled more than R1-million in transfers to Zimbabwe since it launched a
similar money transfer service in December last year.

There are no official figures from Zimbabwe’s government about the amount of
formal remittances being channeled to the national economy. But the figures
do suggest that the economy still relies on the Diaspora.

South African based economist Luke Zunga said according to research he had
seen, the remittance figures are closer to R2 billion (or $200 million) a
year. He told SW Radio Africa that this significant flow of money was why
the government was not encouraging the Diaspora to return home en masse.

“There was a Zimbabwe investment conference held in South Africa (this
month) and one of the addresses was by Deputy Prime Minster (Arthur)
Mutambara. And he said: ‘We are not encouraging the Diaspora to come home.
Because once you are back home you are not very valuable. We’d prefer a
strong Diaspora that will help this country to develop either by way of
remittances or investment’,” Zunga explained.

He continued: “So the message we are getting is that the government knows
that the longer the Diaspora is out there, the better for Zimbabwe,
financially.”

Zunga meanwhile added that Zimbabweans are still reluctant to return home,
mainly because of the political uncertainty that still remains there. But he
said people “have a soft spot” for their home country, and are waiting to
see the political climate changing “to put more money in their country.”

“Zimbabweans are more effective if they invest in Zimbabwe but stay where
they are. In the long term Zimbabwe will benefit from the investment aspect
and not the remittances,” Zunga said.


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Muchauraya’s trial over death threats kicks off in Harare

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
23 April 2013

The MDC-T provincial spokesperson for Manicaland and Makoni South MP Pishai
Muchauraya appeared in court on Tuesday for the start of his trial, after he
was charged with making death threats against his political rival Geoff
Nyarota.

The MP, who is out on $100 bail, is also accused of threatening to kill
Nyarota’s aunt Sophia Chibayambuya, who took to the stand as the state’s
first witness. Muchauraya denies both charges.

Muchauraya and Nyarota are expected to square off in the party primaries for
the Makoni South constituency that are to be held between the 3rd and 15th
May.

The state has lined up three witnesses. Nyarota is expected to testify on
Wednesday and will be followed by Godfrey Sanhanga. In his sworn affidavit
to the police, Nyarota said that on February 28th he received death threats
from a caller who was using a private number. Nyarota said he “recognised”
the voice of Muchauraya.

“The caller, who did not identify himself, said: ‘You are a fool, you are a
big fool.’ He then hung up the phone. He immediately called again and this
time he said: ‘You are a big fool. You are sending your people to me. But
you are going to die. I am going to kill you. I am a killer. Those who know
me are aware that I am a killer.”

“Then he hung up the phone. I was shocked that a person could threaten to
kill me like that. I have received warnings from people that I should be
careful and be wary of Honourable Pishai Muchauraya,” said Nyarota.


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UN team must drop conditions: Minister

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

22/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Staff Reporter

JUSTICE Minister Patrick Chinamasa has insisted that the United Nations fact
finding team would not be allowed in the country unless it drops conditions
relating to security sector and media reforms.

The UN dispatched the team on a “needs assessment mission” before it
considered Zimbabwe’s request for about US$132 million needed to fund the
polls but Zanu PF has objected to the mission’s demands to meet with civil
society organisations and various other issues.

Zimbabwe has since withdrawn the funding request and on Monday Chinamasa
insisted: "We are prepared to accept any assistance which comes in cash, to
pay and procure the resources that we need for the elections.

“We already know our budget, we have an election budget and we know the
items that we need to procure. The agenda behind this UN visit was basically
to come and reinforce the MDC argument, and for that reason, they will not
be acceptable.”

Zanu PF officials also claimed that the UNDP had provided funding to
“hostile” organisations such as the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (Zesn)
and the Election Resource Centre which was said to be linked to the MDC-T.

“We want an international order that is fair and democratic to everybody.
The UNDP is an agent of the UN and its budget does not come from the UN. It
comes from well-wishers,” said party strategist and former ambassador to
China, Christopher Mutsvangwa.

“It is being abused by those well-wishers to serve their interest in a ‘who
is paying the piper calls the tune’ style. The intention is that of the
funder. We must lodge a formal complaint with the UN general assembly as
this is the abuse of the UN charter.

Politburo member Jonathan Moyo added: “Zimbabwe must draw the attention of
this misconduct to Sadc, the African Union and the UN itself. Zimbabwe is a
member of the UN.

“There is a rotten apple in the UN system. It means the UN itself has been
compromised by its local office in particular and its political office in
general.”

Referring to allegations the UNDP had been funding Zesn, Moyo said: “It
(Zesn) is also one of the major NGOs that the UN team was insisting on
consulting. Insisting on consulting their proxy.

“There is nothing else Zimbabwe needs to do than withdraw its request (for
election funds) and insist on the sovereignty and the Constitution to be the
only guiding principle.”


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Bar Council resolves to support Zimbabwean lawyers and promote the independence of the judiciary

http://www.barcouncil.org.uk/

23 April 2013

The Bar Council, which represents barristers in England and Wales, has
passed a resolution to support the right of lawyers in Zimbabwe to practise
freely and fairly, and to promote the independence of the Zimbabwean
Judiciary.

Maura McGowan QC,Chairman of the Bar, said:

"Upholding the Rule of Law is crucial to the proper functioning of a
democratic state and an independent legal system. It is central to a fair
and free society. We offer our full support to our colleagues in Zimbabwe
who are forced to practise under severe restrictions to their professional
freedom, and who live in fear of the consequences of performing their duties
as lawyers.

"The Bar Council of England and Wales continues strongly to condemn the
arrest and detention of the Zimbabwean lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa, simply for
acting on behalf of her client. It also deplores the subsequent charge of
misconduct laid against the judge who granted her bail.

"We will not stand by and allow such a contravention of the Rule of Law, and
we offer our full support to lawyers and judges in Zimbabwe who continue to
fight for a fair and open justice system."


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ZITF opens today

http://www.herald.co.zw/

Tuesday, 23 April 2013 00:00

Bulawayo Bureau

The annual Zimbabwe International Trade Fair roars into life today with a
number of exhibitors late yesterday racing against time to complete their
stands ahead of the country’s largest trade showcase.

The 54th edition of the ZITF is running under the theme, “Building Value,
Enhancing Growth”.
When this news crew visited the Exhibition Centre yesterday afternoon, some
exhibitors were still erecting their stands.

In separate interviews workmen contracted by exhibitors expressed optimism
that by end of day yesterday they would have finished the job.
“We started erecting the stand yesterday and we hope that by end of day
today we will be through with our work. As you can see, most people are busy
on their stands and it is likely that a number of them will finish preparing
the exhibition stands tomorrow morning,” said Mr Calvin Sekerani who was
working on the Zimbabwe Manpower Development

Fund stand in Hall 3.
Workmen at other stands who preferred not to be named said they expected to
complete working on the stands this morning.
“All I can say is that we have been contracted to erect the exhibition
stands. We cannot comment any further,” said a workman whose company was
contracted by Gtel.

A snap survey also established that even pavilions outside the Halls were
still being worked on yesterday.
However, some of the pavilions inside and outside the halls had been
completed. Vehicles carrying products for exhibition were also noticed
entering Zimbabwe International Exhibition Centre.

“We are ready for the trade fair. As you can see some of us have finished
setting up our products for exhibition,” said an official at a local safari
company exhibiting in Hall 3.
ZITF Company deputy general manager Mrs Nomathemba Ndlovu could not be
reached for comment yesterday.

However, in an interview on Sunday she confirmed that exhibitors at the 54th
edition of the trade fair started arriving on Friday adding that more were
expected yesterday.
Among those that arrived last week were those from South Africa’s Department
of Trade and Industry, China and the Zambia Development Agency.

Sixteen countries would participate at this year’s trade showcase with Ghana
coming in as a new entrant while Tanzania is bouncing back after a few years’
absence.
Last year, 14 countries took part at the ZITF.

Malawi President Joyce Banda will officially open the trade fair on Friday
and is expected to tour the stands accompanied by her counterpart President
Mugabe before the official opening.


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Increased politicization of Grain Loan Scheme

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Hosia Beta

The government grain loan scheme appear to be a whopping force to reckon as
the nation prepares for elections later this year in Zaka district, 87 km
south east of Masvingo town.
The peasantry communities of Jerera area rely mainly on farming and support
from breadwinners who live in towns. The area provides a wretched atmosphere
as the sun has scotched their maize fields.
Driving to Jerera, numerous villagers could be seen along the roads awaiting
transport to carry their bags of maize from as far as Gutu to combat hunger
hitting the area hard due to erratic rains this year.
Dealers in Zaka district are taking advantage of the food situation and a 20
litre bucket of maize costs $9.
In such difficult situations, villagers look up to the government’s grain
loan scheme for survival.
Realizing the desperation of villagers, some politicians in Jerera are
hoping to use the scheme to twist the voting pattern in their favor.
Zanu PF has changed the culture where councilors were at the forefront of
distributing government aid to villagers preferring the use of chiefs and
herdsmen.
Zanu PF is taking advantage of Chiefs and herdsmen who are not elected but
appointed and failure to influence villagers to vote for Zanu PF results in
them loosing their positions.
Villagers allege that this is meant to ensure that only Zanu PF apologists
benefit from the grain loan scheme, scaring and forcing villagers to support
Zanu PF in the forthcoming elections.
In Zaka rural district council there are 20 MDC-T councilors and Zanu Pf had
13 of which two passed away and Zanu PF seeks to regain community support.
Villagers alleged that some chiefs in Zaka district have intensified their
support for Zanu PF as elections draw closer with Chief Rangarirai Nhema
approving names of Zanu PFsupporters in the area to benefit from the
government food aid scheme.
At times villagers who support other political parties are not informed that
names are being sent to GMB and would only see the maize being distributed
to Zanu PF supporters.
“It was very clear to other villagers that the programme was meant to
benefit Zanu PF members because the names were secretly written.
“We urge GMB to use the old system where councilors would distribute food
aid. We know that they would want us to vote for them and they will write
names and distribute food aid fairly and openly,” said Imbayarwo an MDC-T
councilor.
Imbayarwo added that councilors would be fair to everyone because they would
be looking for votes. Hence they seek to please villagers unlike Chiefs and
Herdsmen who have nothing to lose if they do not distribute food fairly.
Villagers who spoke to the reporter expressed disappointment in the way the
government grain loan scheme is being implemented. They urged the Grain
Marketing Board (GMB) to revert to the old system where councilors were
responsible for distributing food aid.
Flora Nyamunda, a villager said that Zanu Pf had intensified its strategies
by ensuring that MDC-T supporters do not benefit from the government grain
loan scheme.
“A few months ago GMB distributed rice and only well known Zanu PF
supporters managed to access it,” said Nyamunda
“Zanu PF is using chiefs and herdsmen to control us because they know that
these traditional leaders have power and can even chase us away if we
disobey them.
“There are, however, some chiefs and herdsmen who are with us in the
struggle and they help us in accessing food aid,” said Nyamunda
Imbayarwo argued that the strategy used in distributing food aid makes it
seem as if only Zanu PF members are poor in the area.
“The scheme is meant to benefit members of society facing food challenges
but every time they distribute Zanu PF members benefit as if they have a
monopoly of hunger and poverty,” said Imbayarwo.
Efforts to get a comment from GMB where fruitless. They did not respond to
emails sent to them.


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Tough road ahead for Zimbabwe Electoral Commission's new head

http://www.theafricareport.com/

Posted on Tuesday, 23 April 2013 15:02

By Frank Chikowore in Harare

Rita Makarau, the new chair of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission has a
formidable task ahead of her.

The strongest card Supreme Court judge Rita Makarau can play in her new role
as head of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) is that both the main
parties agreed on her appointment.

She is one of the younger and more dynamic members of the judiciary.

She is not seen as excessively partisan but she has served as a
non-constituency MP for President Robert Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National
Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF).

Daniel Molokele, a former law student taught by her at the University of
Zimbabwe, described Makarau as "one of the few moderate judges remaining on
the bench."

The biggest question about her role is the extent to which she will be able
to stand up to the massive pressures on her from the political and military
establishment.

Makarau is also president of the Judicial Service Commission, responsible
for reforming the judiciary and – on paper – rooting out political
partisanship.

After a meeting between President Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai on 18 February, Makarau emerged as acting chairwoman, her
position to be reviewed at the end of the year.

After pressure from Tsvangirai, however, she was given the permanent post on
12 March.

"The principals agreed that it would be improper to have a temporary
chairperson for such a key institution as ZEC and that, constitutionally, a
substantive chairperson enjoys security of tenure which an acting
chairperson does not have.

Security of tenure of the chairperson and commissioners is critical to the
independence of ZEC," said Tsvangirai. Makarau replaced Simpson
Mutambanengwe, who resigned from the ZEC in February.

He had taken up the post in March 2010, two years after Mugabe won a second
round of elections marred by bloodshed and intimidation. Against that
backdrop, Makarau's task of organising credible elections will be
formidable.

In the 2008 elections, when the ZEC was chaired by George Chiweshe, the
results were suppressed for several weeks while senior army officers decided
on a plan of action.

Chiweshe's legacy is important.

A dedicated supporter of ZANU-PF, he handpicked the Supreme Court judges who
were to sit on the Electoral Court. The court can cancel results because of
rigging, fraud and intimidation, disqualify candidates and order re-runs.

When the opposition Movement for Democratic Change asked the court to order
the ZEC to release the 2008 election results, the judges simply threw out
the application.

Pedzisai Ruhanya, director of the Zimbabwe Democracy Institute, doubts that
Makarau will be able to face down the pressures on the ZEC: "She will be
heading a secretariat that is militarised. The same secretariat is
responsible for the withholding of election results in the March 2008 polls.

She will be playing an oversight role to the same ZEC secretariat that is
full of members of the Central Intelligence Organisation."

Ruhanya also questions Makarau's record: "She refused to nullify results of
the 2000 parliamentary elections in a case involving Saviour Kasukuwere [now
youth, indigenisation and empowerment minister] ... where allegations of
perpetration of election violence and rigging against him were glaring."

Yet Tsvangirai's spokesman Luke Tamborinyoka said his boss is satisfied with
Makarau.

"We cannot go back to the drawing board. The principals have already agreed
that she will head the electoral commission and it's a done deal.

"There is expectation from across the political divide that she will
dispense her duties in a fair and credible manner."

Zimbabwe's constitution insists that the chair of the ZEC must be a serving
or retired judge.

Since 1980, all judges have been appointed by Mugabe and are seen as, at the
least, sympathetic to ZANU-PF.

Unsurprisingly, ZANU-PF spokesman Rugare Gumbo concludes: "President Mugabe
is satisfied that justice Makarau can deliver, and there is no way we cannot
trust what our leader believes in".


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Why Zimbabwean voters are deserting Morgan Tsvangirai

http://www.guardian.co.uk/
 
 
 
The MDC was supposed to trounce Robert Mugabe in upcoming elections, yet polls show the party is haemorrhaging support
 
Simukai Tinhu for African Arguments, part of the Guardian Africa Network
guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 23 April 2013 13.45 BST
 
Robert Mugabe, right, who blames the west for toppling Arab autocrats, and Morgan Tsvangirai.
Morgan Tsvangirai, left, has seen his MDC lose ground to Robert Mugabe, right. Photograph: Reuters

Fourteen years ago, the Movement for Democratic Change launched itself onto the scene as Zimbabwe's main opposition party with great local and international fanfare. The MDC gave rise to a new understanding of Zimbabwean politics, which sought to explain the vulnerability of President Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF). Not since independence from British rule in 1980, had an opposition party played such a significant role in the nation's politics.

For the first time, Zanu-PF went on to lose a majority in parliament, and its octogenarian leader was relegated to second place after being beaten by MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai in the first round of the 2008 presidential elections. Many Zimbabweans predicted that the MDC juggernaut would sweep to victory in the next elections, scheduled to take place at the end of the current coalition government.

But recent voter surveys, (notably Afrobarometer and Freedom House) and some not-so-well-attended MDC political rallies (in comparison to 2002 and 2008 election campaigns), suggest the MDC may have indulged in undue optimism. Indeed, the words "MDC" and "lose" are being flung around liberally these days by both local and international analysts.

Why is the MDC losing support?

One suggestion is that, with MDC politicians being caught up in corruption scandals while in government, some voters doubt the party's ability to run the country differently from Zanu-PF. Another is that Zanu-PF's populist policies, such as the campaign for the indigenisation of foreign-owned companies, have won sympathy from many Zimbabweans, who are largely unemployed. The MDC's opposition to this policy has also been used by Zanu-PF to suggest that Tsvangirai's party is against black empowerment.

In addition, the improved performance of the Zimbabwean economy, in comparison to the period prior to the formation of the coalition government in 2008, has been a double edged sword for the MDC. Tsvangirai's party has claimed that, with the finance and industry ministries in its hands, it has successfully transformed the economy from an inflationary nightmare to one that has consistently recorded growth, following years of Zanu-PF's mismanagement and the land grab policythat destroyed the agriculture sector (formerly the backbone of the economy). However, restoring the economic fortunes of the country has led to the end of the worst food shortages and hyperinflation, meaning that the previously successful message on the need to fix the economy holds less weight.

Lastly, it appears the opposition has been unable to counter attacks on the character of its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai. Zanu-PF has successfully turned nasty rumours into political currency, damaging Tsvangirai's political fortunes. His messy romantic life has been criticised, and he has been caricatured as indecisive, leading many Zimbabweans to doubt his sincerity and capacity to lead the country.

Even core voters desert MDC

This goes some way to explain why Zimbabweans in general are deserting the MDC, but not its core supporters. The majority of the party's votes have traditionally come from urban areas and the Matabeleland and Midlands regions. Why is it that the attitudes of voters from these areas have changed recently?

Within the last five years, there has been a mushrooming of urban based Pentecostal churches that target young urbanites. These groups have traditionally been the core of the MDC support. Whereas 10 years ago, the MDC had the capacity to attract 60,000 young urban dwellers to a political rally, today it is the Pentecostal church leaders who get the crowds.

Led by the likes of the charismatic Emmanuel Makandiwa and Hubert Angel, these churches are apathetic about politics and have a tendency towards puritanism. It is not surprising that a promiscuous presidential aspirant will have little chance in winning votes among young born-again believers.

Zanu-PF has also seized on a heightened anti-western mood to intensify its portrayal of Tsvangirai as a front for neo-colonialists. Buoyed by the "Africa Rising" narrative, this message appears to be resonating with mostly young and educated Africans, and Zimbabweans are no exception. Judging from the two most recent elections in Africa; Kenya and Zambia, where Uhuru Kenyatta and Michael Sata ran campaigns based on sustained anti-western rhetoric, the MDC might need to devise a strategy to guard itself against being portrayed as its stooges.

The MDC's alienation of voters from the Mateleland and the Midlands regions appear to have been shaped by a number of factors. First, residents say they are dissatisfied with the party's failure to decentralise the state, both politically and constitutionally. Second the voters, who are predominantly Ndebele speaking, have accused Tsvangirai of not doing enough to ensure that the violence of Gukurahundi, where an estimated 20,000 civilians were allegedly killed by the state, is resolved or at least kept in the limelight. Third, some of Tsvangirai's personal behaviour, such as impregnating a 23-year-old girl from Matebeleland, initially denying responsibility and then admitting that he was the father, seems to have helped reverse inroads that the party had made in this constituency in the last 10 years.

Finally, the Matebeleland and Midlands regions have become targets of competition by the resurrected Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu-PF), a party once led by Joshua Nkomo before he was forced into a political union with Zanu-PF, and the smaller MDC formation led by Welshman Ncube, crowding the MDC in the process.

Mugabe's Zanu-PF has its problems too

There are a number of problems within Zanu-PF which the MDC should use to increase its leverage and electoral punch. Most important is Mugabe's age and health, which remain something of a liability for the party. It will be interesting to see how much campaigning Mugabe will be capable of in the run-up to the elections. The younger Tsvangirai should be able to use this opportunity to outdo Mugabe on the campaign trail.

Until recently, it was difficult to deny that Zanu-PF had a disproportionate advantage over the nation's most precious resource; talented politicians, who have masterminded Zanu-PF's stranglehold on Zimbabwean politics since 1980. However, some of these leaders have either recently died (Mujuru; Mudenge) or are now old and frail (Shamhuyarira; Murerwa, amongst others) or have deserted the party (Makoni; Dabengwa). Those who have remained have either been thoroughly discredited (Mahoso; Moyo), or fatigued and have withdrawn to the backstage of politics.

What are the options for the MDC?

There are three possible options for the MDC. The first is to join a "coalition of the opposition" with Zapu-PF and the smaller MDC faction, which would have a chance at retaining votes from the Matabeleland and the Midlands. However, this might be problematic given the enmity that exists between Tsvangirai and Ncube.

The second is to scale back its ambitions and be realistic about what the party can achieve. The MDC must decide if it wants the presidency or a majority in parliament, or both. The reality is that winning the presidency now seems a very difficult task, considering Tsvangirai's tainted leadership. Indeed, based on recent surveys, his chances are much slimmer than in the last two elections. This leaves the MDC with one option; recapturing the majority in parliament, this time with a much wider margin that will give it a shot at pushing for reformist legislation. It seems the party will have to wait for Tsvangirai's svengali, Tendai Biti – probably a more capable leader – to take over if they want to win presidency too.

The third is simply to ignore the polls, which is what the MDC seems to have done so far, based on the premise that they are generally wrong.

The demise of authoritarianism in Zimbabwe will surely come. But there is little reason to think that the day is near, and even less to think that the opposition MDC is the party that will torpedo the current dictatorship. Today the party is more dysfunctional and commands less authority and support than ever before, and it shouldn't come as a surprise when it loses, even in a free and fair election.

Simukai Tinhu recently graduated from the University of Cambridge with an MPhil in African Studies


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National Geo Trains Elephant Gun on Mugabe's Tyranny

http://www.forbes.com/
 
 
4/23/2013
 

Inside the May issue of National Geographic, with its cover happily anticipating new frontiers of human aging, is a surprisingly blunt assessment of a country where idealism dies young: Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe.

The piece is by Alexandra Fuller, a Briton now living in Wyoming but raised in Africa, including the turf  haunted by Mugabe’s thuggish rule. Fuller has written affectingly elsewhere of her family ties to what was Rhodesia, but here she takes direct aim at its current repression. Especially in her sights are the systematic rape and intimidation practices of the ruler’s Zanu-PF party leadership and its bands of decommissioned military and male youth. Even as some economic policies of the weak partner party in Zimbabwe’s recent forced-coalition government have restored functioning commerce in a few cities, the countryside is a tale of wreckage from 33 years of misrule since “liberation.” As you’d expect from National Geo, ample photography by Robin Hammond–from a five-month stay in the nation–underscores the point.

The point-blank critique of Mugabe’s handiwork (“Breaking the Silence”) appears at an interesting moment for the magazine. It was itself just the subject of a review in the New Yorker that combined wry sentimentality with plenty of Eustace Tilley-like archness, especially over the famously yellow-framed publication’s “racist” colonial-mindset past. Fuller’s was a white farm household in an era of Ian Smith’s minority Rhodesian rule, and however much she divorces herself from that spectre and focuses now on the very black victims of what has followed, this won’t spare her or her editors from the lash of  89-year-old Mugabe’s remaining apologists on the left. Fortunately, those have grown fewer over the years of his tyranny. As the article notes, he was chosen the world’s second worst dictator (behind Kim Jong-il) in 2010 by Foreign Policy magazine–and in fact finished “first” in a later straw poll by forbes.com.

If less-afflicted areas of sub-Saharan Africa are now heralded as emerging growth markets by economists and investors, the continent retains more than its share of tormentors. That ought to make all the more urgent (if the suffering of innocents is not itself enough) that civilized parties demand attention on the remaining outliers. How about an indictment by the International Criminal Court in the Hague? And shame on those governments, such as China, that still lend Mugabe aid and comfort?

Credit National Geographic for reminding, or even alerting, its sometimes apolitical audience of just what lingers in a land that could be such a place of beauty.

 
 
 


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Press Statement by the Minister of Home Affairs, Hon. Theresa Makone


http://www.mdc.co.zw

Tuesday 23 April 2013

Policy on civic registration of citizens in Zimbabwe

Following complaints raised by colleague ministers and responses proffered
by the office of the Registrar General, it was clear that there is need for
the ministers of Home Affairs to come up with clear policy guidelines.

It is important to state from the outset that issues raised by Cabinet are
not new.  It is surprising that complaints reach a crescendo towards
elections for obvious reasons.

The main issues raised included among others;

Availability of birth certificates,
Replacement of lost identity documents,
Length of queues at the Registrar’s offices,
Acceptability of downloaded passport forms,
Cost of passports,
Cost of the voters’ roll,
Registration of women who are removed from their areas of birth by marriage,
Registration of persons in their new places of residence,
Registration of aliens on the voters’ roll,
Attitude displayed by staff towards the public,

Today, the 23rd of April, Cabinet has agreed on the following:

1.    Availability of Birth Certificates

Babies born at clinics should be availed with birth certificates
immediately.

Babies born at home should be issued birth certificates as soon as
practically possible at the nearest office of the registrar.

Where loss of the birth certificate is as a result of burning down of the
homestead, theft or deliberate acts of disenfranchisement, a person will
have these replaced free of charge because the causes of loss are beyond the
control of the individual, and therefore the persons cannot suffer double
jeopardy.  Confirmation of the loss is by way of police records of local
leadership.

Those who misplace their documents should have these replaced at cost.

2.    Replacement of lost ID’s

Identity documents lost as a result of regular misplacement shall be
replaced at cost and shall not exceed $5.

Documents lost through arson, or forcible removal from owner in order to
disenfranchise shall be replaced free of charge.

Further, prior to the harmonised elections of 2013, all identity documents
shall be availed to citizens, free of charge, for a period up to the closing
of the roll.  At the same time, those who are not on the voters’ roll can be
automatically entered on it.

3.    Length of queues at the Office of the Registrar

A structure be put in place at the main entrance of the Registrar’s offices.
There shall be a commissioner there who will direct the public to the
offices that they wish to visit.

This way, long queues seen by passer-by that have individuals wanting
different services as well as those visiting other ministries will be a
thing of the past.

This arrangement will eliminate touts who give numbers to people in the
queues for a fee.

4.    Acceptability of downloaded internet passport forms

Passport forms that are downloaded from the Registrar’s website, shall be
accepted by the office of the registrar with immediate effect.

Officers that refuse to accept these forms must be reported to their
superiors.

5.    Cost of passports

There has been a general complaint that only passports priced at $300 were
being processed, and none at $50.

With immediate effect, there shall be two separate windows for passport
applications, one for urgent passports and another for ordinary passports.

The ordinary passport shall be issued no later than four weeks from the date
of submission.

6.    Cost of voters’ roll

With immediate effect the voters’ roll should be issued in an electronic
format to stakeholders.
If required in printed form, the voters’ roll should be pegged at $5 000 per
copy.

7.    Registration of married women voters

Women voters who find themselves removed from their original birthplaces
will be registered in their new places of residence upon authentication by
husband, husband’s relatives, their own children, neighbours, elderly people
and or traditional leaders.  Their identity details can be located on the
Registrar’s system by giving details of origin.

8.    Registration of voters in new constituencies

With immediate effect, all voters should be facilitated to change their
address once, from their old to their new residential addresses. No one
should be required to travel to their old places of residence to effect this
change.

9.    Registration of aliens on the voters’ roll

The current law allows aliens to register as voters right away.  If one is
born in Zimbabwe, or if either parent is Zimbabwean, they automatically are
Zimbabwean.

Aliens with alien IDs but who qualify as voters must have these swapped for
citizen IDs.

The registration slips that they are given now, will be presented together
with IDs for voting purposes, even if their names do not appear on the final
voters’ roll.

10.    Attitude displayed by the Registrar General’s staff towards the
public

The issue of touts is dealt with by having a facility at the entrance where
people are told where to go to have their issues addressed. A   concerted
effort to have staff trained in public etiquette is going to be organised by
the ministry and the office of the RG. In the meantime, staff will be
reminded to apply the African Ubuntu towards the public, who are after all
their masters.

I thank you!!!


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Zimbabwe’s Beatrice Mtetwa, arrested but not stopped

http://www.washingtonpost.com/
 
CAMBRIDGE, Mass. — The most damning part of a new documentary about human rights abuses in Zimbabwe — and one lawyer, Beatrice Mtetwa, who’s spent decades demanding those rights in court — comes from the mouth of President Robert Mugabe’s former minister of information.

“All countries are ruled by men and women,” Jonathan Moyo tells filmmaker Lorie Conway, “and the law becomes what they say it is.” Mtetwa agrees, in a way: “Unlike a lot of other dictators, Robert Mugabe doesn’t just go out and do what he wants,” she says in the film, ‘Beatrice Mtetwa and the Rule of Law.’ “He first goes to parliament and passes a law and says it’s now legal to punch somebody in the nose.”

For the same three decades that Mugabe has been doing that with such impunity, Mtetwa has been trying to use the constitution to defend people such as peace activist Jestina Mukoko, who was detained and tortured for 89 days in ’08. Or like Andrew Meldrum, the last resident foreign correspondent in Zimbabwe, arrested for practicing journalism, essentially, then thrown in a car with a hood over his head and deported straight from the courtroom where he’d been found not guilty of any crime.

Again, it’s Moyo, a member of Parliament from Mugabe’s ruling party, who confirms that there’s no real freedom of speech in Zimbabwe when he explains the expulsion of Meldrum, who wrote for the Economist and the Guardian during his 23 years in the country, and is now with the AP in South Africa:

“If journalists and especially their governments become hostile to our country and declare that they will use the media to pursue that hostility toward our country, then we have a right to stop those people,” he says in the movie. “They can write whatever nonsense they want to write outside our borders.”

Mtetwa herself was arrested last month and charged with obstruction of justice when she asked police searching a client’s home to produce a warrant. They let her go after eight  days, and her trial, originally scheduled for May, has been delayed.

On Tuesday, she was scheduled to fly to Washington, D.C., for a Thursday showing of the film at the U.S. Institute for Peace. When I spoke to her on the phone as she was packing, she said she was not too afraid during this most recent incarceration:

“One evening I was scared, when there were some police officers visiting us in the night, claiming they needed some blankets for some other women; there was fear of some mischief,” said Mtetwa, who was beaten during her 2003 arrest. “But everybody knew I was inside, and I was not really afraid; it was just an inconvenience to spend eight days cooling your heels.”

Her arrest was widely seen as a crackdown ahead of the presidential elections scheduled for this summer. The last time Mugabe stood for reelection, in ’08, opposition supporters were raped, kidnapped and killed, and the result effectively voided. This time, she says,  she’s hopeful that international pressure and observers will prevent violence, though it’s hard to understand where that optimism comes from.

Here in Cambridge, where I saw a screening of the film at the Harvard Kennedy School’s Shorenstein Center last week, it’s hard to think beyond the pain inflicted here by the marathon bombers. But even through that prism, I invite those who saw the FBI’s initial decision not to read 19-year-old suspect Dzhokhar Tsarnaev his Miranda rights as evidence that we live in a “police state” to see this movie for some perspective.

There’s also some solace for me in the movie as I keep trying to figure out how the younger Tsnarnaev, who was so widely loved at the high school my son now attends, could have wound up accused of using a weapon of mass destruction, then partying and working out like nothing had happened.

Mtetwa, after all, is just as mysterious and powerful a force for good. The oldest daughter of a man with six wives and more than 50 children, she seized on the encouragement of one teacher who told her she had some potential, and she never let go.

One of Dzhokhar’s mentors, a high school wrestling coach, has told reporters that he’s broken-hearted to think that the boy he was so fond of had used all the care and guidance he tried to give him as a weapon against us all.

But there, too, Beatrice did just the opposite, and turned all the hardship in her own life into the determination to protect the defenseless. “In my entire life, I had to deal with imposing, difficult males, starting with my father,” she says in the movie. “Despite him being physical when we didn’t agree, I never actually stopped challenging him.”

When I asked whether she feared not being allowed back in the country after her trip to Washington, she didn’t really say: “Legally, I haven’t done anything wrong, but who cares about the law?” The answer, of course, is obvious: “This has to be done,” she says of her work, in the last line of the movie. “Somebody’s got to do it, and why shouldn’t it be you?”

Melinda Henneberger is a Post political reporter and anchors She the People. Follow her on Twitter at MelindaDC.

 
 


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Going south

http://www.economist.com/


Apr 23rd 2013, 10:29 by C.S. | HARARE
 
 
 
TWO ageing Boeing 767s bathe in the baking sun at Harare International Airport. They belong to Air Zimbabwe, the country’s moribund airline, which suspended operations last summer over fears that the aircraft would be impounded by creditors if they ever touched down abroad. Elsewhere in Southern Africa, government-controlled carriers are in a similarly parlous state: Zambian Airways went bankrupt in 2009; Air Malawi lacks the foreign partner it needs to survive; and South African Airways, a wounded giant, remains listless following the recent appointment of its fourth chief executive in six months.
 
The chaos is bad news for customer choice in the region. Zambia and Zimbabwe have no airlines of their own, leaving incoming traffic at the mercy of foreign airlines’ fickle business plans. Lossmaking South African Airways axed one of its two routes to London last summer. Worse, the region’s protectionist governments have thrown up barriers against each other’s airlines. Bizarrely, Zambia’s politicians boast that they have pre-emptively protected a new national carrier that does not actually exist yet, and in which they do not want to invest.
 
With fewer regional players, average fares have risen by 24% in two years, thanks in part to rising fuel costs and hefty take-off taxes. Tour operators are dismayed, fearing that hitherto small declines in tourist numbers will accelerate into total collapse. Many are sceptical that Air Zimbabwe will deliver on promises to resume services to London this summer. Safari companies were outraged when, in the space of five days earlier this month, Air Botswana axed and then reinstated two popular tourist routes, forcing the cancellation of around 2,000 holidays.
 
Tourism is not the only industry to suffer. Southern Africa is enjoying a commodities boom, and the governments of Mozambique and Namibia hope that the oil and gas discovered off their coasts will deliver economic growth to match that of newly oil-rich Angola. But progress will be stymied without the air connectivity on which international commodity businesses and their suppliers depend. This is especially true of landlocked countries like Zambia and Zimbabwe, which cannot ship in equipment on a just-in-time basis.
 
For now, foreign airlines are plugging the biggest holes in southern Africa’s airline network, and enjoying a virtual monopoly on long-haul routes to Europe and the Gulf. Qatar Airways now flies to Mozambique; Emirates has added extra services to Zambia; and British Airways has returned to Zimbabwe after a 10-year absence. But the paucity of local supply is obvious: despite operating only three flights a week to Lusaka, British Airways is still among the five biggest airlines in Zambia by seat capacity.
 
Denser route networks are essential. But these would require southern Africa’s politicians to encourage private investment in local airlines, something that will only happen once they stop meddling in airlines’ commercial affairs. Malawi’s miserable efforts to privatise its ailing national carrier, now in their 11th year, are a case in point: few private investors seem confident that their money will buy full managerial autonomy. Even in the relatively liberalised South African market, privately owned operators like Comair complain that the government’s $540m subsidy of South African Airways has created an uneven playing field and scared start-ups away.
 
FastJet, a Tanzanian airline part-owned by Sir Stelios Haji-Ioannou, the founder of easyJet, is ploughing on regardless. The company hopes to receive government approval for the takeover of two defunct rivals, and then to expand throughout southern Africa. For this strategy to work, the region’s governments will have to abandon protectionism and open their airports to all comers, both foreign and domestic. Politicians need to respond positively and quickly if they want to support business and tourism in this airline graveyard.
 


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