Zimbabwe Banks Could be Prosecuted for Breaking Currency Exchange
Laws Peta Thornycroft Harare 08 Apr 2004, 18:14
Commercial bankers in Zimbabwe breathed a little easier when they
found out that the Central Bank has granted them an amnesty for breaking
currency exchange rules, something the bankers have been doing for years. But
the banks are not immune from prosecution. It was not until the Zimbabwe
police announced they were going to prosecute three banks, including the
largest one, with currency law violation that executives of those banks found
out that there is an amnesty in place for bank managers.
The banks are
being accused of violating the currency exchange laws by giving their foreign
currency account holders much higher exchange rates than the official rate.
The banks have been doing this since 2000 when the central bank fixed the
official rate at 55 Zimbabwe dollars to one U.S. dollar.
rate on the streets at that time was about 20 times more than that, and grew
to more than 5,000 Zimbabwe dollars for one U.S. dollar, and that is roughly
the rate the banks gave their clients holding foreign currency
Among those who availed themselves of this unofficial practice
are the state electricity supply company, the fuel procurement organization,
and the state-run grain marketing board.
Last December the newly
appointed central banker, Gideon Gono, himself a former commercial banker,
cracked down on currency speculators and tightened Zimbabwe's monetary
policy. A dozen top bankers fled Zimbabwe for fear of prosecution.
news of the amnesty, which has apparently been in place for about
three months, was published in a weekly newspaper Thursday and confirmed
by several commercial bankers. It applies retroactively to bank managers,
but not to the banks themselves.
Some commercial bankers welcomed the
announcement, saying this might bring stability into the financial sector.
Others have said they will withhold their judgment until they see whether the
police will go ahead with the prosecution of commercial
Meanwhile, the central bank has told commercial banks that,
amnesty or not, they are not immune from prosecution for violating the
currency exchange laws.
Hama Saburi, Brian
Mangwende and Thomas Madondoro 4/8/2004 7:31:46 AM (GMT
EMMERSON Mnangagwa, long considered President Robert
Mugabe's heir-apparent, is balancing on a precarious political knife-edge
because the twisty anti-graft crusade on ZANU PF investments is by all
intents and purposes focused on him as the immediate past finance chief for
Zimbabweans this week indulged in an orgy of speculation
about the Speaker of Parliament's political future after it emerged that the
probe into ZANU PF's complex and secretive investments was an extension of
the war of attrition in the ruling party's high echelons jockeying to
succeed President Mugabe.
It has been suggested but not yet
denied that President Mugabe could be seeing out his last term in office.
This has been given credence by some senior party officials who have claimed
that the President, clutching at straws to save his faltering political life,
would announce his retirement plans in December this year. President Mugabe
himself has however in the past hinted at a distant departure
ZANU PF insiders, who were unanimous that the timing of
the investigations was puzzling and curious, predicted tough times ahead
for Mnangagwa. They said the shrewd political schemer, widely seen as
the unshakeable, quiet man of ZANU PF politics, could emerge bruised from
the belated investigations.
ZANU PF's investments have never
been subjected to public scrutiny. Issues concerning the party's businesses
have always been confined to some dark room at its headquarters in Harare.
Even after the promulgation of the Political Parties Finance Act under which
political parties that win five percent of the vote are financed from public
funds, ZANU PF's investments remained a subject of conjecture. Despite calls
for these investments to be made public, it was always considered a political
Some senior party officials claim that they have not
been privy to the party's investments. Attempts at ZANU PF congresses to get
those responsible for the party businesses to divulge the accounts of
investment had always failed though the Speaker of Parliament at one point
revealed in 1992 that ZANU PF's assets were worth $486 million.
"A lot is said by the unsaid," said a senior party official. "The truth is
that this whole thing boils down to the succession issue. And, as you know,
Mnangagwa has always been seen as the front runner. Don't forget that this is
ZANU PF, a party known for trumping up charges against its own."
Speaking on condition of anonymity, the official said it was an open secret
within the ruling party that knives were being sharpened against Mnangagwa,
the feared ZANU PF secretary for administration. Even though charges of
imprudent deals at the party's companies were still based on anecdotal
evidence, Mnangagwa's opponents were determined to bury his political career
through the probe. They are hoping to find something that will
High ranking sources within ZANU PF's supreme
decision-making politburo said the exertion on Mnangagwa's controversial
political career could be the most fierce battle the Speaker of Parliament,
who once claimed to be "as soft as wool", may fight ahead of the crucial ZANU
PF congress slated for December where a new leadership would be ushered into
Although he is known as an extraordinary politician who has
in the past weathered many political storms, his nerves could be jangled by
the machinations intertwined to the sensitive succession issue.
This could however hinge on the support Mnangagwa enjoys from
the powers-that-be in the party. Mnangagwa is said to be a long-time
associate and confidante of President Mugabe. But his current trials and
tribulations would seem to suggest that the political backing he enjoyed in
the past might have evaporated and the political vultures that have been
circling are now pouncing.
"This time, his opponents are
determined to soil his image," said a politburo member who declined to be
Up until now, Mnangagwa had been tipped to step into the
80-year-old ZANU PF leader's shoes but could as well be pipped to the big one
by Defence Minister Sydney Sekeramayi, John Nkomo, the Minister for Special
Affairs in the President's Office, Former Finance Minister Simba Makoni and
Vice President Joseph Msika.
The sources queried why the
Governor for Mashonaland East and ZANU PF's secretary for finance, David
Karimanzira, who is also a signatory to party cheques, was appointed to head
the five-member probe team yet he was in charge of the ruling party's
Karimanzira's appointment as chair of the committee has also
raised eyebrows as to whether Mnangagwa, the previous secretary for finance
until four years ago, had properly handed over all financial responsibilities
to the incumbent.
Karimanzira remained tight-lipped on the
matter when contacted for comment this week. He refused to shed light on when
investigations would commence and the terms of reference of the
When pressed to divulge the period they would cover, how
it was possible for him to investigate companies under his portfolio and
concerns that the probe was aimed at certain individuals, Karimanzira said
the investigations were not supposed to be made public.
not going to be discussing that issue. It is party business. I did not choose
myself to chair the committee investigating our companies so it is not true
that I will be investigating myself," said Karimanzira.
selection of retired army general and ZANU PF kingmaker, Solomon Mujuru, who
reportedly had a fallout with Mnangagwa over the former army chief's failed
ZIMASCO deal, has also raised a stink as fears are mounting that the scale
could tilt heavily against the Speaker of Parliament.
of the team, which received the backing of the central committee at its
emergency meeting last Friday, include Makoni, Matabeleland North Governor
Obert Mpofu and the party's deputy secretary for transport and welfare, Thoko
Newly appointed Minister of State responsible for
Anti-Corruption and Monopolies, Didymus Mutasa, who was languishing in
obscurity until President Mugabe brought him to the fore during this
February's Cabinet reshuffle, said there was nothing amiss in appointing
Karimanzira to chair the committee as it was not his department that was
"All is above board," Mutasa said. "It's not
Karimanzira's department that is under probe but ZANU PF's various companies.
Karimanzira was merely a receiver of the money generated. The companies are
under probe, not the party's finance department. These companies have
different directors who should come forward and tell us how they were or are
conducting their businesses."
As the probe gained momentum, two
directors of ZANU PF's companies - Jayant Joshi and Manharlal Chuniba - fled
the country earlier this week after news that the net was closing in on them.
Their departure could scuttle efforts by the investigating committee to
unlock the intricacies surrounding operations of the companies.
ZANU PF's investments are largely housed under two investments wings, M &
S Syndicate set up even before independence in 1980, and Zidco Holdings (of
which M & S holds a 55 percent stake).
The Zidco board
comprises Joshi, Mnangagwa, Jayant's brother Manoo, Sekeramayi and Dipak
Padya who is the current finance director and a non-executive chairman of
First Banking Corporation.
Sources said Mnangangwa could be hauled
before the committee soon and would be taken to task over investments made in
recent months, a clear sign that the party's finances could be in shambles at
a critical time when the 2005 parliamentary elections are just around the
Concerns have been raised within ZANU PF's ranks that the
ruling party's investments have been privy to a privileged few, triggering
fears that the party could fail to raise funds to campaign for the crucial
2005 parliamentary plebiscite.
Through Zidco and M & S, the
party has a vast range of interests including Treger Holdings, producers of
building materials and hardware, Ottawa, a property management company,
Catercraft, which runs the catering at Harare International Airport and also
services all domestic and international flights out of Harare and Zidlee
Enterprises, which controls the duty-free shops at Beitbridge, Harare City
and Harare Airport.
ZANU PF has also invested in the Zimbabwe Stock
Exchange-listed First Banking Corporation, where it still has to pay for its
shares, now valued at about $8 billion. As a public company, First Bank could
be spared the investigations although the issue of the non-payment of the
shares could come up. ZANU PF is also a major shareholder in SARE with an 18
Govt set to dole out unbudgeted billions to
Staff Reporter 4/8/2004 7:32:54 AM (GMT
BULAWAYO - The government, long accused of living beyond its
means, will again fork out unbudgeted billions in compensating war
collaborators 'mujibhas' and ex-detainees, in what will put additional
pressure on the fiscus.
Although it was not immediately clear
how many ex-war collaborators and ex-detainees would benefit from the scheme,
Public Service Minister Paul Mangwana said quite a number had already
received their gratuities.
"They are being paid from the War
Veterans Compensation Fund.
"This is for the injuries they
sustained during the war," he said.
"There has not been any law in
place to pay them gratuities, but it is important to know that they have made
representations to the government to that effect."
In 1997, the
government pumped out about $2.7 billion.
The payments pressurised
the public purse, as they had not been budgeted for.
after the disbursements there were media reports that the former freedom
fighters went on endless binges with some doing the unimaginable, from buying
cabbages for cattle saying they "needed supplemetary feeding" to buying
expensive watches for their dogs and marrying more women.
government then went on an intense search to weed out those who had cheated
on their status to access to the $50 000 gratuities under the War Veterans
IN a new twist to the drama in the
financial sector, the Attorney General (AG)'s Office and the police are
enmeshed in confusion over the prosecution of banks accused of dealing on the
illegal parallel market.
The police this week approached the AG's
Office seeking advice on how to proceed with cases of banks caught on the
wrong side of the law, but the office has since directed the force to put its
papers in order first.
The force insisted yesterday that its
investigations on some of the banks were complete and that the AG's Office
should proceed with the papers it has.
Senior police officers
have since expressed concern at the reluctance by the office to
"Ask the AG's Office to reveal the papers which they are
saying we should put in order," said police spokesperson Wayne
Joseph Jagada of the AG's Office said the police had
consultations with his office on Tuesday this week but there was nothing
tangible yet regarding the matter.
"It is a long process. The
police consulted our office this week, but we advised them to go and put
their papers in order," he said.
It is feared the prosecution of
banks could lead to a confidence crisis. Institutions caught dealing on the
parallel market prior to December 1 2003 had been pardoned by the central
HAS ZANU PF, that
gargantuan political party constantly accused by its critics of assimilating
its adversaries, taken too big a bite this time around?
that the ruling party's supreme policy-making body, the Soviet-style
politburo, had set up a five-member team to probe ZANU PF's myriad of
mysterious business interests was met with a mixture of apprehension and
scepticism, depending on where one stood in the evolving Zimbabwean political
The interest was further heightened by weekend reports
that the esoteric Joshi brothers, Jayant and Manharlal, who were heavily
involved in the running of the ZANU PF empire, had fled the
However, what has attracted the interest of many political
analysts and neutrals alike is where the spool will end.
analysts contend that the move to probe the firms could yet undo ZANU PF by
opening up a can of worms. The party under whose stewardship the economy has
collapsed into a recessionary heap could, observers said, score the
proverbial own goal.
They pointed out that the firms were under the
direct control of ZANU PF heavyweights within President Robert Mugabe's inner
circle and that any impropriety the probe would unearth was likely to cause
no small degree of discomfort within the party.
investigations into ZANU PF's secretive investments straddling the whole
economy could, therefore, be a litmus test of the government's sincerity and
commitment to end the all-pervading corruption
It is widely believed that it is the ruling
ZANU PF clique that pushed the envelope too far, although evidence to this is
till sparse and anecdotal. However, it remains to be seen how the party,
blamed for nurturing a political patronage system which has spawned the
deep-seated corruption, will pursue the anti-graft crusade to its full
President Mugabe, whose political star is on the wane,
has vowed to deal with everyone implicated in corrupt practices irrespective
of political party affiliation or social status. But this has been dismissed
as a campaign gimmick to bolster the ruling party's faltering fortunes ahead
of the 2005 parliamentary election.
Prominent academic and
chairman of Transparency International's Zimbabwe chapter John Makumbe said
the move was "an attempt by ZANU PF to clean up its house", but added that
the party's companies were just a part of the corruption.
centre of corruption is ZANU PF. It is interesting to note that the party was
looting its own businesses.
"The rot is widespread and this is just
the surface. The three managers who have fled are just a tip of the iceberg.
We also wait to see if the probe will extend to parastatals," Makumbe
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) legislator and the
party's shadow minister for finance and economic development, Tendai Biti,
said the probe was a dimension of the succession struggles within the ruling
"Any shareholder has the right to probe their own company,
but there is a bigger picture to this. There is a succession struggle and
every missile is being thrown around. It is dog eat dog.
like in a Kenyan marathon where everyone else in the field gangs up against
the pacesetter before dealing with everybody else. There is a top dog in ZANU
PF who has dared show himself as such and they are gunning for him," Biti
However, Makumbe disagreed with the notion that the company
probe was a spin-off of the succession issue, which has heated up in recent
months after President Mugabe, in an unprecedented move, encouraged open
debate on succession, a hitherto sacred subject within his
"That is not true. This has nothing to do with succession.
What ZANU PF is trying to do is to hoodwink the public and the
international community. It is all about the elections.
not even about the economy because they cannot resuscitate the economy by
selectively tackling corruption. They have to go the whole way and, in that
case, no one will be left unscathed," Makumbe said.
THE Zimbabwe Electricity Supply
Authority (ZESA) has secured a nine-month energy supply contract with South
Africa's energy supplier Eskom, averting the threat of a national power
The power utility has also extended contracts with HCB of
Mozambique and SNEL of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Eskom, HCB and Snell, which in the past have thrown a
lifeline to the debt-ridden parastatal, were demanding that ZESA fully repay
current debts before any new deal could be signed.
spokesperson for ZESA, Shepherd Mandizvidza, confirmed that power supply
contracts had been restored, adding steps were under way to reduce the
parastatal's indebtedness to Eskom, a prerequisite for the resumption
"Electricity supply contracts with Eskom of South
Africa have been renewed for the supplies spanning nine months on a forward
purchase agreement basis. ZESA is also making monthly payments of US$1.5
million towards the liquidation of arrears," Mandizvidza said.
"The 250 MW contract with HCB has been restored and the power utility will
make a down payment, which is required by the end of April, to operationalise
the new contract," he said.
ZESA owes HCB a massive US$30 million
for power supplies and HCB has been refusing to renew its contact with ZESA
until the debt was fully repaid. HCB has been supplying ZESA with 250 MW
under the expired contract.
Mandizvidza said the local utility had
a new contract with SNEL for the supply of 150 MW.
is on record as saying that power supply imports from the DRC were very
"unreliable", with ZESA receiving, at most, 50 MW or nothing at
Mandizvidza said coal supplies to ZESA's thermal power station
had improved by 60 percent, which was the total requirement.
ZESA generates 68 percent of total national power requirements through Kariba
South Power Station (750 MW) and Hwange Power Station (920 MW), with the
balance of 32 percent being met through imports.
has been impaired by inadequate coal supplies to Hwange Power Station,
resulting in the power station generating only 480 MW at a time when imports
have fallen to 60 percent. This has caused the power utility to import over
35 percent of electricity.
According to the Zimbabwe Power Company,
Zimbabwe's peak electricity demand is projected to have increased to over 2
600 MW this year from 2 000 MW last year.
The local power
utility requires US$17 million every month to meet electricity imports
obligations, service debts and buy spares for refurbishment.
help ZESA raise the much-needed foreign currency, the utility's exporting
customers are now being billed in hard currency, a development which has
generated angry responses from industry.
THERE is a deadly poison that has been
seeping through the moral fibre of this country for the past five years -
lack of respect for human life. This is a direct result of a characteristic
dislike for compromise, growing political intolerance and deepening violent
confrontation, especially during and in the run-up to any
Aggravated by the equally poisonous egotism of Zimbabwean
politicians who do not seem to realise that difference is a real factor in
politics, this sad and noxious development has, for want of a better word,
really poisoned the political life of the nation. As the key voices,
the politicians from both sides have, through the influence of their
strong populist phraseologies, encouraged political zealotry, making it even
more difficult for Zimbabwe's elusive quest for peaceful elections. All
that Zimbabweans have grown used to are shootings and the resultant bloodshed
in every election. This has been confirmed by the country's tragic
electoral history characterised by the cocking of the gun, if the lives lost
since 2000 are anything to go by.
Sadly though, most disturbing
is that no politician in this country, without exception, has the exceptional
personal responsibility to play that inestimable role to put a stop to this
tragic madness. And ordinary Zimbabweans who know best how and where the shoe
pinches will, in their endless search out of the vicious political circle,
for a way towards the democratic renewal of the country, continue to endure
the callous murders, wanton destruction of property, maiming and raping.
Unless of course they take matters into their own hands and reject this crop
of selfish politicians who are nothing more than skimmed milk masquerading as
The deteriorating situation has provoked growing concern.
Instead of showing the political zealots the error of their ways,
Zimbabweans, known to loathe upheaval, are playing into the hands of the
bloodthirsty politicians whose clout and power base are fuelled by the blood
that is being shed. They seem to have resigned to the "fact" that bloody
violence is the norm for every election.
The nation is so
consumed with anger and hatred. Emotions are understandably high over the
irretrievable loss of scores of loved ones killed in previous elections. The
tension is so real it can be cut with a knife! Little wonder, therefore, that
violence is now met with retaliatory violence. It is now hurt or be hurt, eat
or be eaten and kill or be killed.
And as a result, Zimbabweans
have never been allowed to exercise their universal suffrage without enduring
pain, grief, loss, sorrow and worse. Wives have been widowed and children
orphaned, leaving what only could be permanent emotional scars. It goes
without saying that the trauma spawned by this violence will haunt the nation
for years to come when political skeletons from times past inevitably come
tumbling out of the closet.
Only a fortnight ago, another life was
wasted when Francis Chinozvinya met an abrupt, brutal and tragic death at the
hands of political murderers. Several others were maimed, a visible reminder
of Zimbabwe's terrible election aura in its starkest form. That the death of
Chinozvinya, who, like hundreds others before him, we have lost to the storms
of political struggle, could be a preamble to the 2005 Parliamentary election
- some sort of a foreplay - engenders an alarming thought. It is a
frightening harbinger of worse to come.
It is this orgy of
violence and subsequent murders that has also tempered voter enthusiasm. It
has damaged public confidence in the electoral system. Zimbabweans who have
felt the sharpest edge of this violence now look to each and every election
with deep trepidation. Hence the self-defeating voter apathy we are now
It would seem there is need for self-introspection
for Zimbabwe as a nation. Taking a deep look inside will enable us to ask a
few pertinent questions which might make it possible for us to make the 2005
plebiscite a defining moment for this great nation. All this killing for
what? Why sacrifice ourselves on the cheap political altar? Does having
different political opinions mean we are eternally irreconcilable enemies? Is
that reason enough to take away precious and irreplaceable human life? Who
ever said consensus of opinion is a virtue in politics? Can't different
political viewpoints co-exist? Is there a politician worth killing and dying
for? Is this the electoral process and system that we yearn for? If not,
wouldn't the result of such a despicable process be an unwanted child? And
most importantly, do those who kill to deny others the freedom of choice
and association deserve that freedom themselves?
For over two weeks,
CZ has been in South Africa, the Eastern Cape to be specific. Around Port
Elizabeth, Grahamstown and Port Alfred and such areas!
subjective observations, those guys calling themselves South Africans still
have a lot of mess to clean up! Like any other proud African who goes where
the real people are, CZ was shocked to the marrow to realise how poverty is
so entrenched in that country. If you really go to the people, you don't have
to look for any signs of poverty . . . it is just everywhere . . . something
which leaves us wondering what factors those statisticians use when measuring
poverty! And, at least for now, CZ has no plans whatsoever to skip the border
to SA. He is much more better here at the Great Uncle's mess but can still
afford to sleep on a full stomach!
Okay, CZ will not delve more
into comparisons between Zim and SA for we are told that those fellows are by
far streets ahead in terms of anything. CZ nevertheless enjoyed his stay in
Because of just one thing - elections. Campaigning is
just reaching its peak and as an outside observer, it was quite interesting
to see dozens of political parties fighting tooth and nail for the Eucharist
seats in Parliament!
And while the
serious political campaign is going on in SA, the ruling ANC is doing all its
best to make sure that it uses everything at their disposal to get the
crucial two-thirds majority in Parliament. You know what a two-thirds
majority can do? It is an entrée to an elitist club of African revolutionary
parties that have the sole mandate to rule for ever.
In short, a
two-thirds majority will give the ANC the right to rule like ZANU PF in
Harare. With a two-thirds majority, they can do whatever they feel like
doing, except hanging themselves! Mbeki can rule "until Jesus comes back",
can promulgate laws to crush all the opposition parties in the country, seize
all the white-owned land as well as politicising aid meant for the
And in its campaign, the ANC is just too witty . . . witty
like nobody 's business! Because stakes are very high, the party is willing
to do anything it can to make sure that after April 14, the two-thirds
majority is in its pocket.
And one sure way of achieving this is
to make use of the "NM factor" - the Nelson Mandela factor . . . the old
factor that can appeal to the majority of South Africans - even those who are
up to now still undecided about who they are going to vote for.
Mandela is like a Jesus to most South Africans, so by evoking the NM factor,
the ANC is making sure that it gets as many sympathisers as possible even
though it is quite clear it wants to win the poll for it to be
a semi-fully-fledged ZANU PF!
South Africans are beginning to
complain the NM factor is just getting too over-used . . . too over-used as
to be bastardised more for the sake of personal and commercial
The rush to baptise roads, bridges, schools, universities and
such other things after one of the black man's most revered icons is just
Just when CZ was there, a square in Johannesburg's poshest
shopping mall, Sandton, saw a gargantuan statue of the celebrity career
prisoner unveiled after the piazza was renamed after him! And mind the
timing. just days before the election!
There is NM bridge
traversing Jo'burg's city centre, NM drive in Pretoria, NM Metropolitan
Municipality, NM Soccer Cup . . . you name it!
"Everyone wants a
piece of the Mandela myth," wrote fellow journalist Gail Smith in This Day.
"The renaming of Sandton Square to Nelson Mandela Square is one of the crass
examples of capitalist modification. The struggle for liberty has been
stripped of its radicalism and sold back to the few who can afford
And another journalist, Mojalefa Mashego had this to say:
"Seeing that we risk having everything Mandelarised, perhaps it would be a
good idea to rename South Africa Mandelaland . . . and we will then be known
as Mandelans!" . . . Please don't quote me!
In the meantime,
Thabo Mbeki is kneeling before some old women in Soweto, Port Elizabeth,
KwaZulu-Natal, Cape Town . . . everywhere, trying to persuade the voters to
please vote overwhelmingly for ANC . . . he went to the extent of personally
shutting down one of the most popular shebeens in Port Elizabeth last week,
just to please some old women who found the place to be a real
And guess what? The following day he was back to make sure
his orders had been observed! We hope he was not going there to treat his
hangover! You never know.
And when the ANC is trying to reach
the reclusive Indian community, the slogan is: "Which party would Gandhi vote
To which Tony Leon's Democratic Alliance (DA) responded
that Gandhi was not going to agree with ANC, a party that would (like ZANU
PF) withhold crucial AIDS drugs until the eve of an election, was not going
to agree with a party that spends billions of rands on fraudulent arms deal
and over R600 million of a presidential jet when million of South Africans
are wallowing in searing poverty!
And, in return the DA promises
the electorate one million jobs inside five years, 150 000 police officers on
the streets (you know SA has the highest crime rate on earth!) and free AIDS
drugs to everyone -professional womanisers, prostitutes, rapists . . . any
one! "SA deserves better," goes the DA manifesto!
Holomisa's United Democratic Front responds: "Ten years of unemployment
undermines the people's freedom!" One minuscule is demanding that all leaders
of political parties go for a public AIDS test, Mbeki leading the
South Africans have been promised anything that you might
think of. From jobs, to free health, free education to "roads in Soweto will
be tarred before the end of 2005", anything!
prompted Wyndham Hartley, a columnist for The Weekend Post to suggest that it
would not be that much of a bad idea for SA to have elections every six
months because this could seriously boost service delivery!
unlike our own Zim, where some government ministers hog the airwaves as if
they have a private line to God, in SA everyone who wishes to advertise
either on radio or on TV is more than free to do so long as they have a deep
pocket and do not rubbish other parties in their adverts! We hope our own
professor will give them a good lecture in this area!
But it looks
like the ANC guys are very good students.
They learn very fast and
seem to be mastering some lessons from their revolutionary brothers at
Shake-Shake house along Rotten Row in Harare.
CZ was in Grahamstown for more than a week. At Rhodes
University to be specific otherwise some of my malicious colleagues may start
speculating that the scribe could have been staying with some woman in Joza -
the Mbare of Grahamstown! And he was shocked by just one thing . . . the
number of Zimbos at that "imperialistic" university.
than not, if you meet any black fellow there, just assume he is a Zimbo -just
like at UZ, because there are just too many of them . . . children of members
of Cabinet, members of the Politburo, members of the central committee, party
cadres, Rhodies, opposition leaders businessmen.you just wonder where they
get the forex from!
We know the founding imperialist Cecil John
Rhodes indicated specifically in his will that a good portion of students at
that university shall always be from Rhodesia, but still this cannot unriddle
And besides, Rhodesia no longer exists . . . at
least as far as most "patriots" are concerned . . . so their children cannot
benefit from blood money! How come there are so many Zimbos at that
university than any other in SA, the legendary Fort Hare
CZ is still waiting to get a full
report of the incident that recently took place when the hotel group, ZimSun,
decided to bus several of his colleagues to tour some of its properties in
the Hwange-Vic Falls area. It is juicy, he is told.
THERE is a
raging debate within the country's body politik on the desirability,
feasibility and effectiveness of the opposition boycotting the 2005
parliamentary plebiscite in protest against the uneven
electoral, constitutional and political playing fields.
debate has been intensified by the results of the Zengeza by-election where
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) lost that seat to ZANU PF in what
came as a shock. Some of us had already read the signs and had warned that
the MDC was exposing its support base to invasion by ZANU PF while the MDC
itself is doing nothing to counter- invade the ZANU PF turf.
Sometimes I wonder if our politicians ever read the newspapers. No wonder the
late Kempton Makamure used to say "one surest way of hiding a thing from
Zimbabweans is to write it in a book".
While a ZANU PF win in
Zengeza might reflect an expansion of the party 's support base in urban
areas (which is very doubtful) the overriding effect of an uneven electoral
law cannot be under-estimated. Some of us have always said it is difficult,
if not impossible, for the opposition to win an election under the current
electoral and constitutional law regime except in areas where opposition
support is overwhelming.
What happened in the Zengeza by-election
is a harbinger of terrible things to come if the opposition decides to
contest the next general elections under the same electoral and
constitutional law regime.
What is disturbing is the confusing,
inconsistent statements and mixed signals from the MDC leadership. Most of
these men and women are simply not politicians and they betray a lethal form
of political and ideological under-development. Are the beautiful ones ever
going to be born? Who is in charge of the party and who are we supposed to
Some leaders in the party say they will boycott the next
general elections if there is no electoral reform while others say they will
not boycott but will instead "fight ZANU PF in the valleys, gullies
All along the opposition has been fighting the
ruling party in the valleys, gullies and mountains without any form of
protective clothing while ZANU PF had it in the form of a pro-establishment
electoral and constitutional framework. So if the fight continues in valleys,
gullies and mountains when the opposition is barefoot, plain-handed and
bow-and-arrowed against a hegemonic rival like ZANU PF, which uses political,
legal and extra-legal "weapons of mass destruction", then the outcome of the
fight is a foregone conclusion.
Therefore the likes of Gabriel
Chaibva, instead of displaying a simplistic and juvenile show of bravado,
should actually call for the legal and constitutional disarmament of their
rival otherwise the MDC will be electorally bombed to death.
Unless it was merely a political statement, Chaibva's remarks on ZTV news
last week were unfortunate and reflect what I referred to in one of
my previous articles entitled "The talks, pre-conditions and the Final
Push" (Financial Gazette, May 29- June 4 2003 pg15) as "being content
with fighting within a framework set by the system".
In the said
article I wrote: "One major shortcoming in our strategy is being content with
fighting within a framework set by the system. This is the major danger I see
facing the progressive movement at the present moment - to be so conditioned
by the system as to make even our most well-considered resistance to fit
within the system both in terms of the means and of the
This kind of trend is continuing and regrettably, it is
leading to a political blind alley. It is really disgusting how some leaders
within the pro-democracy movement can easily be confused, diverted and misled
by ZANU PF political strategies. It is heart-wrenching to see how the
people's struggle has been compromised since the "NO" vote in February
I pointed this out sometime last year in my two-part
contribution entitled "Fragmentation of the people's resistance" (Financial
Gazette, Nov 21- 26 2003)
Right now some opposition and civic
leaders continue to further compromise the people's struggle by saying and
doing all sorts of things, some of which are patently inimical to our own
interests. Some "respectable" pro-democracy leaders are talking passionately
about "electoral reform" and the whole discourse on boycotting the 2005
parliamentary plebiscite seems to be revolving around that. This is a clear
compromise of the people's struggle, which can not be tolerated. What exactly
do we need? Electoral reform or constitutional reform?
overemphasis on electoral reform presupposes that everything is alright with
all the other powers of the executive President as long as they don't relate
to elections; there is everything alright with an executive president who
appoints 30MPs to Parliament, declares a state of emergency for a prolonged
period without parliamentary approval, issues statutory instruments which
infringe on the Bill of Rights and many other emergency laws. It suggests
that there is everything okay with all the well- documented defects in our
colonial constitution, let alone the fact that it is not a home-grown and
therefore sovereign constitution.
It is not only the Electoral Act
that is a stumbling block to democracy and good governance in this country.
In one of my contributions under this column entitled "A Presidential poll
re-run or a new Constitution?" (Nov 7-13 2002, pg 18) I wrote as: "Supposing
the MDC wins the court challenge and a re-run of the election is granted, we
will still be stuck with the effects of POSA, AIPPA, the Presidential Powers
(Temporary Measures) Act and the executive presidency itself as an
In commenting on the Presidential Powers (Temporary
measures) Act I added that "to date no regulations have been created under
the Act relating directly to elections. Nevertheless, there is nothing that
precludes the President at some point in time when he is under pressure to
use the power conferred to him by the Act for the purpose of temporarily
amending the electoral laws. In other words, regulations that cannot be
enacted under the Electoral Act may be permissible in terms of the
Presidential Powers (Temporary Measures) Act, which expanded the legislative
options available to the President. Supposing the president does not do all
this, there is nothing that precludes the ZANU PF-dominated parliament from
amending the Electoral Act or giving the president a gift of more powers
pending a re-run of the elections and rigidly insisting on the rule of
All these laws referred to above, including the Official
Secrets Act and many other statutory instruments that have come from the
president's office lately have a constitutional pedigree since they have
their genesis in a constitutionally entrenched, all powerful executive
So the struggle should be for a new constitution and
not a new Electoral Act which is only part of a broader legal and
constitutional framework. An undemocratic constitutional framework has a
negative multiplier effect. It ushers in an undemocratic legal and
political framework which further ushers in an undemocratic leadership style
But then to be or not to be is the question. Should the
opposition boycott the next general elections if the government does not
level the playing field by opening up democratic space? I personally stand by
my words in my last quoted article above (Financial Gazette, Nov 7-13 2002,
pg 18) when I wrote that, "the MDC and other opposition political parties
must refuse to enter into any election under the current electoral laws but
this must be part of a grand plan which involves other pro-active
There are those who argue that if the MDC does not
participate, ZANU PF will still go ahead with the elections and declare
itself the winner in all the constituencies and that this will bring us back
to a one-party political system. I understand where the advocates of this
kind of thinking are coming from but I do not share their underlying fear and
They fail to distinguish firstly, previous election
boycotts and the one in question; secondly, the reasons for the boycott,
thirdly the capacities of previous political parties and that of the MDC and;
fourthly the different historical epochs and objective political
Boycotting elections must not be the end in itself, but
rather a means to an end. That end is the democratisation of our legal,
constitutional and political system. There are no two ways about it. It's
either one is for democracy and good governance or is against it. If all
opposition political parties, already in existence and those to come, agree
that the current electoral laws favour the ruling party then they must have a
common position on the matter.
If a decision is taken to boycott
the 2005 general elections and there happens to be a wayward party then it is
the duty of all other opposition political parties and civil society to
publicly denounce and decampaign such a party because it would not be on the
side of the people but of ZANU PF. Even if ZANU PF forms its own opposition
political parties, the whole game will be a farce if the official opposition
does not participate in the elections, that is if they are held at
So the MDC should now be working on increasing its capacity to
make a political impact if they decide to boycott the elections. They must
broaden their base of operation through strategic and mutual alliances with
other small opposition political parties and civil society. The opposition
needs to re-establish contact with its grassroots supporters by embarking
on massive socio-political conscientisation and mobilisation programmes.
What is important at the moment is to resume political activity otherwise
the opposition party risks being forgotten.
.. Isaya Muriwo
Sithole is a Harare-based legal practitioner and political commentator
BULAWAYO - Safari
operators in Matabeleland North, fuming over alleged irregularities in the
allocation of prime hunting and photographic concessions in the area, have
set up a five-member committee to meet Vice President Joseph Msika over the
The decision to meet Vice President Msika was made after
Minister of Special Affairs and ruling ZANU PF chairman John Nkomo failed to
address the contentious issue at a meeting he called in Gwayi
Headman Sibanda is leading the committee, which also
comprises ZANU PF central committee members and representatives from the
party's women's league.
"The committee will mention, among other
things, the unfair hunting quota system which seems to favour big names in
ZANU PF," said a source privy to the latest developments surrounding the
allocation of hunting and photographic farms in the prime hunting areas of
Dete, Gwayi, Hwange and Matetsi in Victoria Falls.
said another contentious issue was that recommendations sent to the
government last month to address the controversies were yet to be implemented
as agreed at a meeting held at the offices of Matabeleland North Governor
Obert Mpofu recently.
Mpofu told this newspaper last month that he
had recommended that the government repossess the farms and re-allocate them
in a "fair and balanced manner".
Mpofu, who attended the weekend
meeting addressed by Nkomo, could not immediately comment as his mobile phone
was switched off.
"This is what we are going to tell Vice President
Msika. We feel as a senior politician in the party in the region he will act.
Minister Nkomo never spoke about the issue, but dwelt on managing forests.
The indigenous safari operators are not impressed. The hunting season has
begun without the anomalies being redressed," said another
This newspaper early last month disclosed alleged gross
favouritism in the allocation of hunting and photographic concessions in
Matabeleland North, with ZANU PF bigwigs from outside the region getting long
leases for prime concessions at the expense of locals.
leader of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) which faces a serious
crisis of public confidence as a credible opposition, has come under fire for
allegedly causing the simmering split within the party and its failure to
regain the Zengeza seat.
Reports of a rift within the opposition
party have swirled for some time now although the MDC has always denied such
a split existed.
Impeccable party insiders said that pressure was
mounting on the opposition leadership over widening cracks within the ranks
of the MDC, which could give ZANU PF an edge in next year's watershed
parliamentary elections. They said the fissures came at a particularly
irksome moment for the MDC, which many fear might fail to keep its course in
the treacherous waters of Zimbabwean politics.
Stung by the
party's failure to retain the Zengeza parliamentary seat in a by-election two
weeks ago, the sources said, the MDC held an impromptu retreat in Nyanga last
weekend. They said there was panic within the MDC bunker after the loss to
ZANU PF in the Zengeza by-election. Party members wanted to know why it "was
going so badly for them".
Party insiders told The Financial Gazette
this week that Tsvangirai, who accuses President Robert Mugabe, 80, of
stealing the 2002 presidential poll, was at pains to tackle issues
threatening to split the opposition party.
The other source of
discord, the sources said, was the imposition of a candidate for the Zengeza
by-election. It was felt within the party that the loss to ZANU PF was a
backlash against the move. Senior MDC members cornered the MDC leader for his
role in the imposition of James Makore as the candidate for the Zengeza poll.
He was also taken to task for doing nothing to stamp out the confusion
arising from overlapping roles within the hierarchy.
The loss of
the Zengeza seat to the ruling ZANU PF during the parliamentary by-election
came as a shock to the MDC, whose leaders blamed each other for being
undemocratic by imposing an unpopular candidate and ignoring calls by
supporters to hold primary elections.
Divisions within the ranks of
the MDC leadership had surfaced after Charlton Hwende, a key member in the
opposition party's structures in Zengeza, fired the first salvo when he was
excluded from the race for the seat left vacant by Tafadzwa Musekiwa, who
fled to the United Kingdom citing security reasons. He criticised the MDC for
having a democratic deficit.
"Basically, the debate centred on the
question of the rift between the intellectuals in the party and the trade
unionists. People said what was bothering them," said the source. "It was
more of a therapy exercise, which we needed before next year's elections.
However, we feel much better now, because there was a lot of anger and hurt
in the air on how we managed to lose the Zengeza by-election. At the end we
walked out with one voice."
The retreat was called to come up with
ways of rekindling confidence within the MDC urban support base and identify
areas of conflict with a view to minimising them.
It was also
meant to plan and devise ways of penetrating ZANU PF's rural strongholds
ahead of the March 2005 parliamentary elections.
Paul Themba Nyathi acknowledged the fireworks at the indaba, but was quick to
say all problems had been ironed out amicably.
"The divisions are
alleged and are a product of newspaper speculation and ZANU PF's
manipulation," Nyathi said. "The meeting observed all the machinations and
the party has been mandated to exert maximum pressure on ZANU PF legally and
constitutionally to level the electoral field."
Other members who
came under attack were said to be Isaac Matongo, the party's national
chairman, for allegedly fanning divisions within the party, Job Sikhala, the
Member of Parliament for St Mary's, who hardly campaigned for the Zengeza
candidate, and Trudy Stevenson (Harare North).
Stevenson were taken to task for speaking to the press without the express
authority of the leadership.
Nyathi said: "It has always been a
standing rule that the party speaks through its spokesperson. That issue was
also ironed out."
Chaibva says ZANU PF chefs taught youths to kill
Staff Reporter 4/8/2004 7:33:24 AM (GMT
MOVEMENT for Democratic Change (MDC) legislator for Harare
South Gabriel Chaibva, raised the ire of ZANU PF parliamentarians this week
when he said senior ruling party officials trained youths to kill opponents
in the early 1980s.
Chaibva said he underwent such youth
training in one of the camps created soon after independence in 1980 at the
behest of Didymus Mutasa, now a State Minister in charge of
That courted anger from ZANU PF legislators who
are solidly behind the controversial youth training centres established by
the government in recent years.
Chaibva said: "There was this
training camp called Robert Gabriel Mugabe in Marondera.
we went there, we spent two weeks. We were being taught by the late Ernest
Kadungure, who at one point was a Political Affairs Minister, a member of the
ruling party and secretary of the Politburo, on how to deal with ZAPU and to
kill opponents to ZANU PF's rule during those days in the 1980s. So the
historical origin of this programme is very acquainted to me."
which ZANU PF chief whip Joram Gumbo moved a motion asking the Speaker of
Parliament, Emmerson Mnang-agwa to compel Chaibva, on a matter
of parliamentary privilege, to furnish the Portfolio Committee on
Youth Development, Gender and Employment Creation with a detailed report on
what really transpired in those camps.
"Although one of the
trainers he has mentioned (Kadungure), is late, Honourable Mutasa and others
are still alive," said Gumbo.
"He should be compelled to furnish
the House with details of what went on so we can be informed about the bad
spirit by which ZANU PF used to train people how to kill. I think we are
lucky he is still alive."
Mnangagwa is expected to make a ruling on
the matter in due course.
IN a show of
desperation, the ZANU PF-dominated Chegutu Rural District Council has
enlisted the services of opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
legislator and lawyer Tendai Biti in a labour dispute involving suspended
acting chief executive officer Nancy Mabvadya.
The council has
abandoned Jarvis Palfarama of Kadoma, whom it had initially engaged in the
matter, in favour of the outspoken MDC legislator.
his trade with Harare law firm Honey & Blanckenberg.
it has not been stated as policy, the ZANU PF government has openly
discouraged institutions it has control over from engaging lawyers linked to
It even went as far as directing state-run institutions
not to advertise in the private media, a call that has never really been
Biti confirmed this week that he had taken over the case,
but refused to divulge any further details.
"Yes, I have taken
over the case but I cannot comment because this is not politics, but law. You
can phone the Chegutu Rural District Council or go to the High Court for
further details," he said.
The council is being sued for allegedly
illegally suspending Mabvadya.
In January this year, the High Court
granted a provisional order instructing Mabvadya or her legal practitioners,
Dube, Manikai and Hwacha, to serve court orders on the council, which is
cited as the first respondent.
Mabvadya alleges in her court
papers that she appeared before a hearing committee which was improperly
constituted and chances were high that she would not be offered a fair
She is also seeking that her benefits be restored while
her dispute, which has been referred to the Legal Relations Officer, is
finally determined according to law.
Election Support Network (ZESN) has produced a damning report on the just
ended Zengeza parliamentary by-election which chronicles a number of
irregularities that could give credence to the Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC)'s claims that the poll was marred by improprieties.
report, which outlines areas of violence, intimidation and political
skirmishes between ZANU PF and the MDC, comes at a time when the ruling party
is at pains to try to spruce up its battered human
ZESN noted the grisly murder of an MDC activist
Francis Chinozvinya, who died of bullet wounds after an unknown assailant
shot him. Another opposition party supporter, Arthur Gunzvenzve, was shot in
the leg on the last day of polling.
"The firing of gunshots
during which one person was killed sent shock waves among voters and
residents of the constituency," the report said. "Just after the shooting . .
. people gathered for a funeral at a nearby house about 300 metres away from
the polling station. Members of the MDC and family members of the deceased
were seen crying, which was a very sad and painful incident to witness. The
incident marked the climax of violence in the election."
election marked by voter apathy and complacency, the MDC's imposed candidate
James Makore polled 6 706 votes while ZANU PF's Christopher Chigumba garnered
8 744 in a constituency where there are 47 256 registered
Smaller parties like the National Alliance for Good
Governance got a paltry 35 votes through Tendayi Chakanyuka, while ZANU's
Gideon Chinogureyi went back home with 97 votes.
chronicled a number of incidents of violence and intimidation by suspected
ZANU PF activists whom it said either turned away prospective voters or took
down people's names as they queued to cast their vote.
a knife-wielding suspected ZANU PF supporter stormed into a polling station
at Ndangariro Primary School and threatened potential voters, adding that
other suspected ruling party activists ejected known MDC members from the
queue before they could vote.
Police confiscated the knife, but let
the culprit go scot-free while the MDC chairperson of the party's liaison
committee was arrested for allegedly initiating violence after she reported
the incidents to the police.
An MDC supporter was struck in the
face with a weapon, the report claimed, while suspected women and youths from
the ruling party strategically positioned themselves and turned away voters
they claimed did not belong to their wards.
"These groups were
at Unit K creche, Seke 1 High School, Zengeza 8 Primary School, Zengeza 4
High School, Seke 7 and Dudzai Primary Schools, ZESN said.
"Someone was giving out Kapenta fish and beer to voters near Dudzai Primary
School while another woman was dishing out $1 000 notes to each prospective
voter outside Seke 7 Primary School (parties not known)."
polling agent was arrested in Unit H while the opposition party's
spokesperson for Chitungwiza province was also arrested for being in the
company of the party's chairperson of the Multi-Party Liaison
"The police details at most polling stations did not
take any action against incidents which took place beyond the 100-metre
radius. This is where incidents of intimidation and violent clashes took
place," ZESN said in the report.
ZESN attributed voter apathy to
an intimidatory atmosphere prior to and during the election
About 1 293 people were turned away for various reasons,
but what could have raised eyebrows was the sudden rise in the number of
youths assisted to vote on the basis that they were illiterate.
"The number of . . . assisted voters was too large for an urban constituency
considering the high literacy level, which is almost 100 percent in urban
areas," the report said. "One would have thought the constituents by now,
given the prevalence of elections in Zimbabwe, would know what is expected of
them when one intends to cast their vote."
No going back on Kondozi Farm acquisition - State Herald
THE Government has said there is no going back on the policy and
legal decision to acquire Kondozi Farm in Odzi and allocate it to
the Agricultural and Rural Development Authority as part of the land
The decision to acquire the farm was a
non-negotiable Government decision and on the issue, both the law and policy
were very clear and would be pursued vigorously by the State without fear or
favour, the Government said yesterday.
It warned that should anyone
stand in the way of this position, all legal and constitutional means
available to the State would be used.
The warning comes in the wake of a
meeting held by Mr Edwin Moyo and some farmers on Saturday at Kondozi Farm,
where he told the gathering there that a joint venture that has purportedly
been running the farm would continue occupying and utilising the land and
that the joint venture would not allow Arda there.
Mr Moyo made the
comments to the workers, in a display that Government and Arda officials
present said was surprising and arrogant.
"You would have thought his
so-called joint venture is the State," said one official who attended the
emotionally charged meeting.
The Herald has a copy of a letter dated
April 2 2004 Mr Moyo wrote to the Zimbabwe Electricity Distribution Company
in Mutare purportedly denying the company permission to erect an electricity
line for Arda.
"We regret to inform you that we are unable to grant
permission for the necessary ten metre wide way-leave along the route of the
line required for the Arda electricity supply.
"This is due to the
High Court order strictly prohibiting Arda access to the above property," Mr
Moyo said in his letter.
Commenting on the issue, the Minister of State
for Information and Publicity in the Office of the President and Cabinet,
Professor Jonathan Moyo, said the antics by Mr Edwin Moyo had gone too
"He has no basis, let alone right or authority, to instruct Zesa
to determine what Arda should or shouldn't do.
"The people of Zimbabwe
and the community in the area where the farm is are offended by individuals
who set themselves up as above everyone and everything else and become a law
unto themselves," Prof Moyo said.
"The fact that an individual has white
people backing him does not give the individual the right to trample on the
majority and the national interest. That is why decisive and final corrective
measures are long overdue.
"Action must and will be taken in the national
interest to ensure Arda gets on with the business of making that farm more
productive," Prof Moyo said.
In terms of Government policy, all land
reposed in the State, which means all land belongs to the State and that is
why newly resettled farmers have to enter into contractual agreements with
the State before occupying land allocated to them.
The farmers can
only operate on the land during the course of the 99-year lease.
position will also apply on all those enjoying title on freehold
All land in Zimbabwe belongs to the State as is the case in the
United Kingdom and other Southern African Development Community countries
like Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia.
"The land belongs to the State
and the State has a right to allocate it in accordance with national policy
objectives," Prof Moyo said.
Early this year, the Government said Kondozi
Farm was State land allocated to Arda.
It said this when dismissing
reports in the local and South African media alleging that the Minister of
Agriculture and Rural Development, Cde Joseph Made, had invaded the farm
purportedly registered under the Export Processing Zones with Mr Edwin Moyo
as the major shareholder.
Couple required to run small farm near
Kyalami. (South Africa) On offer is a cottage, bakkie and salary in return
for baling hay and keeping an eye on horses and a few cattle. For further
info contact Shirley Sadleir e-mail Address(es): email@example.com --------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2.
Advert Received 2nd April 2004
Please could you include this in your next
Job opportunities column .Thankyou. URGENTLY REQUIRED -
Childminder/houseworker - to start as soon as
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Experienced with children and babies. Secure farm in Bromley. Accomodation
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Ant or Brenda Davis on 011219119/011412186 or Wendy Davis on 04-744593 /
Advert Received 7th April 2004
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Please Phone : Cell: 091 310 528 Home after 6 pm :
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NOTICE TO COMPULSORILY ACQUIRE LAND. The Herald of Wednesday 7th April 2004
contained Lot 141 farms (144) listed. The following farms have been
DATE PAPER NO. TITLE NO. OWNER DISTRICT FARM NAME AREA LOT 141
SECTION 5 7.04.2004 1 453/60 R Nagel Beitbridge Remaining Extent of Bea of
Nuanetsi Ranche A 15 844,004 acres 7.04.2004 2 3972/88 B K Cawood
(Private) Limited Beitbridge Lot 9 of Jopempi Block 8 568,7173
ha 7.04.2004 3 2733/90 E A S Farming Enterprises Beitbridge Lot 10 of
Jopempi Block 8 917,9699 ha 7.04.2004 4 2430/91 Swans Estate (Private)
Limited Beitbridge Remaining Extent of Swanscoe Estate 1 642,1722
ha 7.04.2004 5 2104/90 Jopempi (Private) Limited Beitbridge Lot 12 of
Jopempi Block 13 100,1884 ha 7.04.2004 6 109/97 Lesnath Ranching (Private)
Limited Beitbridge Remainder of Lesanth Ranch 34 525,5993 ha 7.04.2004 7
1522/89 Threeways (Private) Limited Beitbridge Remainder of Bothasrus A of
Nuanetsi Ranche A 7246,3511 ha 7.04.2004 8 3929/86 Sentinel Ranch (Private)
Limited Beitbridge Remaining Extent of Sentinel 32 215,3117 ha 7.04.2004 9
6581/96 Rusti Valley Development Chipinga Lot 4 of Fortuna 197,0763
ha 7.04.2004 10 1483/73 La Lucia P/L Chipinga Lot 5 of Newcastle 192,9829
ha 7.04.2004 11 2512/89 Shydone P/L Chipinga Dingley Dell 1 197,9161
ha 7.04.2004 12 4480/96 Packwood Investments (Private) Limited
Chipinga Remainder of Dhleni of Hartbeest Neck 429,2876 ha 7.04.2004 13
4636/79 Jean May Gifford Chipinga Subdivision C of Wolfscrag 226,8702
ha 7.04.2004 14 246/82 Deborah Louis Odendaal Chipinga Remainder
of Wolveeldraai 'A' of Wolverdraai 506,7511 ha 7.04.2004 15 2836/85
Neville Hastings Baker Chipinga Lot 12 AB of Middle Sabi 135,8121
ha 7.04.2004 16 3264/75 Hofstede Estate P/L Chipinga Remaining Extent
of Hofstede 493,4287 ha 7.04.2004 17 3230/77 Watershed Estates P/L
Chipinga Lot 12A of Newcastle 318,6532 ha 7.04.2004 18 2335/70 Jacob
Solomon Kotze Chipinga Stiller Meer of Petrusville West 916,4486
acres 7.04.2004 19 6846/87 Lydell Farm (Private) Limited Chipinga Subdivision
A of Busi 202,3392 ha 7.04.2004 20 2971/75 Gerrit Rynier Kruger Chipinga
Brabant of Fortuna 212,1852 ha 7.04.2004 21 10468/97 Makandi Tea &
Coffee Estates (Private) Limited Chipinga Small-Deel Estate 1 804,6964
ha 7.04.2004 22 3239/70 J.C. M.G and S willemse Chipinga Dordrecht
of Sterkstroom 1 703,40 cares 7.04.2004 23 1076/86 H.N. Orner Investments
P/L Chipinga Gomondoni of Canterbury 214,1313 ha 7.04.2004 24 9395/90
Chipinga Coffee Company Chipinga Lot 1 of Rietvlei of Kenilworth 371,4513
ha 7.04.2004 25 2972/75 Elmari Malherbe Chipinga Mountain View of
Fortuna 213,3408 ha 7.04.2004 26 2547/00 Michael Ian Heath & Fiona
Jean Heath Goromonzi Remainder of Subdivision E of Binder 90,9601
ha 7.04.2004 27 2192/86 Witlands Estates (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Remaining Extent of Borderland of Mashonganyika 852,7148 ha 7.04.2004 28
1103/97 Propkept Investments (Private) Limited Goromonzi Remaining Extent of
Subdivision 'C' of Learig 307,5811 ha 7.04.2004 29 3543/86 Le Sur Dale Farms
(Private) Limited Goromonzi Remainder of Great Bromley Estate 515,4493
ha 7.04.2004 30 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited
Goromonzi Subdivision 'C' of Subdivision 'B' pf greate Bromley 366,7643
ha 7.04.2004 31 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi
Surrey Estate 195,7452 ha 7.04.2004 32 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private)
Limited Goromonzi Subdivision 'B' of Subdivision 'C' of Subdivision 'B' of
Great Bromley 132,2045 ha 7.04.2004 33 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private)
Limited Goromonzi Subdivision C of Weardale 407,0908 ha 7.04.2004 34
3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited Goromonzi Lot 1 of Leicester of
Weardale 204,2259 ha 7.04.2004 35 3545/86 Le Sur Dale Farms (Private) Limited
Goromonzi Remaining Extent of Weardale 561,7382 ha 7.04.2004 36 3519/01
Shirley Jeanne Dock Goromonzi Remainder of Oaklands 117,3208 ha 7.04.2004
37 May-86 James Ross Goddard Insiza Fern Creek 1 443,6383 ha 7.04.2004 38
5689/97 G Beamish (Private) Limited Lomagundi Gravelotte 3 494,9240
ha 7.04.2004 39 3544/77 Christiaan Jacobus Jordan Lomagundi Remainder
of Mimosa 404,6748 ha 7.04.2004 40 3545/77 Christiaan Jacobus Jordan
Lomagundi The Remainder of Mlembwe (of mimosa and Lembwe) 1 037,1957
ha 7.04.2004 41 1371/90 Robert Millin Flanagan Lomagundi Njiri A 696,0236
ha 7.04.2004 42 470/76 R J Van Rensburg and Sons (Private) Limited
Lomagundi Farm Upper Romsey of Romesy 753,5218 ha 7.04.2004 43 1150/78
Karna Estate P/L Lupane Lot 8 Krna Block 4 541,0321 ha 7.04.2004 44 1011/98
Cotleigh Farm (Private) Limited Makoni otleigh 1 009,7391 ha 7.04.2004 45
214/85 Terrington Estate P/L Makoni Cold Stream Ranche 'A' 2 213,0980
ha 7.04.2004 46 8341/96 P J Morris P/L Makoni Farm 6 Fairfield 1 269,0799
ha 7.04.2004 47 145/86 Marthius Jacobus Martin Makoni Arbeid Estate 404
6778 ha 7.04.2004 48 8755/99 Antlantic Farming Enterprises Pvt Ltd. Makoni
Farm 3 of Yourshire Estate 993,4753 ha 7.04.2004 49 7070/98 Polnat
Investments (Private) Limited Makoni Moodiesville 1 328 ha 7.04.2004 50
12966/99 Davel Farm P/L Makoni Lifton 364,2043 ha 7.04.2004 51 5254/84
Michael Ian Kelvin Freeland Makoni Lion's Head 776,2326 ha 7.04.2004 52
3324/80 Dou Glas Colin Jackson Makoni Muhonde 331,4498 ha 7.04.2004 53
6509/69 Gorubi Estates P/L Makoni Adams Farm 1 147,1482 acres 7.04.2004 54
3018/73 Adams Farms P/L Makoni Farm 2 of Lawrencedale
797,4183 ha 7.04.2004 55 11180/90 Burl enterprises P/L Makoni Causeway of
Tara of Helensvale 717,0436 ha 7.04.2004 56 5898/91 J N Oosthuizen
Enterprises P/L Makoni Farm 29 Fairfield Estate 793,1357 ha 7.04.2004 57
6872/84 FAR P/L Makoni Remaining Extent of Lesapi Cave 1 062,7386
ha 7.04.2004 58 570/86 A P Landos Makoni Mepo 543,0324 ha 7.04.2004 59
3495/88 Freezing Point Estates P/L Makoni Sunrise 1 112,2906 ha 7.04.2004
60 106`6/2000 J G Delport P/L Makoni The Remainder of Compton 689,5307
ha 7.04.2004 61 19616/2000 J G Delport P/L Makoni Fodjga 353,4955
ha 7.04.2004 62 8057/86 Kelvin Farm P/L Makoni Remaining Extent of
Halsted 381,5081 ha 7.04.2004 63 2175/88 Masori Investment Makoni
Remainder of Your of Horkshire Estate 2 055,6581 ha 7.04.2004 64 3856/86
Steenbok (Pvt) Ltd Makoni Lone Kop 1 242 ha 7.04.2004 65 4323/75 Adam Farms
P/L Makoni Fonteintjie of Fishers Farm 683,6720 ha 7.04.2004 66 196/92
Padeswood Farm P/L Makoni Padeswood of York of Yourshire 404,6784
ha 7.04.2004 67 6039/88 L W De Klerk Van Rensburg Makoni Cavalla 1 259,9380
ha 7.04.2004 68 5080/95 Pilsbury Investments (Private) Limited
Marandellas Sutton Estate 808,9693 ha 7.04.2004 69 1354/67 Aromabe P/L
Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 1 487,3800 ha 7.04.2004 70 1274/80
Aromabe (Private) Limited Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 2 214,2099
ha 7.04.2004 71 4446/67 Rio Enterprises (Private) Limited Ndanga Hippo
Valley Settlement Holding 3 585,8225 acres 7.04.2004 72 461/66 Bendezi
Sugar Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 4 588,6800
acres 7.04.2004 73 4406/67 Mleme Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 5 539,8793 acres 7.04.2004 74 341/66 Kwa Ingwe Farm P/L
Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 6 516 6000 acres 7.04.2004 75
913/70 Ngwindi Sugar Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 7
449,8900 acres 7.04.2004 76 912/70 Ngwindi Sugar Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo
Valley Settlement Holding 8 503,2900 acres 7.04.2004 77 2477/72 Emboeni
Estate P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 12 193,6106 ha 7.04.2004
78 2193/72 Rosalie P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 13 189,7805
ha 7.04.2004 79 599/187 Marigold Farming P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 14 168,4800 ha 7.04.2004 80 3604/86 C Sauzier P/L
Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 15 163,5700 ha 7.04.2004 81 3308/72
Pastoral Investments P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 16 82,6792
had 7.04.2004 82 4769/72 Esperance Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 17 93,0084 ha 7.04.2004 83 2176/72 PourDre D'OE P/L
Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 18 90.2685 ha 7.04.2004 84 3772/78
Andrew John Dudgeo Stein Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 19 106,4400
ha 7.04.2004 85 1577/76 Chiware Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 21 108,3813 ha 7.04.2004 86 3048/72 Daniel Drenan De
Waal Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 22 188,8268 ha 7.04.2004 87
4643/72 Shanti Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 23 112,5947
ha 7.04.2004 88 2934/78 N & M Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 24 34,9100 ha 7.04.2004 89 1914/73 Denari P/L Ndanga
Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 25 179,4908 ha 7.04.2004 90 1494/96
Chipoto P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 26 157,4500
ha 7.04.2004 91 1289/80 Fantaisie Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 27 147,7600 ha 7.04.2004 92 1333/94 Mkwawine Ranching
Co. P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 28 16 588,9400 ha 7.04.2004
93 4764/72 Fantaisie Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 29
120,062 ha 7.04 2004 94 1720/84 N & B Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 30 127,3400 ha 7.04.2004 95 2772/72 Chiwenga Estate P/L
Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 31 137,6692 ha 7.04.2004 96 1713/72
Baumig P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 32 30,9283 ha 7.04.2004
97 1714/72 Baumig P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 33 101,5516
ha 7.04.2004 98 1715/72 Baumig P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding
34 58,2661 ha 7.04.2004 99 6448/85 Jerry's Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 35 154,9200 ha 7.04.2004 100 2701/74 Chiredzi Farming
Co. P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 36 177,6500 ha 7.04.2004
101 2092/86 Bon Espoir P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 37 137,1100
ha 7.04.2004 102 7243/72 Bon Espoir P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement
Holding 38 144,7382 ha 7.04.2004 103 2471/72 Lyndjurst Estate P/L Ndanga
Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 39 86,0018 ha 7.04.2004 104 1706/72 Peter
Bernard Henning Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 40 81,194
ha 7.04.2004 105 1180/76 Sucre D'or estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 41A 89,8186 ha 7.04.2004 106 2399/75 LA Lucia P/L
Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 42 91,7300 ha 7.04.2004 107 2037/72
La Lucia P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 43 100,7451
ha 7.04.2004 108 118/83 Saurel Holdings P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 44 125,8500 ha 7.04.2004 109 2039/72 Mopane Vale Farm
P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 45 112,3 ha 7.04.2004 110
4770/72 Esperance Estates P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 46
16,187 ha 7.04.2004 111 3888/71 The Trustees for the time being of the
Rhodesian Sugar Association Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 47
168,4276 ha 7.04.2004 112 1632/95 Preston Investments P/L Ndanga Hippo
Valley Settlement Holding 48 146,1600 ha 7.04.2004 113 4670/75 Hingeston
& Fenton Wells P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 49 25,6900
ha 7.04.2004 114 2478/72 Emobeni Estate P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley
Settlement Holding 50 31,3092 ha 7.04.2004 115 2511/92 Cherrington Farm
P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 51 114,5400 ha 7.04.2004 116
3309/72 Pastoral Investments P/l Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 52
21,9878 ha 7.04.2004 117 6788/72 H De Fooiard Brown (Private) Limited Ndanga
Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 53 157,8570 ha 7.04.2004 118 4722/98
Yvonne Sharp, Clive Anthony Sharp, John Edmund Sharp and Ellen Barbara
Dyole Nyamandlovu "Carisville" 1 284,3602 ha 7.04.2004 119 4722/98 Yvonne
Sharp, Clive Anthony Sharp, John Edmund Sharp and Ellen Barbara Dyole
Nyamandlovu "Carisville" 1 284,3692 ha 7.04.2004 120 3010/55 G M Swan
(Private) Limited Salisbury Karreeboom 1 664,122 morgen 7.04.2004 121
4089/85 H A Blignaut (Private) Limited Urungwe Remainder of Blockley of
Nassau Estate 866,9527 ha 7.04.2004 122 6696/92 P D Hulley (Private) Limited
Umtali Lot 1 of Orkney of Howth 438,0069 ha 7.04.2004 123 4575/88 Tengwe
Estates (Private) Limited Urungwe Fumeira Estate 582,5219 ha 7.04.2004 124
948/99 Triple 'M' Enterprises (Private) Limited Urungwe Remaining Extent of
Deamour 565,8805 ha 7.04.2004 125 8510/71 Rendezvous Estate (Private) Limited
Urungwe Remainder of Subdivision A of Coldomo of Nassau Estate 991,9841
ha 7.04.2004 126 470/97 Non Memerty Farming and Consultancy (Private)
Limited Urungwe Remainder of Dunromin 809,2388 ha 7.04.2004 127 4683/81
Linkon Urungwe Wajetsi 1 543,3728 ha 7.04.2004 128 7782/88 D M Younghusband
(Private) Limited Urungwe Foliot 1 254,8864 ha 7.04.2004 129 7270/72 C G
Mason (Private) Limited Urungwe Pollux Estate 597,7215 ha 7.04.2004 130
60/73 Colin Gurney Mason Urungwe Rugare Estate 441,2193 ha 7.04.2004 131
1856/78 Peter John Donaldson Urungwe Mukuyu 668,3913 ha 7.04.2004 132 3846/92
P L Moolman & Son (Private) Limited Urungwe Moniack 1 875,2317
ha 7.04.2004 133 1742/92 P D Clifford (Private) Limited Urungwe
Remaining Extent of Amore 394,8505 ha 7.04.2004 134 3982/89 Pamela Elaine
Stirling Urungwe Kupeta 1 156,8325 ha 7.04.2004 135 1300/89 Cravan (Private)
Limited Urungwe Coniston 324,6020 ha 7.04.2004 136 3224/77 Hesketh Park
Estates (Private) Limited Urungwe Westlands of Hesketh Park 609,2521
ha 7.04.2004 137 7782/88 D M Younghusband (Private) Limited Urungwe Foliot
1 254,8864 ha 7.04.2004 138 3534/78 Cosmo Farms P/l Urungwe Remainder of
Chimburukwe 1 022,8593 ha 7.04.2004 139 7283/94 Lorn Holdings P/L Urungwe
Travios 870,4116 ha 7.04.2004 140 4235/94 Panorama Estate P/L Urungwe Vuka
Estate 633,2071 ha 7.04.2004 141 912/97 C and S Werrett (Private) Limited
Urungwe Remaining Extent of Sapi Valley 535,5755 ha 7.04.2004 142 8510/71
Rendezvous Estate (Private) Limited Urungwe S/D of Coldomo of Nassau Estate
991,9841 ha 7.04.2004 143 4575/88 Tengwe Estates (Private) Limited Urungwe
Fumeira Estate 582,5219 ha 7.04.2004 144 1284/2000 Kudu Estates (Private)
Limited Wankie Horseshoe Estate 4 082,5630 ha
Zimbabwe official meets with players to avert
Thu April 8, 2004 6:01 PM DURBAN (Reuters) - The
Zimbabwe Cricket Union (ZCU) held an emergency meeting on Thursday with a
group of players who threatened to resign their contracts, with further
discussions expected later in the day. The group, which included
most of Zimbabwe's top players, met with ZCU managing director Vince Hogg in
Harare on Thursday over issues similar to that which has sparked crisis
meetings between Hogg and former captain Heath Streak.
them we wanted to resign over Zimbabwe's selection policies and the make-up
of the selection panel, and we agreed to an emergency meeting," a player who
declined to be named told Reuters from Harare.
Hogg said the
players had delegated Streak, Grant Flower, Andy Blignaut and a lawyer to
"I've had a meeting with a group of players, and
... they are meeting with us again this afternoon at 4.30pm (1430 GMT)," Hogg
told Reuters from Harare. "We want to resolve all the issues, even if it
takes all Easter weekend to do it."
Hogg has been in talks with
Streak since Tuesday after the ZCU said the pace bowler resigned the
captaincy over similar issues at the weekend. Streak's father, Denis, said
his son did not resign.
Hogg said his meetings with Streak over the
bowler's own position were continuing.
THE Government is concerned by the behaviour of some
war veterans and senior politicians, who are conniving with some white
commercial farmers bent on derailing the land reform programme,
Vice-President Msika has said.
"We have even noticed that some of those
being used by whites are some of our war veterans, including senior
politicians," he said.
The Vice-President said this on Wednesday after
touring Chifundi and Emily Park irrigation schemes in Makonde constituency in
Mashonaland West province.
The two schemes have more than 350 hectares
under irrigat- ion - where wheat and soya are grown on a rotation
War veterans, Cde Msika said, should not be used to derail
Government programmes because they knew the history of the liberation
"The road map to independence was a tough one. Our young
people, including some sell-outs, must remember that we lost dear friends,
brothers, sons and daughters in our war of liberation," he said.
Msika said it was the duty of parents to tell children born
after independence the true story about the importance of land and
what empowerment through land meant.
The Government, he said, was in
the process of organising 99-year lease agreements so that beneficiaries of
land reforms could access capital loans from financial institutions using
land as collateral.
The Government is sourcing tractors and other farming
equipment from abroad with the view to develop the agricultural sector as a
viable entity, Vice-President Msika said
He commended farmers at
Chifundi and Emily Park for organising themselves and embarking on commercial
ventures, thereby achieving the objectives set by Government.
have seen today is clear testimony that the programme is succeeding," Cde
However, the Vice-President challenged the A1 farmers to buy
their own farming equipment so that they would be
"You cannot continue to rely on help from white
commercial farmers as in the case at Emily Park. By doing so you will dance
to their tune, and some of you will end up selling out by joining the
opposition MDC," he said.
Turning to next year's parliamentary elections,
Cde Msika said there was need for the ruling Zanu-PF party to have proper
structures from village, cell, branch to district level in the province in
preparation for the polls.
He challenged the party provincial leadership
to have regular meetings with the lower structures.
"You must go out
and register our people so that they will be able to vote. Makonde should
remain a Zanu-PF constituency," Cde Msika said.
Last season, farmers at
the two schemes were able to harvest up to 1 000 tonnes of wheat that earned
them about $700 million.
This summer, the farmers have put more than 320
hectares under soya bean with an expected yield of 600 tonnes valued at $1,8
Mangwende Issues Ultimatum to Harare Business People
April 9, 2004 Posted to the web April 8,
HARARE'S business community has been given three
months by Resident Minister Cde Witness Mangwende to refurbish rundown
buildings or face punitive action from the Government.
community must process industrial waste before discharging it into the city's
Harare City is using at least seven water purification
chemicals instead of two at the most owing to the massive pollution of its
water bodies. As a result, the water purification budget has increased from
$400 million in 1994 to $815 billion this year.
ultimatum for refurbishment comes in the wake of spirited efforts by
Government and Harare City Council to reclaim the city's "sunshine"
He made the remarks during the launch of Harare's clean-up
campaign at Siyaso Home Industries in Mbare yesterday.
campaign has attracted members of the uniformed forces, who have contributed
manpower, logistics and vehicles.
The minister said failure to refurbish
the buildings would not be tolerated and the Government would have no choice
but to close business premises that do not look presentable.
on residents to repaint and refurbish their houses, saying cleanliness
started with individuals.
Cde Mangwende urged Harare residents to be
united in efforts to spruce the city.
"We need unity in Harare. We are
the same family. We want Harare to be the leading example of cleanliness in
the country," he said.
Zanu-PF was dismayed by the lack of seriousness by
MDC councillors to ensure the cleanliness of the city and it had mobilised
resources to ensure the city regained its sunshine status.
has decided to fulfil the wishes of the people. We will clean the city," Cde
MDC councillors did not attend the launch with only
acting Harare mayor Councillor Sekesayi Makwavarara and two independent
councillors, Mr Gladmore Hakata and Mr Tapfumaneyi Jaja, present.
Makwavarara said residents should not rely on well-wishers to clean their
environment as it was everyone's duty to police the illegal dumping
"Report anyone you find dumping rubbish to the police,"
Senior army, police and prison services officers and acting
Zanu-PF Harare province chairman Cde Amos Midzi and senior Government
officials attended the launch.
GOVERNMENT'S increased recourse to the domestic sector
for financing has seen total domestic debt rising to $1,3 trillion, according
to figures published by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe for the period to April
The rise in total domestic debt reflects an increase in Treasury
bills issued including the interest component. The effective yield on
91-day Treasury bills has risen from levels around 79,72 percent to the
current level of around 106,50 percent.
The amount has doubled from
the December 2003 figure of $590 billion, which comprised of $14 billion in
outstanding debts, $287 billion of Treasury bills, $284 billion in interest
and $4 billion advances from the central bank.
is, to a large extent, being channelled to finance recurrent expenditure at
the expense of capital expenditure.
Although the recent salary hikes for
civil servants is partly responsible for the increased borrowings, the rise
in the debt can be attributed to the taking up of Cold Storage Company (CSC)
and Grain Marketing Board (GMB) debts by the Government.
borrowings are directly contrary to the then Minister of Finance and Economic
Development, Dr Herbert Murerwa's 2004 budget statement where he proposed to
match recurrent expenditure to current revenues and allowing budget
borrowings only for capital expenditure and
"Borrowing for consumption as the
Government is doing is, however, not sustainable and merely results in higher
levels of debt without creating any income to repay the debt," said a weekly
Apart from the budgeted expenditure for 2004, Government
will incur additional expenses through the food import bills to meet the
shortfall of around one million tonnes of maize and wheat on the domestic
Apart from borrowing from the domestic market in order to finance
its expenditure, Government can utilise its overdraft facility with the
central bank, but there is, however, a statutory limit on the amount the
Government can borrow, set at 20 percent of the previous year's revenue
This means that the Government can utilise its overdraft
facility up to a limit of $228,3 billion in 2004 as the total revenue for
2003 is estimated at $1,14 trillion.
But with the deficit estimated at
$1,85 trillion, the Government would still need to borrow in excess of $1
trillion from the domestic sector.
The central bank advances to
Government rose to a high of $427,6 billion at the end of January, but by 12
March the Government had a positive balance of $56,6
Government's recourse to the domestic sector for funding,
however, leads to an expansion in money supply growth, thus it is important
for it to contain its expenditure thereby minimising borrowings from the
domestic sector to reduce inflationary pressures.
As stated by the
central bank governor in his monetary policy statement, fiscal discipline is
critical if the monetary control measures put in place are to bear fruit.
THE newly appointed
Public Health Advisory Board has been challenged to source for additional
funding for the health sector.
Health and Child Welfare Minister Dr David
Parirenyatwa said the greatest challenge facing his ministry was limited
He was speaking at the inauguration of the Public Health
Advisory Board in Harare yesterday.
He challenged the new board,
chaired by Mr Jealous Batsirayi Nderere (47), to help the ministry source
"Your advice will go along way in my vision to address
problems related to health infrastructure, such as the upgrading of health
management information systems and refurbishment of buildings," said Dr
While some health facilities in the country were relatively
new, he said, they ended up looking run-down because of lack of
Dr Parirenyatwa challenged the board to familiarise itself
with the health sector.
"Health is everyone's concern and you will be
in the spotlight. As such, you should review existing health legislation and
recommend periodic amendments that may be necessary.
"Know how much
has been allocated to the ministry in the budget and know how it is being
used," he said.
Dr Parirenyatwa said the board should also make
meaningful contributions on how the prevalence of the HIV and Aids pandemic,
other sexually transmitted infections and epidemics like malaria could be
"I will welcome advice from the board on how to tackle the
numerous challenges facing this ministry.
"The exodus of manpower,
clean water, sanitation, refuse collection and the availability and
distribution of vaccines for preventable diseases are just some of the
pressing concerns," he said.
While rabid deaths were on the increase, it
is becoming increasingly difficult for people to get rabies vaccines because
of the costs involved, he said.
A full course vaccine costs over $1
"All those are challenges that the board should look at," he
Mr Nderere has been the managing director of QV Pharmacies since
1997 and is the current vice-chairperson of the Medicines Control
He holds a BPharm (Hons) from the University of
Mr Dombo Chibanda (52), the current assistant director of
Health Services (Environment), is the vice-chairman. Other members of the
board are Dr Alva Mandizvidza Senderayi, a private medical practitioner
representing the Zimbabwe Medical Association on the board, and Mr Victor
Mugwagwa, vice-principal at the School of Traditional Medicine, representing
the Zimbabwe National Traditional Healers' Association.
Shonhiwa of the Pharmaceutical Society of Zimbabwe, Dr Kudzai Ndawana of the
Zimbabwe Dental Association, Dr Philemon Macheka, Mr Emmanuel Magade, Mr
Alexander Phiri, Dr Edward Makondo, Mrs Cleveria Chizema, Dr Zvitendo Duri
and Ms Sipiwe Tshuma make up the rest of the board.
Zambezi Large Mammal Survey Finds Elephant Populations
From African Wildlife Foundation Thursday,
April 08, 2004
You would think elephants would be relatively easy to
count. After all, they are the largest terrestrial mammal on earth. But it
gets complicated when their range crosses three national boundaries and the
elephants are constantly on the move.
Until last year, no one had
been able to get an accurate count in AWF's Zambezi Heartland. But in the
last half of 2003, the first ever transboundary large mammal aerial survey
took place in this Heartland. The survey was conducted at the same time
across all areas of the Heartland using standard census methods, an approach
that minimized the chance of double counting in cases where elephants move
AWF facilitated this collaborative effort among the
Zambia Wildlife Authority, Zimbabwe's Parks and Wildlife Management
Authority, and the Mozambican Tete Province Department of Tourism. A high
level of commitment was demonstrated by all parties, particularly in seeking
the necessary permission for cross-border flights.
This is the
first time we have accurate data for all areas of the Heartland, regardless
of political boundaries. This is especially important for the elephant
population that uses the entire Heartland.
Zimbabwe has by far the
largest percent of the range (63%) and the largest population estimate of
elephants with 19,646. Zambia has an intermediate size portion of the range
(27%) that has a population estimate of 1,423, a 137% increase from the
estimated figure of 600 elephants made in 2002 (CITES, 2002). Mozambique
makes up just 10% of the range and has 1,717 elephants, a 41% increase from
the 1,217 estimate from the year 2000 census. On a landscape level, the
entire Heartland has had an 8% increase in population from an estimated
21,114 in 2001 to 22,826 elephants in the latest survey.
elephant population in Zimbabwe is increasing steadily, the populations in
Zambia and Mozambique show dramatic increases. This trend can be attributed
to the consistency in census methodology used during the AWF facilitated
transboundary survey as well as improved wildlife management interventions on
As a result of this survey, conservation priorities have
been determined. One is for transboundary law enforcement to help protect the
increasingly stable Heartland elephant population from poaching. In addition,
the growth of populations in Zambia and Mozambique must be sustained in
cooperation with the national wildlife authorities and local
For more information, contact:
Sampere Communications Director African Wildlife Foundation 1400
Sixteenth Street, NW Suite 120 Washington, DC 20036 firstname.lastname@example.org