Reuters
Fri 25 Apr
2008, 23:23 GMT
By Cris Chinaka
HARARE, April 26 (Reuters) -
President Robert Mugabe appeared unlikely on
Saturday to win back control of
parliament in a partial vote recount after a
police crackdown on members of
the opposition, which accuses him of stealing
the poll.
Some 13 seats
have been recounted so far. Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF must win
nine of 10
remaining constituencies to take back control of parliament,
according to
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), the state-run Herald
newspaper
reported in its Saturday online version.
On Friday, Mugabe resorted to
strong measures used in the past to keep the
opposition in
check.
Armed riot police raided the headquarters of the Movement for
Democratic
Change (MDC) and detained scores of people in the toughest
measures against
the MDC since disputed elections last month, officials
said.
Angola said a Chinese ship with arms bound for Zimbabwe would be
allowed to
offload some cargo, but not the weapons, in a move that appeared
to mark a
shift in policy by neighbours, South African President Thabo Mbeki
in
particular.
The MDC says its leader Morgan Tsvangirai beat his old
foe Mugabe in the
March 29 election, and results showed it had also ended
the ruling party's
28-year hold on parliament.
A delay to the
presidential result and a recount of some parliamentary votes
has brought
growing international pressure on Mugabe, 84, and stoked fears
of bloodshed
in a country already suffering an economic collapse.
Former colonial
power Britain, which Mugabe blames for Zimbabwe's troubles,
requested a
meeting of the U.N. Security Council, the first session on the
post-electoral crisis in Zimbabwe, said a Western diplomat.
South
Africa's U.N. envoy Dumisani Kumalo said his country would not oppose
the
move. He said someone from the U.N. secretariat would brief the
15-nation
council, probably on Tuesday, on developments in Zimbabwe.
The Western
diplomat on the council said any action in the form of a
statement or
resolution was unlikely. But the meeting would be useful in
ratcheting up
pressure on Mugabe, who the MDC accuses of delaying results of
the poll to
rig victory.
TORTURE ALLEGATIONS
Zimbabweans face severe shortages
of basic goods and a staggering inflation
rate of 165,000 percent -- the
world's highest.
Dozens of riot police detained around 100 MDC supporters
who were taken away
in a crowded police bus, a Reuters witness said. The MDC
said 200 to 250
police took part in the raid and they also took away
computers used by the
election command centre.
An MDC statement said
armed police took away hundreds of people who had
sought sanctuary at the
party's headquarters after fleeing various parts of
Zimbabwe, "where the
regime has been unleashing brutal violence".
Police said the raid had
targeted people who had sought refuge with the
opposition after committing
crimes outside Harare.
"Some of them are not office workers at all. We
are busy screening them.
There are some cases we are investigating and we
will release those who have
not committed any crime," said police spokesman
Wayne Bvudzijena.
South Africa's eTV showed footage of heavily bandaged
Zimbabweans in a
hospital who said they were tortured because they were
suspected of being
MDC members. One of them had what he said were burn marks
over much of his
back.
Mugabe, a hero of the independence struggle,
accuses the opposition of
conspiring with Western critics to end his 28-year
rule, which began with
high hopes that Zimbabwe would become an African
model of democratic and
economic success.
Opening Zimbabwe's
international trade fair in Bulawayo on Friday, Mugabe
renewed his attacks
on Western foes for leading what he called a shameless
campaign against his
government.
The state-run Herald newspaper called African leaders "myopic
stooges" for
joining Western criticism of Zimbabwe's handling of the
election.
The top U.S. diplomat for Africa, Assistant Secretary of State
Jendayi
Frazer, met Tsvangirai in South Africa and "they agreed that, given
the long
delay, any results will have limited credibility at this point," a
U.S.
Embassy statement said.
"We assured the MDC that we would look
at additional international action to
address, and bring attention to, the
evolving human rights and humanitarian
crisis in Zimbabwe," Frazer
said.
Zimbabwe's justice minister hit back.
"Frazer's comments
expose Tsvangirai and his MDC for what they really are --
an Anglo-Saxon
project designed to defeat the gains of the liberation
struggle," Patrick
Chinamasa said in a statement on Zimbabwean television.
(Additional
reporting by MacDonald Dzirutwe in Harare and Louis Charbonneau
at the
United Nations; writing by Michael Georgy)
The Zimbabwean
Friday, 25 April 2008 14:01
BY CHIEF REPORTER
HARARE
MDC president Morgan Tsvangirai
actually garnered 51.7 percent in the first
round of voting, with Robert
Mugabe garnering 43.3 percent, according to
official Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) figures leaked from the Police
General Headquarters
(PGHQ).
The figures on the leaked official ZEC tally show Simba Makoni with
4.9
percent and Langton Towungana with 0.1 percent.
The PGHQ figures give
Tsvangirai a marginally higher tally than what the MDC
parallel voter
tabulation audit had revealed. The party had earlier said
Tsvangirai had
garnered 50,3 percent.
MDC secretary-general Tendai Biti however stated then
that there had been an
approximate three percent margin of error, which
explains the small
discrepancy, but which still vindicates the MDC position
that Tsvangirai had
won by an absolute majority.
But impeccable security
sources said these official results would never see
the light of day, and
had already been “classified.”
“There has been so much manipulation of
figures and ballot boxes, were
secretly stored at the old Reserve Bank
Building before the ongoing recount
in 23 constituencies,” our source
said.
The recount has been called in a desperate bid to overturn the MDC’s
parliamentary majority and underestimate Tsvangirai’s presidential poll
tally so that it is shy of the 50 percent needed to assume the
presidency.
And with the run-off to take place, the jostling for power has
already
began. However, it all appears to be heading in one direction
despite a
determined State-sponsored onslaught on the electorate.
All the
opposition presidential candidates have publicly declared their
support for
Tsvangirai - and between them they garnered 5 percent of the
vote, which
will widen Tsvangirai’s lead.
“People are asking for change, and it’s a good
thing Makoni, Mutambara and
the other guy have all said they will support
Tsvangirai to complete the
change they have began,” said political
commentator Ronald Shumba.
“A snake isn’t quite dead until you cut off its
head, so they have united to
cut it off in the run-off. Mugabe is better
advised to concede now and avoid
a run-off because he is set for an
embarrassing defeat.”
Mugabe is increasingly becoming vulnerable as he is
beginning to lose
regional diplomatic support over the results hold up and
his attempts to
retain power through force. His erstwhile allies in SADC
this week united in
condemning him and barring a 70-ton arms shipment from
docking at their
ports, causing the ship to be recalled to China.
There
is also pressure from SADC, whose chairman Levy Mwanawasa did not hide
his
impatience with Mugabe this week, as well as South African ruling party
leader Jacob Zuma, who fired a broadside at the Mugabe regime, in stunning
contrast to Mbeki’s impotent quiet diplomacy.
The United States has also
taken an active interest, dispatching its top
Africa envoy Jendayi Frazer to
neighbouring South Africa on Thursday for a
round of shuttle diplomacy aimed
at dealing firmly with Mugabe.
“I think for the first time at a very crucial
moment, Mugabe is losing
diplomatic support in the region and without that
support his ability to
survive politically is diminished,” said University
of Zimbabwe political
science professor, Eldred Masunungure.
Zimbabwe Metro
By
Staff ⋅ April 25, 2008
Considering excuse 67A(4) .
The alleged
suspicion of the miscounts must have been raised immediately
otherwise it
does not serve to explain why, in the hiatus between receiving
the
constituency returns, and the suspicion of the miscount, the
presidential
result was not announced.
Seven days passed before ZEC’s lawyer not (ZEC
itself) first raised section
67A(4) as an excuse for not releasing the
results during legal argument. The
are several reasons for believing that
section 67A(4) does not allow
Chiweshe to delay the announcement of the
presidential result by deploying
this procedure, and that this excuse
likewise does not pass muster.
Firstly, the tenor of the section suggests
that 67A(4) can only be deployed
within the 48 hour period and after the
announcement of the result. Support
for this, and as an independent
indication, is the tense used in 67A(4). The
section is to be used only if
the miscount “would have affected the result.”
The use of the words “would
have” rather than “will” or “would” is suggests
that the result has been
disclosed.
In ZEC’s published notice concerning the miscount follows the
section fairly
closely until coming to the crucial words which it alters to
“the miscount
would affect the result of this election”, dropping the
stipulated “would
have”.
Secondly, as indicated at the outset section
110(3) provides that if no
candidate receives an absolute majority a run off
between the two
frontrunners must be held “within 21 days of the previous
election”. Thus it
is implicit that the Act does not allow ZEC to delay the
announcement of the
result for any period, let alone 21 days or more as is
the case, and whether
acting under 67(A)(4) or otherwise.
Thirdly,
common sense suggests that the legislature would not have intended
to give
ZEC the power to delay the assumption of an office as important as
the
President while it, engages in a forensic examination of the ballot, as
protracted and extensive as it, in its sole discretion, determines. The
delay by ZEC has created the anomaly, which could not have been intended by
the legislature, of continued governance by the President and by Ministers
who have lost their parliament seats and thus their democratic
mandate.
Fourthly, from the notice published by ZEC, the miscounts relate
to the
parliamentary and presidential elections. It is implausible that
complaints
relating to the presidential count should be confined neatly to
all polling
stations within specific House of Assembly constituencies, and
that
miscounts in relation to the presidential poll occurred in exactly the
same
polling stations where there was a miscount in relation to a House of
Assembly seat.
The House of Assembly count should have no bearing on
the presidential
count, and thus should not be a ground to delay the release
of the latter.
It should be noted that the notice published in the Herald
also states that
after the recount the constituency elections officer shall
act in terms of
section 67 to communicate the names of the persons duly
elected to the Chief
Elections Officer and Clerk of Parliament. In so doing
section 66(4) which
stipulates that the previous declaration by the
constituency election
officer of the winner is final and may only be
reversed on petition to the
Electoral Court is ignored.
The procedure
for resolving a dispute of a House of Assembly seat, by way of
petition,
should not have any impact on the presidential count and there is
no need to
delay the result on this basis. A clear intention of the recount
is to
unlawfully attempt to reverse the “final” declarations of duly elected
House
of Assembly candidates in select constituencies.
Finally, it should be
noted that a comparison of the House of Assembly and
Senate results suggests
that Tsvangirai won at least between 48.55% and
50.76% of the vote, with
Mugabe trailing at around at most 42%. (see
Zimbabwe Elections 2008:
Examining The Popular and Presidential Choice -
Hiding or Run Off?). There
thus are realistically only two possible outcomes
of the presidential poll,
Tsvangirai winning with an absolute majority or
Tsvangirai winning with a
simple majority.
For ZEC to act under 67(A)(4) there is the additional
requirement that the
miscount must be thought to be significant enough to
effect the result of
the poll. Accordingly, ZEC must reasonably believe the
miscount significant
enough to take Tsvangirai below the threshold required
for an absolute
majority. Since 1% of the poll is some 23 883 votes, ZEC
must “reasonably”
believe either a substantial number of miscounted votes or
Tsvangirai’s
total must be almost exactly 50% for the miscount to make any
difference.
In the conduct of its duties, ZEC is not to be subject to the
direction or
control of any authority - section 61(5) of the constitution.
However, the
government has firm control over its composition. ZEC consists
of a Chair
and seven other Commissioners. The President appoints the Chair
after
consultation with the Judicial Services Commission, while the seven
other
Commissioners are also appointed by the President from a list of nine
nominees submitted by the Parliamentary Committee on Standing Rules and
Orders which was dominated by ZANU PF members.
The personnel
comprising ZEC remains unchanged from the discredited 2005
elections (save
for the secondment of two additional members from the now
defunct Electoral
Supervisory Commission) and Justice George Chiweshe,
perceived as displaying
bias towards the ruling party in previous elections,
remains as its
chairperson.2 Justice Chiweshe joined the bench in 2001
following a purge of
“reactionary judges” by the government. He is a former
judge advocate
responsible for military tribunals in the Zimbabwe National
Army (ZNA), a
veteran of the liberation struggle and was awarded a farm
under Zimbabwe’s
land redistribution policy.
Conclusion
It requires considerable talent
to suppress the scepticism which ZEC’s
shifting, shifty vacillating,
implausible and illegitimate excuses for the
delay in releasing the
presidential results evokes. Only South African
President, Thabo Mbeki
appears to be sufficiently gifted in this regard.
Other SADC leaders had a
good attempt.
The Communiqué issued by SADC after an emergency meeting on
13th April, 2008
included the following points:
The Summit urged the
electoral authorities in Zimbabwe that verification and
release of results
are expeditiously done in accordance with the due process
of law.
2 ZEC
comprises Judge George Chiweshe (Chair), Mrs. Sarah Kachingwe, Mrs.
Vivian
Ncube, Prof.George Kahari, Rev. Jonathan Siyachitema all members of
ZEC in
2005 with the addition of Joyce Kazembe and Theophilus Gambe formerly
members of the redundant Electoral Supervisory Commission.
The statement
was piously made not withstanding the fact that, as indicated
above, at the
time of the pronouncement by SADC the “due process of the law”
had already
been violated more times than the Sabine women and required
release of the
results nearly two weeks previously.
The Summit commended the people of
Zimbabwe for the peaceful and orderly
manner in which they conducted
themselves before, during and after the
elections.
SADC observers
left before the announcement of the results and were not
present to witness
the vicious retributive campaign unleashed by ZANU PF in
the rural areas in
the wake of their defeat – a campaign which includes
multiple assaults,
torture, arson and murder. At the time of writing the
death toll is
currently at four and rising. When it has risen to a
sufficient level for
Mugabe and his military service chiefs to deem the
rural electoral terrain
suitable and the voter numbers massaged to allow for
a presidential run off,
ZEC will release the results and a date convenient
to ZANU PF set for the
run off.
Having bludgeoned his way to victory, Mugabe will then appoint a
few venal
MDC MP’s as Ministers. This will help him secure the House of
Assembly
majority which may need to be obtained by topping up in this
fashion, even
after ZEC’s unlawful “unfinalising” of the already declared
House of
Assembly seats through the “recount”. Elected as President and with
his
parliamentary majority restored, all will be as before the elections –
save
that with the amount of money printed to administer two electoral
periods
and buy votes, inflation may reach 500 000% (sic) a little earlier
than
anticipated. Never mind. This means that the foreign currency accessed
by
Mugabe and his military cronies from the Reserve Bank at the official
rate
of 30 000:1 United States dollar, when the black market rate is 60 000
000
(sic):1, will seem that much cheaper. Crisis, what
crisis?
Excerpts from The Inconvenient Truth A complete guide to the
delay in
releasing the results of Zimbabwe’s presidential poll.
Prepared
by Derek Matyszak of the Research and Advocacy Unit,
Zimbabwe.SITO – States
in Transition Observatory
Zimbabwe Metro
By Staff ⋅ April 25, 2008
Justice George Chiweshe the chairman of
the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
is a veteran of the liberation struggle
and was awarded a farm in Mazowe
under the land redistribution policy dubbed
“Third Chimurenga”.
He joined the bench in 2001 following a purge of
“reactionary judges” by the
government.
The purge occurred in 2001
after the 2000 elections when Judges who
delivered sentences that were not
favourable to the government including the
nullification of the 2000
parliamentary results in some constituencies were
fired and replaced by a
new crop of judges sympathetic to the government
which include
Chiweshe,Tendai Uchena who sits on the Electoral Court and
dismissed the MDC
petition to release Presidential poll results and Antonia
Guvava.
He
is a former judge advocate responsible for military tribunals in the
Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA).
The raid on the opposition is just the beginning of a wider crackdown on the MDC. Metro has learnt that ZANU PF is plotting to arraign leading opposition figures on trumped-up charges of high treason.
Targeted for arrest and subsequent accusation are the MDC President Morgan Tsvangirai,Secretary-general Tendai Biti,Party spokesman Nelson Chamisa, Youth Chairman Thamsanqa Mahlangu and the executive director of the independent Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN) Rindai Chipfunde-Vava.
Before the raids three of the targeted indivuduals - Chamisa, Mahlangu, and Chipfunde-Vava - were reportedly tipped off about the raids and went gone into hiding. However 215 of those arrested were victims of militia violence, who were at the MDC board room at the Harvest House headquarters.
The charge against Biti and Chamisa will be that they committed treason by “falsely informing the nation, with intent to cause distress and promote public uprising and violence, by declaring the MDC presidential candidate winner of the election.”
The charge against Chipfunde-Vava will be that she committed treason by “publishing corroborating evidence to MDC claims that their candidate had emerged as clear winner.”
The hunt for the MDC leaders is underway and other party activists will also be arrested, on similar charges. The plot also involves huge arms dumps being “discovered”, and their existence blamed on the MDC.
SABC
April 26, 2008,
07:30
Democratic Alliance (DA) leader, Helen Zille, has called on the
South
African government to abandon its so-called quiet diplomacy, and
called for
tough action against Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe.
Zille has been visiting her party's constituencies in Kimberley
in the
Northern Cape, where she interacted with community members on issues
including drugs, crime and corruption in housing. Zille says Mugabe has
abandoned the principles of democracy.
Meanwhile, ANC President Jacob
Zuma has commended Durban harbour workers who
refused to offload a Chinese
ship's cargo of weapons destined for Zimbabwe.
Speaking in Paris, Zuma said
their refusal was an indication of the concerns
of all South Africans and
underscored the crisis in Zimbabwe.
The US government has praised Zuma
for speaking out against the
deteriorating socio-economic situation in
Zimbabwe. Zuma has adopted a tough
stand against the ruling Zanu-PF
leadership, describing the failure by the
country's electoral commission to
release results of the March 29
presidential poll as
unacceptable.
Vote tallying continues
Zimbabwe's Electoral Commission
says it has finished tallying the votes in
11 more of the 23 constituencies
where a recount was ordered after last
month's elections. However election
officials have refused to reveal the
results.
While results from
three of the recount constituencies have been announced,
the commission
refused to declare who had come out on top in the 11 other
constituencies
where the recount has now been finished. There is now doubt
that the
recount, which had been expected to be completed over this weekend,
will be
wrapped up on time.
The commission ordered a recount in 23 of the 210
constituencies after
Zanu-PF alleged that election officials had counted
extra votes in favour of
the opposition.
OhMyNews
Children among
victims of torture
Nelson G. Katsande
Published
2008-04-26 14:17 (KST)
The Harare offices of Zimbabwe's main opposition
party, the Movement for
Democratic Change, now resemble a refugee camp
following Mugabe's clampdown
on the party's supporters.
In the wake
of the March 29 disputed presidential elections, ZANU-PF
supporters have
embarked on a series of brutal attacks on opposition
supporters.
Pregnant women and children have been forced to flee
their homes after they
were set on fire by Mugabe's supporters and war
veterans.
A nurse at Mutoko hospital told OhmyNews that the number of
patients
admitted at the hospital due to severe burns is on the increase.
The poorly
equipped hospital is reported to be turning away the victims of
Mugabe's
brutality due to lack of medication.
"ZANU-PF supporters
have threatened to burn down the hospital if we attend
to those they have
brutally attacked," the nurse said.
"I have seen children aged 4 years
with serious burns and badly bruised.
It's really pathetic," she
added.
Most of those displaced from their homes had sought refuge at the
opposition's headquarters in Harare. But armed police and militia raided the
opposition's offices on Friday and arrested nearly 400 women and
children.
The raid was in retaliation for the March 29 elections in which
observers
believe Mugabe was defeated by MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai.
In Mazowe, Mashonaland province, hungry police and
militia raided a market
and helped themselves to foodstuff.
A junior
reporter for the government-controlled Herald newspaper -- who
cannot be
named for fear of reprisals -- told OhmyNews, "There is discontent
in the
newsroom. I am tired of reporting falsehoods."
In a recent column that
appeared in the state-controlled media, the
columnist suggested that a
government of national unity headed by Mugabe was
likely. But there is
growing concern that Mugabe's failure to concede defeat
to Tsvangirai will
plunge the country further into a catastrophic economic
and political
crisis.
Zimbabwe has the highest inflation rate in the world. Once
Africa's
breadbasket, the country is now dependent on other countries for
food,
medicines and other basic needs. In 2000, Mugabe embarked on the
"ill-fated"
land reform program that left more than 3,000 farmers displaced.
These
haphazard land seizures by Mugabe's war veterans plunged the
agricultural
sector into crisis.
The farms seized from white
commercial farmers were shared among Mugabe's
loyalists. Most of the once
productive farms now lie idle now due to a lack
of farming skills and inputs
from the "new" farmers.
Almost a month after the presidential election,
the results have yet to be
announced. The delay has fueled speculation that
the government is trying to
rig the election results in its
favor.
The opposition has already claimed victory and has urged Mugabe to
step down
with dignity.
But a defiant Mugabe is determined to hold on
to power despite having lost
the elections.
There is also growing
pressure from the international community on Mugabe to
relinquish
power.
Mugabe has failed to condone the brutality being carried out by
his
supporters.
11:59 GMT, Friday, 25 April 2008 12:59
UK
|
It has been reported that China has finally recalled the An Yue Jiang, the ship allegedly loaded with arms for Zimbabwe. Rights groups hailed the move as a major victory, a triumph of public opinion over political cynicism. It seems civil society is taking the lead, well ahead of national leaders, on the question of Zimbabwe. The An Yue Jiang is a container ship owned by China’s state-run shipping company COSCO, reported to be carrying millions of rounds of assault rifle, ammunition, mortar rounds and rocket-propelled grenades. When the ship anchored off the South African port of Durban, a local news magazine revealed that it was about to off-load the weapons, and public opinion reacted with outrage. Newspaper editorials condemned the shipment, callers rang radio talk shows complaining that the weapons could be used by the Zimbabwean government against its own people. The South African government’s response was blunt. "So what?" they said. Government spokesman Themba Maseko said they could do nothing to stop a perfectly legal and properly documented transaction between two sovereign states. Then unions and human rights organisations intervened. Dock-workers refused to handle the cargo, and a judge barred it from transiting through the country. Demonstrators threatened to block its passage if it ever reached South Africa’s roads. Now, after being refused entry in ports around the continent, the ship is finally thought to be heading home with its cargo still on board. 'Amazed' In a rare show of force, African public opinion and civil organisations mobilised on a single issue to force action that politicians seemed reluctant to take.
Peter Alexander, the director for Sociological Studies at the University of Johannesburg, says the ship’s departure was a triumph for civil society. "I am amazed," he said. "It is very impressive that such a concerted action could have such a concrete result." Nicole Fritz, of the Southern African Litigation Centre, which took the case to court, agrees: "The South African authorities have been driven by embarrassment in the face of what civil society has done." The An Yue Jiang affair is probably the clearest example of African civil society leading the agenda on Zimbabwe. But according to human rights organisations and academics, they are forcing politician’s hands in all sorts of subtle ways. Kenyan example The region’s leaders, grouped together under the Southern African Development Community (SADC) were criticised by the media for their mild call on the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) to release the results of the presidential election "as expeditiously as possible" within the bounds of the law. Last weekend, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa held a summit of 105 civil society organisations in Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. They released a communique condemning not just the Zimbabwean government, but the SADC region for failing to act decisively. Zambia’s President Levy Mwanawasa then called on all of Africa’s coastal states to prevent the An Yue Jiang from entering their waters. There is no direct link between the Dar es Salaam conference and President Mwanawasa’s comments, but it seems public opinion has moved faster than the politicians on the issue of Zimbabwe. According to Elenor Sisulu of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, the Kenyan experience in resolving that country’s post-election violence proved the value of pressure from civil society. "Kenyan civil society made it very clear to us that you have to be very pro-active in addressing this kind of issue," she said. The Council of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) is also listening. Its Secretary General Zwelinzima Vavi hosted a meeting of civil groups, pledging to organise a series of demonstrations in South Africa’s major cities on 10 May. Mr Vavi said much of the problem was rooted in the challenge that the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) presented to the older political leaders who view themselves as standard-bearers of the liberation movements. "It’s because of the fear that the MDC is led and supported by trade unions and civil society. They worry that initiative may just go on from one country to the next," he said. "There’s paranoia and fear that suddenly the liberation movements are going to be coming under lots of pressure from these formations. That’s why there is this unwillingness to openly condemn what is wrong in Zimbabwe." But whatever their motives, the Southern African leaders may have to take notice of public opinion, or risk being left dangerously out of touch with their own electorates. |
Washington Times
By Geoff Hill
April
26, 2008
JOHANNESBURG — Zimbabwean army and police raided the
headquarters of the
main opposition party in the capital, Harare, yesterday
and arrested more
than 100 people, some of whom had taken shelter in the
building after
falling victim to purported government-sponsored
violence.
The police, who later also raided the office of the main
election-observer
group, confiscated documents, computers and files that
supported claims that
President Robert Mugabe, 84, lost the March 29
presidential election.
The opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) says its leader, Morgan
Tsvangirai, won the
vote.
A partial recount of the parliamentary vote suggests Mr.
Mugabe's ruling
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front is unlikely
to reverse the
opposition's victory, Reuters news agency
reported.
Votes in 13 parliamentary races have been recounted so
far. ZANU-PF must win
nine of 10 remaining constituencies to take back
control of parliament,
according to the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission's
(ZEC) count, the state-run
Herald newspaper reported in its online version
today.
One of the arrested activists who managed to escape from
police custody said
the security officers took away at least 120 people in
police and army
vehicles.
He spoke last night to The
Washington Times but asked not to be identified
for fear the army would
carry out reprisals against his family.
"At around 10 a.m. ...
dozens of police and army trucks pulled up outside
the MDC headquarters at
Harvest House in Harare. They swarmed into the
building, assaulting and
handcuffing people as they went," he said.
Many of those attacked were
refugees from the rural areas where they had
been tortured or beaten by Mr.
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party, he added.
Among the injured
who managed to escape with him, he said, were three women
who claimed to
have been raped, several men who had been burned with molten
plastic and one
woman whose left breast had been partially skinned with a
razor
blade.
Others with injuries had been dragged from the
building, he added.
Pregnant women, mothers with babies
strapped to their backs, girls who had
been threatened with rape, and men
with broken bones were among those herded
into a bus and pickup truck, the
Associated Press reported. The AP said
about 300 people were arrested in the
sweep.
A police spokesman, Assistant Commissioner Wayne
Bvudzijena, said those
arrested were suspected of "crimes committed in the
countryside," but denied
any of them were victims of
torture.
Later in the day, police also entered the office of
the Zimbabwe Election
Support Network (ZESN), an independent group that
supports Mr. Tsvangirai's
assessment that he won the presidential election
against Mr. Mugabe.
Nearly a month after the vote, the
government has yet to release the
results. Senior members of the ZEC, which
conducted the election, are
appointed by Mr.
Mugabe.
Analysts say the raids are likely an effort by
ZANU-PF to establish what
hard evidence the MDC and ZESN may hold on the
election results before the
government releases its own account of the
vote.
Meanwhile, opposition groups have warned that "a new
Rwanda" may be brewing
in Zimbabwe after the army reportedly supplied AK-47
assault rifles to
Mugabe supporters.
Yesterday, members
of the youth militia loyal to Mr. Mugabe and veterans of
the 1970s civil war
that brought him to power in 1980 were reported to have
shot up to a dozen
civilians suspected of supporting the MDC in the eastern
town of Rusape, 50
miles from the Mozambican border.
A Chinese ship carrying
weapons for Zimbabwe was prevented from offloading
its cargo in the South
African port of Durban last week. Yesterday, Angola
said the ship had been
allowed to dock at the Angolan port of Lobito, but
only to unload cargo for
Angola, the AP reported.
Veteran Zimbabwe journalist, Wilf
Mbanga, now exiled in Britain, said last
night that the situation on the
ground "paints a bloodcurdling picture."
"Army barracks
across the country are issuing war veterans and former
military police
officers with weapons, including AK-47 assault rifles," he
said.
In response, he said, "MDC supporters have
organized themselves into local
defense units to fight back violence and
intimidation by war veterans,
military personnel and ZANU-PF
militia."
U.S. Undersecretary of State for Africa Jendayi
Frazer met yesterday with
Mr. Tsvangirai in Pretoria, South Africa, shortly
after the raid on his
party's offices. Ms. Frazer said Thursday that
Washington believes Mr.
Tsvangirai won the presidential election and that it
is time for Mr. Mugabe
to step down.
Mr. Tsvangirai said
he was "happy and encouraged" by yesterday's meeting.
Ms.
Frazer said she has been keen to hear from Mr. Tsvangirai details of his
recent meetings with African leaders on the Zimbabwe crisis, including the
presidents of Botswana, Kenya, Zambia and Ghana.
"We
assured the MDC that we would look at additional international action to
address, and bring attention to, the evolving human rights and humanitarian
crisis in Zimbabwe," she said.
Mirror, UK
EXCLUSIVE INSIDE ZIMBABWE: TORTURE, TORMENT AND TYRANNY
By Stewart
Whittinghan 26/04/2008
From the outside it is a miserable story of
political corruption,
incompetence and impossible inflation.
But
inside, on the city streets and in the villages and fields of Robert
Mugabe's Zimbabwe it is a bloody nightmare, a brutal reality of torture,
terror and vicious revenge.
The Daily Mirror, like all British media,
is banned from Zimbabwe. But in a
secret and shocking journey through this
desperate country I discovered that
Mugabe's thugs have been systematically
cutting off the hands of activists
who had the courage to vote against
him.
His tyranny under threat, Mugabe has unleashed his war veterans -
the
so-called Green Bombers.
Nelson Ndlovu had voted for the
opposition, the Movement of Democratic
Change, a simple act in any decent
democracy. In Zimbabwe it can be a death
sentence.
At least 10 people
have died in postelection violence, with more than 500
injured. Thousands
more have fled in terror.
Nelson, 28, was held down by four thugs while a
fifth cut off his right
hand, an act of vicious significance - a raised
right hand is the symbol of
the opposition party.
"They told me, 'you
are a sell-out. You won't make the same mistake again,
you won't be able to
raise your hand again.'
Mugabe is trying to kill us off."
They
certainly tried to kill David Fombe.
David, from Mudzi, 150 miles north
of the capital Harare, was locked in his
home by Mugabe's Zanu-PF thugs who
then set it alight for voting against
their President.
Now he is in
hospital with serious burns, recovering but terrified for his
life.
Yesterday Mugabe's riot police raided the headquarters of the
MDC and
arrested dozens of activists.
Mdc deputy general Victor Nyoni
said: "Anyone who is against Mugabe isn't
safe. They are torturing our
people and we have had to hide so many."
Mugabe - who once boasted he had
a "degree in violence" - has refused to
release the results of the March 29
Presidential election.
The electoral commission says it still needs to
complete recounts in 23 of
the 210 constituencies. Three have been completed
- all confirmed the
original results.
Mdc Youth chairman Celestino
Masvibo, 22, is being kept in a safe house
after he was badly beaten.
Mugabe's gangsters - policemen and soldiers -
tried to force his feet into a
bowl of boiling water after beating him with
sticks and the butts of their
rifles Still shaking, Celestino said: "I was
terrified. They told me: 'You
have being singing songs denouncing President
Mugabe. Now it is our
turn.'
He added: "I knew they were going to kill me so I jumped out of an
open
window to escape and then hid in the bush." Women have also been
mercilessly
targeted. Grace Magwewzi was sleeping when Zanu-PF soldiers
kicked her door
down in her Matebeland home. They were looking for her
husband who is an MDC
supporter, but he was away.
Two of the men
raped her on her own bed and spat in her face, saying: "This
is what you and
your sell-out husband get for voting MDC."
Grace, who is now in hiding,
said: "They have dark hearts and are filled
with evil spirits. Now I am
scared they have given me Aids."
People here are struggling to survive on
less than 400million Zim dollars -
£2 - a week. Inflation is running at
164,800 per cent. The price of petrol
and what little food there is goes up
by the hour.
Hospitals have run out of drugs and doctors are walking away
from their jobs
because they haven't been paid for months. In Bulawayo's
Selborne Hotel,
teacher Patience, 28, is selling her body for sex as she is
no longer paid
for working in the classroom.
She said: "How else can
I feed my children? Mugabe has reduced me to this -
Zanu-PF men have foreign
currency so they have wealth. I have to sleep with
them and it makes me
sick."
Others survive by buying and selling on the black market and make
weekly
trips to neighbouring South Africa to buy food to sell back in
Zimbabwe.
Many educated people work as cleaners and waiters in South
Africa or, like
Patience, are forced into prostitution.
The border
crossing from Zimbabwe to South Africa is clogged with thousands
of
desperate people.
It took me eight hours in a queue to get my passport
stamped before I
crossed into Zimbabwe as a tourist - had they known I was a
British
journalist I would have been arrested.
At the start of my
journey taxi driver Fil Aicube, 44, told me: "Mugabe has
stolen his election
and he is killing us.
"I can't feed my two kids and we are hungry all the
time.
"We need the world to help us, we are all dying."
'We need
the world to help us.. we are all dying. Mugabe is killing us all'
New York Times
Zimbabwe Rounds Up Opposition Members
By CELIA
W. DUGGER
Published: April 26, 2008
JOHANNESBURG — Truckloads of heavily
armed police officers rounded up
scores, if not hundreds, of people at the
headquarters of Zimbabwe’s
opposition party on Friday as plainclothes
investigators descended on
independent monitors of the nation’s disputed
elections last month,
according to opposition officials, witnesses and the
police.
Friday’s raid on the opposition’s nerve center and the election
monitors
signaled a sharp and very public escalation of the country’s
deepening and
increasingly violent political crisis, one that has been
concentrated to
date in far less visible rural areas.
Both raids
began around 11 a.m. in Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare. Harvest
House, the
rundown, six-story headquarters of the opposition Movement for
Democratic
Change, was still cordoned off by the police at midafternoon.
Computers and
documents were seized.
The opposition’s offices had become an informal
refugee camp for party
supporters, some visibly wounded, who had fled what
human rights groups
describe as political repression in the countryside.
Witnesses said they had
watched as the police herded more than 200 of these
bedraggled people,
including pregnant women and children, onto
buses.
At the same time, a smaller contingent of police investigators
raided the
offices of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network, an alliance of
civic
groups that enraged the government by analyzing polling data and
projecting
that the opposition had won the March 29 election, perhaps by
enough to
avoid a runoff in the race for president. Its findings were cited
Thursday
by the top American diplomat for Africa as the best evidence that
the
opposition was the clear victor.
Noel Kututwa, chairman of the
alliance, said he believed that the government
was trying to scare the civic
groups into backing off and giving up on
monitoring a presidential runoff,
should one be needed. Almost four weeks
after the election was held,
election authorities have yet to say who won
the contest between President
Robert Mugabe, who has led the nation for 28
years, and the opposition
leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.
Mr. Kututwa, interviewed on his cellphone,
said the police came bearing a
warrant to search the network’s offices for
materials aimed at overthrowing
the government. They were trying to locate
him and the network’s director,
Rindai Chipfunde-Vava, whose home was also
searched on Friday.
“The police here have a record of torturing people,
and we’ve decided not to
make ourselves available for questioning until it’s
very clear what they
want to do,” he said.
While opposition officials
and witnesses estimated that more than 300 people
at Harvest House were
arrested, the assistant police commissioner, Wayne
Bvudzijena, said that 70
to 80 people had been taken for questioning, and
that none had been arrested
yet.
He said the people detained were wanted on suspicion of a number of
crimes,
including “assault, grievous bodily harm and arson.” They had been
taken by
bus to a police station less than a mile from the opposition
headquarters,
he said.
Mr. Bvudzijena also confirmed the raids on the
election monitors, saying a
magistrate had issued a warrant to search for
evidence that the monitors had
tried to “alter the outcome of the election”
through bribes or other means.
At a time when the pace of diplomatic
activity to resolve the crisis has
quickened, the raids seemed to be a
finger in the eye of the American,
British and African officials who have
been denouncing attacks on opposition
supporters and demanding that
Zimbabwean election authorities release the
election
results.
“ZANU-PF are using state institutions like the army and police
to cling onto
power,” said Nelson Chamisa, the opposition’s spokesman.
“They’re desperate
and dangerous. This is a clear omen: If something isn’t
done in a few days,
I tell you, this country is going to be converted into a
genocide zone.”
Mr. Chamisa said he saw “busloads and lorries of police
armed to the teeth”
pull up at the party headquarters Friday morning just as
he was leaving. His
cellphone began ringing incessantly as police officers
swarmed into the
building. He said his colleagues were telling him they were
being herded
together.
Another opposition spokesman, Nqobizitha
Mlilo, said the police were after
materials supporting the party’s assertion
that it had defeated Mr. Mugabe.
“They were searching for equipment and
documents that formed the basis of
our claim that we won the election,” he
said.
The opposition and some human rights groups have been saying a
slow-motion
coup is under way in Zimbabwe, with the security forces exerting
ever
greater sway. At a press briefing in Pretoria on Thursday, the United
States’
most senior diplomat for Africa, Jendayi E. Frazer, raised questions
about
whether the country’s autocratic president, Mr. Mugabe, was still in
charge.
She said that there seemed to be at least two power centers in
Zimbabwe: Mr.
Mugabe and the joint operations command, which includes the
military, the
police and the intelligence agency.
“It does lead to a
question of who’s running the country,” she said. “Since
we haven’t been
able to talk to President Mugabe, and others haven’t been
able to talk to
President Mugabe, those questions become even more salient.”
Even before
Friday’s raid, the efforts of independent monitors had been
singled out by
the government. Within days of the voting, as foreign
journalists covering
the election were being swept up, an American program
officer for the
National Democratic Institute — a Washington-based group
that describes the
Zimbabwe Election Support Network as its “partner
organization” — was
detained by Zimbabwean authorities and held in the
country for six days
before being released.
On Friday, the institute said that one of the
election network’s program
managers had now been detained in the raid in
Harare. “The government should
not operate on the assumption that it can act
with impunity,” the institute’s
president, Kenneth Wollack, said in a
statement. “It should know that the
international community is watching and
prepared to take action.”
Graham Bowley and Michael M. Grynbaum
contributed reporting from New York.
Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Canada
April 25, 2008
No. 99
The
Honourable Maxime Bernier, Minister of Foreign Affairs, today issued the
following statement condemning the mounting violence and intimidation in
post-electoral Zimbabwe:
"Canada is alarmed by reports
that Zimbabwean state security services have
raided offices of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change and of the
Zimbabwe Election
Support Network, a non-governmental organization. Such
acts demonstrate an
ever-increasing disregard for democracy on the part of
the Government of
Zimbabwe.
"We are deeply concerned by the conduct of security
and paramilitary forces
in the ongoing intimidation and persecution of
opposition forces, and those
presumed to support the opposition. African
leaders played a key role in
defusing Kenya's crisis, and we expect the same
leadership on Zimbabwe. We
welcome the substantive efforts of regional
leaders to address the troubling
and destabilizing events in Zimbabwe, and
urge leaders of the continent to
support these efforts
vigorously.
"I stand by my assertion that the people of
Africa have struggled too long
and too hard to have their rights compromised
and their systems distorted by
those who would seek to play the politics of
power with the institutions of
democracy."
Malcolm Speed's ousting as the ICC's CEO is an open
admission of the hypocrisy, factionalism and naked politicking that has
paralysed the game's governing body Andrew Miller April 25, 2008 On the one hand, the early end of Malcolm Speed's tenure as
ICC chief executive changes little within a blighted organisation. It had
already been announced that he was to stand down in July, after seven turbulent
years at the helm, and so all that has really changed is that he will now take
no part in the ICC's annual conference, which - as Cricinfo
yesterday revealed - will take place in Dubai instead of Lord's for the
first time in the organisation's 99-year history. In the grander scheme of things, however, Speed's ousting is
more than just a final humiliation for a man who has found himself at the sharp
end of every one of the game's myriad crises of the recent past. It is an open
admission of the hypocrisy, factionalism and naked politicking that has
paralysed the game's governing body, at precisely the moment when the global
game is most desperately in need of leadership and unity. This is a perilous period for world cricket, for the pace of
change this year has been rampant. The Twenty20 format has exploded into life
with a force that few could ever have contemplated, and cricket's elite players
are being transfixed by the life-transforming sums of money being dangled in
front of their faces. There is, in the opinion of one of the men of the moment,
Allen Stanford, a "900lb gorilla" running amok in the East, and yet his response
- to whack £10 million on the table and declare "take it or leave it" - seems no
less ape-ish. A strong sporting body - or even a weak sporting body that
actually cared for the game it governed - would find sufficient voice and
authority to declare that enough is enough. But the ICC is nothing more than a
burnt-out train-wreck of an organisation. For years it was run as a personal
fiefdom of England and Australia; now it's India's turn, as the game's financial
powerhouse, to ride roughshod over all comers - rarely more triumphantly than
during the recent Harbhajan Singh furore in Australia. Meanwhile, the rest of
the world clung meekly to the concept that unity, however unilateral, was better
than the anarchy that now threatens to engulf the game. Now, however, any board that values its integrity would do
well to give the ICC as little credence as possible. The fact that it is
Zimbabwe that has spread the rot so far and wide is no surprise, but it still
beggars belief how they are permitted to get away with it. Zimbabwe's domestic
structure is in chaos, they are incapable of raising a Test side and they are
barely competitive at any level of the game. And yet Peter Chingoka, their
stooge of a chairman, is arguably the most influential man in the game today,
all because he is willing to accede slavishly to the BCCI on any and every
issue. Thanks principally to Chingoka, a wedge has been driven
between (without putting too fine a point of it) the white countries and the
rest, but the man who has allowed this to get out of control in recent months is
Ray Mali, whom Peter Roebuck last week described as "a compromised and unworthy
president of the ICC". He is another official who is drunk on his own power,
which is incredible seeing as he shouldn't even be in the job in the first
place. He was only handed the reins as a stop-gap measure, following the death
of Percy Sonn in May 2007. According to those who have watched him in action in the ICC,
Mali is as reckless as he is power-happy, so prone to gaffes that he is rarely
trusted to speak publicly. Last October, at the Darrell Hair tribunal in London,
he stunned his employers - and effectively sealed the case in favour of the
defendant - when he declared: "I don't see any reason why Mr Hair should not
return to the Elite panel and umpire Test matches." Robert Griffiths, Hair's QC,
was obliged to repeat the words to make sure Mali was aware of what he was
saying. Today, Mali wasn't even trusted to comment on the schemozzle
emanating from Dubai. He was in South Africa and unavailable "for personal
reasons", leaving his successor, David Morgan, to issue the press release that
heralded Speed's departure, as well as to face the media at Lord's on Saturday
afternoon. Such was the complete confusion that Mali left behind, some of the
executive board didn't even know of the decision until it had been announced.
Rarely has the ICC moved with such haste - on the Zimbabwe
issue they have been dragging their feet for five years. However, the factions
within the ICC corridors of power have been gunning for Speed ever since that
fateful meeting in March, when the independent forensic audit into Zimbabwe's
financial irregularities was swept under the carpet. Speed refused to front up
to defend a decision with which he fundamentally disagreed, and from that moment
on, his fate was sealed. Tellingly, Mali and his cronies were desperate that Zimbabwe
should not been seen as the cause of Speed's downfall, Cricinfo has learnt.
Earlier this week, they saw an opportunity to strike when it emerged that the
rebel Indian Cricket League had written to the ICC to seek official status. By
dressing that up as an illicit approach to the CEO, they hoped to discredit
Speed. However, in a further indication that there are factions within the ICC's
factions, this morning's press release explicitly mentioned Zimbabwe as the core
issue. It seems there will be yet more power struggles to come. Speed will not be missed by those who equate his reign with
the erosion of the ICC's credibility, but his Teflon-like qualities most
certainly will. His stance throughout a dreadful last 18 months - from Hair-gate
to the World Cup and beyond - was an implacable calm that, superficially at
least, gave the impression that there was a modicum of control being exercised
at some level of the organisation. Now, the ICC is officially out of control - and with it the
world game. In a poll carried out today by the Professional Cricketers'
Association, a fifth of England's county cricketers admitted they would be
prepared to sign up for the reviled ICL. Meanwhile, the best players in the
world are preparing to grab whatever cash comes their way in their all-too-brief
careers, and hang the consequences. The concept of loyalty in professional sport
has long been an anachronism, but the way it is behaving, you'd assume the ICC
couldn't care less for the consequences of its actions. Andrew Miller is UK editor of
Cricinfo
Any board that values its
integrity would do well to give the ICC as little credence as possible. The fact
that it is Zimbabwe that has spread the rot so far and wide is no surprise, but
it still beggars belief how they are permitted to get away with it