Zimbabwe Academic Launches New Political Party

http://www.voazimbabwe.com/

Thomas Chiripasi
26.04.2013

HARARE — A new political party calling itself the Free Zim Congress was
launched in Harare on Friday by a South African-based academic, Joseph
Busha, who says he is ready to contest in elections expected to be called
sometime this year.

More than 300 people gathered at the City Sports Centre in Harare to witness
the launch of the new political party.

In his keynote address, Mr. Busha, an academic who hails from Mutoko in
Mashonaland East Province, said his party will ensure equitable distribution
of the country’s wealth among Zimbabweans.

He criticized some senior Zanu PF officials for owning multiple farms while
the majority of Zimbabweans have no land.

The new political entrant called on President Robert Mugabe to rein in some
ministers of government who he said have amassed too much wealth in unclear
circumstances.

Busha also criticized Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai who he said behaved
as if he was the only person who can serve Zimbabwe.

Voter registration starts Monday

http://www.herald.co.zw/

Saturday, 27 April 2013 00:00

Lloyd Gumbo Herald Reporter

THE Registrar-General’s Office will on Monday start a massive voter
registration

exercise that will run until May 19 ahead of the harmonised polls set for
sometime this year.
This follows the release of US$8 million by Treasury for the exercise that
is meant to enable all Zimbabweans who are not registered as voters to do so
for the forthcoming elections.

Justice and Legal Affairs Minister Patrick Chinamasa had already indicated
that the exercise would commence on Monday.
Cabinet on Tuesday directed the Ministry of Finance to release the US$13
million required for the whole exercise.
In a statement yesterday, Registrar-General Tobaiwa Mudede said the exercise
would be carried out throughout the country.
“The Registrar-General of Voters wishes to advise the public that national
mobile registration will commence in all provinces from Monday, April 29 to
May 19, 2013,” said Mr Mudede.

“The mobile registration will cover the following registrations only,
national identity registration, voter registration and inspection of the
voters’ roll.”
At least one vehicle would be required per each of the 1 958 wards
countrywide. Mr Mudede said information on the itinerary of the mobile teams
would be available at all provinces and district offices.

Voter registration was supposed to have started on January 3, 2013 but
failed to take off because Treasury argued there were other budgetary
demands hence the RG’s Office could not commence the exercise.

Voter registration is a continuous process, but Government conducts a
registration blitz towards each election to cater for people who would not
have registered. For these elections, aliens are expected to throng the
Registrar-General’s Offices and mobile registration teams after being
granted voting rights in the recently endorsed Copac draft constitution.

The voters’ roll is ward-based and one is required to produce proof of
residence to be registered as a voter in that particular area. Proof may
include sworn affidavits, utility bills or confirmation letters from chiefs
and headmen in rural areas.

Cabinet also directed the RG’s Office to replace lost identity documents for
all Zimbabweans free of charge until the last day of voter registration for
the forthcoming harmonised polls.

Those not on the voters’ roll would be entered automatically.
After the elections, the cost of replacing identity documents lost through
negligence would be reduced from US$10 to US$5.
Those who lose the documents through circumstances beyond their control,
Cabinet said, would get replacements free of charge.

The RG’s office was also directed to provide an electronic version of the
voters’ roll to all stakeholders, while the printed version would cost US$5
000 per copy.
In the past, the voters’ roll cost about US$30 000 which political parties
in the inclusive Government said was not affordable.

Married women who moved from their original birth places would be registered
in their new places of residence upon authentication by husband, husband’s
relatives, their children, neighbours, elderly people and or traditional
leaders.

Mr Mudede on Thursday summoned all provincial registrars countrywide to
brief them on Cabinet’s resolutions with regard to replacements of lost
identify documents and voter registration.

Apart from the voter registration exercise, the RG’s office is expected to
deal with irregularities picked up by Zanu-PF in Marondera where suspected
MDC-T activists were registered using fake addresses.

Politburo to discuss elections next week

http://www.herald.co.zw/

Saturday, 27 April 2013 00:00

Farirai Machivenyika Senior Reporter

Zanu-PF Politburo and Central Committee members will hold separate sessions
next week to discuss party restructuring and preparations for the harmonised
elections.
Party national spokesperson Cde Rugare Gumbo yesterday confirmed that the

Politburo and Central Committee will hold their meetings on Thursday and
Friday respectively.
“The Politburo will meet on Thursday while the Central Committee will meet
on Friday next week.
“I am yet to get a briefing on the agenda as I am currently attending the
Trade Fair in Bulawayo but those issues on the restructuring and election
preparations are likely to take centre stage,” Cde Gumbo said.

The Central Committee will be meeting for the first time this year after the
initial meeting scheduled for March was deferred.
Zanu-PF has embarked on a restructuring of its structures ahead of the
elections that culminated in Politburo member Cde Callistus Ndhlovu being
appointed chairman of Bulawayo province.

Cde Ndhlovu was appointed by the Politburo last month and was tasked with
reviving the fortunes of the party in the province and ensure unity within
its rank and file.
He took over from Cde Killian Sibanda who was redeployed to the deputy
chairman’s position.

The Politburo is also likely to discuss the findings of a probe team that
was dispatched to Manicaland to address challenges faced by the party in the
province.
National Chairman Cde Simon Khaya Moyo led the team, which included national
political commissar Cde Webster Shamu, deputy secretary for security Cde
Kembo Mohadi who stood in for Cde Sydney Sekeramayi and secretary for
administration Cde Didymus Mutasa.

Cde Khaya Moyo and his team also addressed the Harare provincial executive
on Thursday and told them that President Mugabe had directed that the party
reclaim at least10 seats in the capital from the MDC-T.

The team will travel to all the provinces to assess Zanu-PF’s state of
preparedness ahead of the elections.
Discussions on the rules and regulations governing the conduct of primary
elections that have been postponed since February may also come up during
the Politburo meeting.
President Mugabe has spoken out against the imposition of candidates in the
coming elections and has urged party supporters to register as voters as the
coming polls are crucial for the future of the country.

19 Hatcliffe residents endure weekend in police cells

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/

27.04.13

by The Zimbabwean

19 Hatcliffe suburb residents will endure the weekend in police holding
cells after they were arrested and charged with contravening Section 179 of
the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act for allegedly impersonating
public officials.

The 19 residents namely Maxwell Tosvo, Livingston Gatsi, Rufaro Kapfunde,
Innocent Mutukila, Rebecca Muzire, Bigboy Kadungure, Maid Mukarati, Cairo
Kapwanya, Betty Ticharwa, Angeline Mhokore, Gladys Muzerengwa, Beauty
Billiate, Memory Bechani, Martha Makuvatsine, Lovemore Tsoko, Antonoitte
Mapfumo, Mclaren Kapwanya and Tracy Maponde were arrested on Thursday 25
April 2013 in Hatcliffe and detained overnight at Borrowdale Police Station
before the police moved them to Harare Central Police Station, where they
charged them with contravening Section 179 of the Criminal Law (Codification
and Reform) Act.

Police officers claimed that the residents who were wearing T-shirts and
usually worn by officials from the Ministry Home Affairs had three copies of
the voters’ roll and between 18 to 25 April 2013 went around the high
density suburb asking other residents to check and confirm if their names
were noted on the voters roll and advising them to register to vote if their
names were missing.

The police charged that the 19 residents misrepresented themselves as
officials from the Registrar General’s office.

Meanwhile, police in Masvingo on Wednesday 24 April 2013 prohibited the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions from staging a procession on Wednesday 1
May 2013 in commemoration of Workers Day.

The ZCTU had written to the police notifying them of their intention to hold
a procession from Craft Centre to Mucheke Stadium, where the labour union
would commemorate the Workers Day festivities in Masvingo Province.

But the Officer Commanding Police in Masvingo Central District identified as
J. Nyapfuri turned down the ZCTU procession and ordered them to confine
themselves to just gathering at Mucheke Stadium. Nyapfuri said the Zimbabwe
Republic Police could not sanction the procession “due to security reasons”.

Exams pass rate shames coalition: Makoni

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

26/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Brian Paradza

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai should be
ashamed of the 18 percent pass rate recorded in the November 2012 Ordinary
Level schools exams, Mavambo Kusile leader Simba Makoni has said.

Makoni said the two leaders’ silence on the crisis in the country’s schools
was illustrative of their contempt for the education sector and a lack of
interest in the future of the country.

Results from last year’s O’Level exams showed that 81,6 percent of the
172,698 students who sat for the examinations failed to pass at least five
subjects with grade C or better.

Only 31,767 of that number were successful, translating to a pass rate of
18,4 percent.

Said Makoni: “I went to school in Rhodesia, and from that time up to about
1992, the competition at O level was not on how many did well; it was based
on how many passed with a first classgrades because all the classes passed.

“The competition among St Augustine, St Ignatius, Kutama, Goromonzi High and
Fletcher High was not on how many students passed five subjects; it was how
many passed twelve subjects with grades A and B.

“Today we discuss how many scrap through with five Ordinary levels. And we
still claim we have the best education in Africa at 18 percent pass rate!

The former finance minister said the Zimbabwe's education sector has
continued to slide backwards over the years with South Africa and other
African countries scoring better results over the years.

“I was in South Africa recently. You know matrix examinations have always
been a disaster, but they are a disaster at 36 percent not at 18 percent and
that does not touch the hearts of our so-called leaders.

“How many of you wrote anything from Robert Mugabe about the 18 percent pass
rate? Zero, How many of you wrote anything from Prime Minister Tsvangirai
about the 18 percent pass rate? Zero. They are not worried about that, yet
this is our future”, said Makoni.

Education Minister David Coltart blamed the disappointing results on the
“extreme crisis in education experienced between approximately 2005 and
 2009”.

"I'm afraid that this was inevitable. There's been so much chaos in
Zimbabwe's education system in the last decade that it was inevitable that
children's education would be affected in this way," Coltart said in
February.

"If you don't have teachers, if you don't have textbooks, ultimately
literacy and numeracy proficiency drops, and that is eventually reflected in
examination results."

He however added that the only positive development was that more and more
children were sitting examinations after a decade-long economic crisis
devastated the education sector and led to massive drop-outs and teacher
flight.

AirZim cashes in on ZITF

http://www.financialgazette.co.zw/

Friday, 26 April 2013 14:26

Own Correspondent

BULAWAYO — Cash-strapped Air Zimbabwe (AirZim) is cashing in on the on-going
Zimbabwe International Trade Fair (ZITF) with all its flights into the
second city fully booked until the end of the business jamboree on Sunday.
AirZim, which is saddled with huge debts, has been flying domestic routes
three times a week, but the national passenger carrier has had to schedule
daily flights to accommodate delegates streaming into Bulawayo for the ZITF.
A return ticket to Bulawayo cost about US$350.
Officials at the airline said the daily flights between Bulawayo and Harare
would continue after the ZITF in order to stimulate air travel ahead of the
United Nations World Tourism Organisation General Assembly being co-hosted
by Zimbabwe and Zambia in August.
Anna Hungwe, the Civil Aviation Authority of Zimbabwe’s public relations
manager, who was among the people that failed to secure a seat on an AirZim
flight to Bulawayo for the trade fair this week, said ZITF had offered the
airline an opportunity to enhance its image.
“The ZITF has always been a time when the airline receives a boost in terms
of income as people love air travelling as it is more convenient and, at a
time like this, people value their time as well as (a service that offers)
value (for money),” she said.
 

Econet scoops ZITF overall best display award

http://www.herald.co.zw/

Saturday, 27 April 2013 00:00

Bulawayo Bureau

ECONET Wireless yesterday scooped the 2013 Zimbabwe International Trade Fair
(ZITF) best overall Zimbabwean display award.
The mobile phone company received the President’s award and the ZITF gold
medal. It also

walked away with the best Zimbabwean display in information communication
and technologies category, receiving the Baztech Trophy and the ZITF gold
medal. Its designer was Davies Events which was also presented with a gold
medal.

The second runner-up for the overall and display category was the
Environmental Management Agency which also scooped the first prize in the
best non-industrial or non-commercial section.

The third runner-up was Treger Plastics which also scooped first prizes in
four other categories for the best display in agricultural or irrigation
equipment; construction, building and hardware; furniture, home improvement
and interior decor and the packaging ,plastics, stationery and printing
sector.

The best and most outstanding foreign display was scooped by the South
African Department of Trade and Industry which received a ZITF trophy and
gold medal. Its designer was Oasys Innovations which also got a gold medal.

The second runner-up was the Embassy of Italy followed by Mozambique Ports
and Railways.
In the other categories the first prize winners were the National Railways
of Zimbabwe which walked away with the best display in tourism and travel
while First Mutual Life Assurance Company scooped the best display in
medical aid and health related issues.
Malawian President Joyce Banda, who officially opened the trade fair
presented the prizes to the winners.

Banda’s bid to copy Zim reforms slammed

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

26/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Daily Times Malawi

PRESIDENT Joyce Banda has come under fire from critics after announcement
that Malawi would look to replicate Zimbabwe's controversial land reform and
economic empowerment initiatives.

Banda was due back home Friday after a four-day state visit to Zimbabwe
during which she backed Harare’s land reforms and the take-over of majority
shareholdings in foreign-owned companies, describing them as the best way to
uplift the livelihoods of the majority poor.

She was quoted as saying she would soon send experts to Zimbabwe to study
the two programmes and recommend how they could be implemented in Malawi.

But land reform researcher and academic Blessings Chinsinga said Banda was
making a grave mistake while Civil Society Agriculture Network (Cisanet)
National Director Tamani Nkhono Mvula said replicating Zimbabwe's landform
in Malawi would be akin to committing an economic suicide.

Chinsinga argued Malawi has procedures that clearly state how land reform
programmes can be implemented.
"What has been lacking in all this is political will," said Chinsinga. "But
forceful acquisition targeting those believed to be foreigners takes away
the need to understand the root cause of the problem."

He said three quarters of land in Malawi is in the hands of the elites that
include top civil servants, top businessmen, top politicians and traditional
leaders and they are just keeping it idle.

He added that ways and means have to be found to redistribute this land
properly and not taking after the means that adopted by Zimbabwe.

Nkhono-Mvula said the Zimbabwe approach could not be applied to Malawi.

"I am failing to understand the context we are going to acquire that land,"
he said.
He said most of the land in the country is in the hands of smallholder
farmers and the only place where there are white owned farms is in Mulanje
and Thyolo where there are tea estates.

"To take this process will be an economic suicide," he declared.
Nkhono-Mvula said the context of Zimbabwe land distribution had a long
history and that it was out of frustrations because the British government
did not commit to pledges it made on land reforms in that country.

"While the decision was somehow right, the process was not the right way to
do it," he said before adding: "We did not have the Zimbabwe scenario where
90 percent of the good land was in the hands of 10 percent of the
population."

Land reform saw the majority of Zimbabweans, who were previously settled on
marginal infertile land, getting vast tracts of land that were occupied by
about 4 000 commercial farmers.

Govt backtracks on ghost workers

http://www.financialgazette.co.zw/

Wednesday, 24 April 2013 19:23

Shame Makoshori, Senior Business Reporter

GOVERNMENT last week dramatically summersaulted over the ghost workers
controversy that has gripped the Public Service Commission, with a Cabinet
minister rejecting reports that a World Bank-funded skills and payroll audit
undertaken three years ago had said Zimbabwe’s 236 000 strong civil service
was pregnant with ghost workers.
Until last week, several officials, including Finance Minister Tendai Biti,
had fiercely campaigned for the elimination of ghost workers from the
government payroll.
Ghost workers, it was said, could have drained over US$17,5 million per
month from State coffers between 2008 and 2011.
The bloated civil service consumes over 70 percent of government revenue,
leaving very little funding for growth stimulating capital projects.
Discontentment over government’s inaction against ghost workers has swelled
among unions representing public workers but the Executive has remained
unmoved.
Public Service Minister, Lucia Matibenga, told The Financial Gazette’s
Companies & Markets (C&M) last week that the audit by Ernst & Young of India
never exposed any ghost workers.
“I have problems in understanding what you mean by ghost workers as this
phrase is not found anywhere in the report by Ernst & Young India,”
Matibenga said in written responses to C&M’s questions.
She, however, said Cabinet would soon discuss the payroll and skills audit,
two years after the global auditors had submitted their reports.
“The memorandum on payroll and skills audit will be presented to Cabinet
sooner rather than later and Cabinet will give direction in terms of the way
forward...the minister will make a presentation to Cabinet, which in turn
will give direction in terms of the way forward,” said Matibenga.
In a way, Matibenga’s statement is inconsistent with her party’s position as
enunciated by Biti, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) secretary
general. It also further exposes the conflicting signals coming out of
Zimbabwe’s incoherent power-sharing administration since its formation in
2009. The conflicting policies and statements have been blamed for the
stunted growth that has blighted the economy, bleeding industries.
In 2009, government commissioned the audit by Ernst & Young, which submitted
two reports in November 2010 and July 2011.
While it has taken two years for these reports to be made public,
indications are that over 70 000 ghost workers could be receiving salaries
every month from the cash-strapped administration.
It therefore means that government could have lost over US$17,5 million per
month through payments to non-existent workers between 2008 and 2011. This
figure could be higher after 10 000 more civil servants were drafted into
government last year without Treasury approval.
Cumulatively, government could have lost over US$1 billion since 2008, when
ZANU-PF irregularly deployed youth militia into the public service, in a
scandal that triggered calls for investigations.
As a result of the increasing wage bill, government has failed to review
civil service salaries above the poverty datum line, which is estimated at
about US$550 per month.
Staff morale has therefore hit rock bottom, worsening poor service delivery
and corruption.
This money lost through the payment of ghost workers could have easily
bankrolled the construction of over 100 000 low cost houses at US$10 000
each to reduce Zimbabwe’s urban housing backlog estimated at about 1,3
million.
It may also have funded half the financial requirements for the proposed
Batoka power project, which would have electrified struggling industries
while creating jobs.
It appears that the Ministry of Public Service either lacks capacity or is
reluctant to tackle what unions believe to be its most important assignment
in 33 years.
Chances are that resources that could have been directed towards social
expenditure are being used to line the pockets of a few officials.
Independent economist, John Robertson, said the best way to deal with the
issue would have been to identify those that are receiving salaries through
the ghost workers and arrest them for fraud.
“Removing them from the payroll is not enough,” Robertson told C&M adding
that there was also no justification for the 10 000 new recruits irregularly
engaged by the government last year.
“They might have been employed for a political purpose rather than to serve
the people,” observed Robertson.
Both sides of the inclusive government appear to be reluctant to take action
against the ghost workers.
ZANU-PF could be afraid of upsetting the powerful youth militia that has
previously propelled it to election victories.
At the same time, the two MDC factions in government, which have failed to
tackle ZANU-PF on a number of outstanding issues, seem to be lacking the
clout and courage to demand action.

Airzim suffer blow

http://www.herald.co.zw/

Saturday, 27 April 2013 00:00

Court Reporter

Air Zimbabwe’s revival suffered a major blow yesterday after the High Court
dismissed its request for urgent hearing of its application to stop a former
manager from auctioning 29 vehicles he attached over a more than US$140 000
retrenchment package. The former

manager, Mr Stephen Nhuta, last year attached 29 Air Zimbabwe vehicles in
settlement of a US$141 790,82 debt.
The arbitral award, which was registered at the High Court, empowers Mr
Nhuta, a former sales and marketing manager, to attach and auction the
airline’s vehicles to recover his retrenchment package.

Justice Joseph Martin Mafusire yesterday ruled that Air Zimbabwe’s
application, which was brought under a certificate of urgency, could not be
heard on an urgent basis.
Through its lawyer, Ms Belinda Rupapa, the airline sought to prevent Mr
Nhuta from auctioning the attached assets.

Ms Rupapa argued that Mr Nhuta, Deputy Sheriff Harare and Sheriff of
Zimbabwe who were listed as respondents were committing an illegality in
view of certain provisions of the Finance Act, which protect the attachment
or execution of Air Zimbabwe (Private) Limited assets.

“Applicant is bound to suffer irreparable harm if the attached motor
vehicles are removed for public auctioning,” said Ms Rupapa. “The removal
will ground the operations of the applicants (Air Zimbabwe (Pvt) Ltd and Air
Zimbabwe Holdings) who run a national airline that is currently under a
resuscitation process.”
She also argued that attaching or auctioning the assets of Air Zimbabwe was
a serious violation of law.

Mwana CEO: Too much hot air over indigenisation

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

26/04/2013 00:00:00
     by Reuters

FEARS that the government will strip foreign mines of half their assets
without compensation are unfounded, according to Kalaa Mpinga, chief
executive of London-listed miner, Mwana Africa, which has gold and nickel
operations in the country.

"There is a lot of noise but we're having a good conversation with the
government," Mpinga said.
A document seen by Reuters this week showed a draft proposal by President
Robert Mugabe's party to amend its "indigenisation" law, by which foreign
companies must be 51 percent owned by local black people, under which
companies would not be compensated for their stakes.

AIM-listed Mwana runs Zimbabwe's largest producing gold mine - Freda
Rebecca - but Mpinga, interviewed in London, said he doubted the proposal
carried weight.

"I've seen cases where you have a white paper which comes out of some
government department and is widely distributed and it's just some guy who
wants to see what the reaction is."

Zimbabwe's indigenisation and empowerment minister, Saviour Kasukuwere, told
local media on Wednesday that there were no immediate plans to amend the
law.

But with an election expected this summer the coalition government is eager
to raise funds, having publicly admitted it cannot afford the poll, stoking
fears the government will resort to seizing assets.

Another option is a new tax on the mining sector which the government may
introduce, Finance Minister Tendai Biti said during a visit to London this
week.

Govt reasonable
The indigenisation law has put investors on edge, particularly because the
terms under which stakes are acquired remains vague. Deals tend to be
negotiated on a case by case basis behind closed doors.

Mpinga, who has worked in Zimbabwe through the worst of the turmoil and
hyperinflation, has a simpler view.
"If they don't pay what I want, they won't get it," he said with a smile.
"From the experience that I've had, the government is very reasonable."
In January, Impala Platinum, the world's second-largest platinum miner,
agreed to sell a majority stake in its Zimbabwe unit to local black
investors for $971 million, with the local unit lending investors the money.

Political concerns aside, Mwana is ramping up production. Its shares jumped
more than 10 percent on Thursday after an operations update showed a 36.8
percent increase in gold production from Freda Rebecca, despite a failure in
a leach tank where gold is extracted from the ore.

"We have more than delivered on all the things we said we would... If it
hadn't been for the leach tank we would have far exceeded expectations,"
Mpinga said.

With commodity prices falling Mwana has prioritised reducing its costs and
increasing production. A pilot plant to test the feasibility of retreating
left-overs from the main production process, known as tailings, is expected
to be ready in July.

Mpinga also said a plan on developing the refinery and smelter at Mwana's
nickel operations, run through Zimbabwe-listed Bindura Nickel Corporation,
would be in place by the end of the year.
The mine and plant were restarted last year after production was put on hold
in 2008 due to weak nickel prices and challenges posed by hyperinflation.

"At every level the government wanted the mine to start. That's what I see,
the rest is just noise," Mpinga said.

Zimbabwe strike back in 2nd Test

http://wwos.ninemsn.com.au/

00:27 AEST Sun Apr 28 2013

Three quick wickets at the start of the second innings kept Zimbabwe's bid
for a series victory over Bangladesh alive after the home side had conceded
a first innings deficit of over a hundred on day three of the second Test on
Saturday.

Robiul Islam had become the first seamer to take five wickets in consecutive
innings for Bangladesh as Zimbabwe were bowled out for 282 and a
first-innings deficit of 109.

However Shingirai Masakadza and Kyle Jarvis benefited from some questionable
umpiring as they reduced Bangladesh to 3-18 before Mominul Haque and Shakib
Al Hasan steadied the innings to take the tourists to tea on 3-43.

Masakadza had Tamim Iqbal and Jahurul Islam caught behind in consecutive
overs, although only the latter appeared to edge the ball through to the
wicketkeeper.

Jarvis then trapped Mohammad Ashraful lbw, but replays suggested the ball
was missing the leg stump. With the Decision Review System not in place due
to the prohibitive costs, the umpires' decisions were final.

With an overall lead of 152, Bangladesh retained the upper hand thanks
largely to Robiul's herculean efforts with the ball in the first innings.

Having taken 6-71 in the second innings of the first Test, Robiul charged in
for 33 overs to claim 5-85 in the first innings of the second.

His efforts outshone Elton Chigumbura's highest Test score of 86, which came
in an impressive counter-attack that included a brisk 85-run partnership
with Richmond Mutumbami, who scored 42.

Mutumbami was trapped lbw by Robiul after padding up to a straight delivery,
while Chigumbura was bowled by the paceman on the stroke of lunch.

HOT SEAT: ICG’s Trevor Maisiri analyses Zim political leaders

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

 

 

 

Trevor Maisiri

Violet Gonda ’s guest on the Hot Seat program is International Crisis Group Southern Africa senior analyst Trevor Maisiri who gives us his analysis of the 7 main political leaders in Zimbabwe, including factional fighting, political parties’ internal dynamics and the UNDP election funding dispute. Is the UN pushback intentional? How has the MDC formations reacted to their suspicions about the diamond proceeds?

Broadcast 18 April 2013

VIOLET GONDA: My guest on the Hot Seat programme today is International Crisis Group Southern Africa senior analyst Trevor Maisiri. Let’s start with looking at the situation in the coalition government – MDC leader Professor Welshman Ncube recently accused Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and President Robert Mugabe of seriously flouting provisions of the Global Political Agreement by excluding his party from important election processes and has warned that what is going on in government will lead to a disputed election. What do you make of the current tensions in the coalition government?

TREVOR MAISIRI: I think the current tensions in the GNU are basically in contravention of the SADC position that was taken in Maputo in 2012 where SADC endorsed Ncube to be a part of the principals and therefore to be consulted on any political decisions that are made. But what you are seeing is a contestation where Mugabe and Tsvangirai seem to be comfortable to keep Welshman Ncube out of the picture and therefore entertain Mutambara who is considered to have no political constituency at the moment.

GONDA: Ncube says that there’s no way that the MDC formations can form a pact ahead of forthcoming elections because there’s now an alliance between Morgan Tsvangirai and Mugabe. Do you believe that the prime minister has really planned with the president to push Ncube out? Is this intentional?

MAISIRI: I don’t think it is intentional as such; I think this is what I would call some unintentional convenience. What has happened is Mugabe has seen some convenience in terms of keeping Welshman out; Tsvangirai also seems to have seen some convenience in keeping Welshman out and I think on those particular conveniences, the two of them seem to be acting in this way but I don’t think they have actually sat down to plot Welshman’s downfall. I think it’s just a momentary convenience that they are working upon. We have it on record that there’s been attempts to actually try and bring the two MDCs into a pact for the forthcoming election but I think the biggest hindrance has really been the personal differences between Morgan Tsvangirai himself and Welshman Ncube and therefore looking at what is happening in the GNU it would seem that those personal relationships are also affecting the current machinations that we are seeing within the principals’ platform.

GONDA: But do you see a political pact between the former opposition parties as many believe it is still the only way of presenting a formidable challenge against Zanu PF and if so, how will it work since the political parties are preparing for primary elections?

MAISIRI: I think it’s difficult to see a political pact between the MDCs at the moment, mainly because of two reasons. The first reason is what I mentioned earlier which is the bad blood that seems to be there between Tsvangirai and Ncube which is emanating from the 2005 split I guess, and then the second issue is about political constituency. I think the MDC- Tsvangirai is not convinced of how much political constituency Welshman has even in what has been termed his stronghold of Matabeleland and at the same time Welshman is also not sure of what political constituency Tsvangirai still has in Matabeleland. So without clarity of what political constituency each one has, it’s difficult for them to come to a table where they give and take based on the respect of each other’s political constituencies.

GONDA: Speaking of political constituencies, elections are in a few months and the political parties have not had primary elections yet. The MDC-T said they will start on May 3^rd but Zanu PF and MDC Ncube are yet to announce their dates. What does this say about the state of our political parties and how democratic are these processes?

MAISIRI: I think it is a question of what I would call fragile internal democracy in all these particular political parties. What you would see is that there is still no space for free will expression within those particular political parties and also our positioning is still balanced on our personal preferences as well as not allowing others to contest whatever positions that they feel they should, therefore it shows the immaturity of the internal democracy within all these political parties at the moment.

GONDA: What about on the issue of proportional representation?

MAISIRI: I think there are two levels to look at that. The first level is basically is that the proportional representation has been brought in, in order to allow female candidates to gain more traction in terms of having representation in parliament which I think is positive, looking at the political background of the exclusion of females in this domain of politics. And then at the second level you are also looking at in terms of all the parties, what kind of female representation are they going to put forward for these particular positions because what it speaks about is these parties now need to go away from party systems of patronage and pick on competent females, competent women that represent the broader perspective of the female constituents in the country and who are also effective in that particular role to be able to take these positions. Otherwise you’ll also continue to see imposition of female candidates who will not be able to perform as expected in parliament.

GONDA: What about the internal dynamics in the different political parties? What do you make of the factional fighting in Zanu PF for example and how does this relate to elections?

MAISIRI: Yah I think it is something that has been brewing over time and Zanu PF has not had the courage of addressing succession issues and internal fighting issues within its provinces and structures. So what we are seeing, we are seeing is a culmination of issues that have not been addressed in time and therefore by postponing the primary elections, I don’t think Zanu PF has enough or ample time to be able to address all these issues that have been brewing over the last ten or 20 years and collapse them into a two month mediation process. It’s going to be very difficult for Zanu PF to do that and my suspicion is we may see continual postponement of these primary elections and maybe the party may have to resort to imposing candidates after all.

GONDA: And some observers say that the MDC formations should be taking advantage of this infighting that has resulted in Zanu PF chairman Simon Khaya Moyo being deployed to Manicaland but what you see is the MDC-T, for example, involved in similar squabbles in Manicaland such as the dispute between Makoni South MP Pishai Muchauraya and his rival Geoff Nyarota. What do you make of that?

MAISIRI: I think primarily taking advantage of the Zanu PF differences and internal factional fighting is not something sustainable according to my own analysis. I think these parties need to work independently on their own capacity; they need to work independently on their own competencies to be able to convince the people of Zimbabwe that they should vote for them – however at the same extent you are also seeing this factional fighting issue in MDC-T in Manicaland. I think it also represents the broader perspective of unresolved issues within the MDC itself. It might just be Manicaland today but if the party does not also address issues of internal democracy we may see more infighting in other provinces.

GONDA: And what about in the Ncube-MDC? It’s reported that some more MPs or members have defected and have crossed the floor to either Zanu PF or the Tsvangirai MDC. What does this say about the party ahead of the elections?

MAISIRI: I think with Ncube, the issue is some of these candidates who are crossing the floor don’t seem to be seeing the light in terms of where the party is going because if you look at the political landscape in Zimbabwe today it’s basically a Zanu PF versus the MDC-T landscape – that is how a lot of people have taken it to be. The other parties are seen to be competent but not at a similar level. So you’d see that a lot of MPs would see more life in joining maybe one of the main parties as they maybe see Welshman as still relevant but not with as much traction as the other two parties. So this crossing of floors could really be an issue of finding political opportunities elsewhere.

GONDA: Let’s put the political parties aside and try to dissect the individual leaders. Let’s start with Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai – what are your views on the way he has handled affairs as a leader in government, in this coalition?

MAISIRI: I think the main issue with the prime minister has really been the glaring issues of leadership. I think for me one of the issues, besides looking at his personal self, is the issue of policy fundamentals. I think the MDC has not come into government with a solid policy fundamentals or a policy proposition to be able to push back against those policies that people have always criticized from Zanu PF. So for me it is one particular issue of concern around the leadership within the MDC. And then also the issue of consistency is one issue that has also been quite striking – in terms of the MDC being able to pick a line and being consistent on that issue or sticking through those particular issues. I think we have seen various changes, twists and turns and even multiple messaging from within the MDC – we realize that there are different quarters that bring about issues from a different perspective. So internal coherence is also impacting negatively on Tsvangirai’s leadership within that particular party.

GONDA: Welshman Ncube’s leadership?

MAISIRI: Ncube, I think Ncube’s turned out as a good leader but he seems not to have done well in terms of political mobilization, getting in touch with the grassroots and being able to convince the grassroots that he is a leader that they should follow. So his main lack has been his touch with the grassroots.

GONDA: President Mugabe?

MAISIRI: I think President Mugabe has remained what we have known him to be over the period of time; his main weakness right now seems to be the failure to stamp out issues that he has criticized in his own party. First of all the issue of corruption – I think he had spoken about corruption even at the 2012 conference in Gweru but we have not seen his action around those particular issues of corruption. We also see these issues of internal fighting. All along he’s been calling for internal harmony in the party but we’ve also not seen him getting onto the ground and being able to reinstitute his party and deal with factionalism and internal fighting issues, which for me speaks around issues of whether he is still in control or whether we are seeing his leadership control slipping within that particular party.

GONDA: Professor Arthur Mutambara?

MAISIRI: I think Professor Arthur Mutambara is quite competent as an individual but I still feel he’s more of a technocrat than he would be as a politician. By that I mean he is somebody that you can give the national development strategy to run and he could do it but I think bringing him to a political platform where he needs to lead people, he needs to lead a multitude of people and also take political positions, I think we have seen a lot of weaknesses around that area. He seems to fail to sense the moment when it comes to political statements and when it also comes to political sensitivities.

GONDA: What about the opposition leaders – Simba Makoni and Dumiso Dabengwa?

MAISIRI: I think Simba Makoni stands out as a good technocrat as well, with leadership qualities that seem to be well placed but again the issue of grassroots mobilization, the issue of being able to mobilize on the ground, I would put Simba Makoni in the same realm as Welshman Ncube in terms of being a good – I mean good as individuals but failure to mobilize on the ground.

And then when it comes to Dumiso Dabengwa – I think Dumiso Dabengwa has had a very long history in this country looking at his liberation credentials, but I think the failure that we have at the moment is that he has miscalculated his political career, by having to go to resuscitate Zapu. I think Dumisa Dabengwa is somebody who would do well to work under any other leadership except him being a leader of a political movement. So for him political miscalculation has been his biggest downfall.

GONDA: So do you think Zimbabweans are going to have a difficult task to choose their next leader?

MAISIRI: I think the biggest challenge that Zimbabweans will face is the political environment. I think in terms of choice of who they want to pick, who they want to vote for, I believe Zimbabweans are a decisive people, they are people who know what kind of leadership they want, what kind of people they want but I think the political environment is going to play a factor in terms of whether Zimbabweans can express themselves freely in that regard or whether they will not be able to do that.

GONDA: Is there a reconfiguration of the role of the international community in Zim political affairs? The state controlled Herald newspaper for example says Zanu PF has received overtures from the EU, Britain in particular, and even from the Commercial Farmers Union. The paper said that a recent visit by US special envoy led by Andrew Young, who is a former US ambassador to the United Nations, also confirms that Washington has lost confidence in the MDC-T. What can you say about this?

MAISIRI: Yes I think there’s a reconsideration of the role of the international community in Zimbabwe’s political affairs and I think this shift is more to do with the SADC position. If you remember two, three years ago, SADC went round to the NGOs, they went to the US and then they also went to the UK government and stood on behalf of Zimbabwe in terms of calling for the removal of sanctions. But what I believe happened in those interactions is that SADC was also able to mobilize the international community not to take a front line role in the Zimbabwean issue but for all of them to work behind SADC and support SADC initiatives. I think one of the issues which SADC has been pushing is for the international community to be impartial and not be aligned to any political party when it comes to Zimbabwe.

So I believe what we are seeing now in terms of Zanu PF being given opportunities to engage with other players in the international community is because of SADC’s position, where SADC has managed to convince the international community that they need to take a neutral position on Zimbabwe and engage on either side. So you would see that Patrick Chinamasa was in Europe a couple of weeks ago, we have seen Ambassador Young coming to Zimbabwe and I believe that Ambassador Young’s coming into Zimbabwe is also testimony to how much the Americans are wanting to open channels of communication with Zanu PF. Obviously the state media has played its own propaganda and has spun some of the issues out of control but what we are seeing is a beginning of the broader framework of the international community reaching out to try and engage, not just with Zanu PF but with all other political parties in Zimbabwe.

GONDA: But is it a right position to take – this neutral position – when the other partners in the government are saying Zanu PF continues to block progress? For example blocking the UN assessment team from entering Zimbabwe because the UN wants to see all stakeholders including civil society organizations but Zanu PF is refusing.

MAISIRI: You could look at it as a right or a wrong decision to make, but also let’s not forget that this is also shaped by other global factors that are outside of the control of these players or of the Zimbabweans. For example I think if you look at the Libyan issue in terms of how the westerners were blasted for having interfered in African affairs. You also look at the African Union’s push to have lesser interference by westerners in African affairs, you also look at even the recent issue where the French moved into Mali but they only moved in at the invitation of the Malians themselves. So there’s a reconfiguration of the whole issue of African solutions to African problems where westerners are being restricted in terms of the space that they have to come and directly influence issues within African states. So that broad global issue is what is affecting these westerners to take this particular stance. Whether it’s right, whether it’s wrong, whether they like it or they don’t like it but I think they are being forced by that broader perspective of restricted space in terms of their involvement in internal issues of African states.

GONDA: So what do think about the issue of election funding?

MAISIRI: The issue of election funding –I think the UN model that the Zimbabweans had devised, for me it looks to have been the best model because the UN comes in from a point where it is not representing a singular country but it is representing the whole league of nations across the globe. And also the issue of funding by the UN is not basically something that can be made as a thumb suck but is based on an assessment of prevailing political conditions and decisions are then made thereof.

I think for me there was a bit of a mistake in terms of the Zimbabwean parties in terms of how they approached it because the assessment that the UN wanted to do was not an assessment about observation or anything else, it was an assessment of the political environment out of which they would have then made recommendations of what needs to be done in Zimbabwe and how much can really be given to Zimbabwe by who, by when and then things like that but I think the Zimbabweans, especially on the Zanu PF part, they have been very protective of political space to the extent that they have expected the UN assessment team to change their mandate which is given by the UN General Assembly in terms of all other assessments that are done in this particular framework which to me is impossible.

Even when you hear the prime minister and Mugabe agreeing and they are asking Chinamasa and Biti to try and talk down the UN from their mandate that is impossible because this is a UN General Assembly endorsed mandate which the UN cannot change. So I believe the Zimbabweans are basically just shooting themselves in the foot by pushing back on this UN assessment team which I believe could have led to election funding and also the improvement of the political situation and conditions in Zimbabwe.

GONDA: So do you think it’s being done on purpose to push them out and also if the money doesn’t come from the UN, where will it come from?

MAISIRI: I think it is being done on purpose. Why because the real issue is Zanu PF has said that they do not want to see the UN to engage with civil society and if you look at the historical relationship between Zimbabwean civil society and Zanu PF it has been one that has been identified by Zanu PF’s allegations that civil society in Zimbabwe is out for regime change and therefore an engagement of civil society with the UN was seen by Zanu PF as threatening to its own protected political space in the country. Therefore I believe this pushback is very intentional.

And to the second part of your question – if we don’t receive the UN funding, where else are the funds going to come from? Biti said that they’re not going to look at raising funds through government bonds like they did with the referendum funding which means that option is out. So it leaves us with other internal sources – for example I think one of the most reliable resources in Zimbabwe today is the diamond resource and so my question would be whether those companies that are involved in diamond mining are willing to put funds on the table for election funding – that is the question that still remains to be answered but that still remains an option that the Zimbabweans can pursue in terms of approaching diamond mining companies for funding.

GONDA: Professor Ncube said the $132million that is needed to fund this year’s election is nothing compared to the money which is being stolen out of the Chiadzwa diamond fields and Finance Minister Biti also said Zimbabwe’s diamond exports were $800 million last year but only $45 million went to the Treasury. So clearly people in government know what is happening. Why is it that nothing has been done so far and these are the people that are going to be voted into power again?

MAISIRI: Violet I might not be the best qualified in terms of confirming or denying that there are leaks out of the diamond funds from the Chiadzwa fields but I think the issue that Welshman and Biti mentioned diamond funding and that they all seem not at ease with how issues are being handled in terms of how profits from diamonds – for me speaks of a government that is not working on systems of accountability. It speaks of different voices within the same government that are talking about different issues in terms of how these profits are being handled.

So for me the question would be to throw back at maybe Professor Ncube and Minister Biti to ask them what they are doing about the suspicions and allegations that they seem to have raised. And the other issues as well, we have heard a lot of allegations in Zimbabwe that I feel it is time that people and even ministers and civil society and all other players need to work on evidence base. Once we have evidence of all these allegations, I’m sure it is easy to address these issues. But at times issues are flagged out and there’s no concerted effort in terms of bringing up the evidence to be able to nail down these issues. For me in general the whole uneasiness about diamonds from people within the same government is an issue of concern in terms of accountability and exactly what they are doing about it.

GONDA: Right and finally Trevor, what is the relevance of the civil society organizations in the current political environment?

MAISIRI: I think civil society is still quite relevant in terms of the current dynamics but one issue that I think civil society needs to focus upon is being able to engage with other outside players. If you look at how international politics or global politics is being shaped, it is no longer being shaped just by domestic factors and domestic issues which is also shaped by external factors and especially the Zimbabwe issue where we’ve got SADC as mediators, we’ve got the AU as a guarantor and we’ve got other players who are keeping their eyes stuck on Zimbabwe. I think civil society needs to grow out of just the domestic, the restrictive domestic space that they have been acting upon and start to engage at a regional, at a continental and at a global level to be able to find partners who can be able to hear their voice, understand them and be able to help them push for a full and sustainable resolution of the Zimbabwean issue. So there’s still space for civil society but I believe there is need to do more in terms of regional, continental and international engagement.

GONDA: That was Trevor Maisiri a senior analyst with the International Crisis Group. Thank you for talking to us on the Hot Seat programme.

MAISIRI: Thank you so much Violet.

 

We've lost our way

http://www.cathybuckle.com/

April 27, 2013, 9:07 am

Dear Family and Friends,

On the outskirts of Harare the traffic is backed up, nose to tail, for
nearly twenty kilometres by six thirty in the morning. A country awash with
cheap, second-hand Japanese cars clogging single lane highways and the
smooth flow of traffic held up by police who repeatedly wave off every
single passenger minibus. Money but not tickets change hands meanwhile a
rash of traffic offences are happening in plain sight while the same police
turn a blind eye. We wonder but say nothing.

In a busy residential suburb of Harare along the roadside where children
walk and cycle to nearby schools and people go backwards and forwards to
shops, medical facilities and work, a platoon of soldiers wearing full
camouflage and carrying rifles can be heard long before they are seen.
Everyone stops and listens to the chanting and singing, wondering if
something peaceful or frightening is approaching. As the soldiers come into
view, rifles swinging,  people move well out of the way.  Why must they do
this through a residential area and why must they carry guns? We wonder but
say nothing.

In the centre of Harare, sirens are wailing. Is it an ambulance or something
more frightening you wonder but when all the cars start pulling over, double
and triple parking on the roadsides, in the middle of intersections  and
even pedestrians stop walking, you know it’s the Presidential cavalcade.
Motorbike outriders race in at terrifying speed, jump off and run at you,
pointing and gesticulating at any vehicles that haven’t quite got far enough
off the road. Then the limousines come, the support cars, ambulance and then
the open trucks filled with soldiers, guns pointing at you, each man sitting
with one leg hanging over the side of the truck. Everyone stares as the car
inscribed: ‘Zim 1’ passes by. Faces speak volumes but out loud we say
nothing.

Just outside of the capital city in the ten or twenty metre verge between a
major highway and the railway line that runs parallel to it, where you
expect to see short grass and gravel, there is a crop of head-high maize.
The plants are dry and brown, the cobs already reaped. Standing prominently
in front of the maize is a metal signboard supported on two iron legs firmly
anchored in the ground. In bright red paint, the sign proclaims in large
letters: “Demonstration Plot ! Super Seed, Super Yield.” The name of a seed
production company advertises its support of a few lines of illegally
planted maize alongside a highway and railway  track.  Visibility is
obscured and a deadly hazard awaits as vehicles  speed past  on the open
highway and trains rattle by on the tracks; you hope and pray that a child
or animal won’t run out of the maize in front of them;  if they do they will
surely die.  How can this be allowed? We wonder but say nothing.

These are the images of our country as elections approach. The signs of
slipped law and order, of intimidation, and of plain illegality are clear
everywhere. They come in the same week that we heard the government is
drafting legislation to allow it to seize 51% shareholdings of  companies
owned by white Zimbabweans and foreigners without paying for what the are
described as :

“enterprises that exploit their God-given natural resources .” And even to
this, Zimbabwe says nothing. After so many years of turmoil, we seem to have
lost our way.  Until next time, thanks for reading. Love cathy.