Malnutrition claims more lives in Zimbabwe city

Zim Online

Thu 10 August 2006

      BULAWAYO - Another 26 people died in Zimbabwe's second largest city of
Bulawayo in the month of April because of malnutrition-related illnesses.

      The latest deaths bring to 136 people the total number of people who
have died since the beginning of the year because of malnutrition-related
diseases in the city of more than one million people that is tucked at the
heart of the arid and hunger-prone Matabeleland region.

      The Bulawayo city health officials told a council meeting last week
that of those who had succumbed to hunger-related illnesses, most were
children below the age of five.

      But council was divided on the death statistics with councilors
belonging to President Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU PF party disputing the
figures, saying malnutrition was not that prevalent in Bulawayo and could
not have caused so many deaths.

      "The figures mentioned are highly unlikely particularly in the light
of a bountiful season and good harvests throughout the country, there are no
cases of malnutrition in my ward and probably in other wards," said Stars
Mathe, a ZANU PF member.

      Bulawayo, the only city that publishes figures of malnutrition-related
deaths, is controlled by the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) party.

      Mugabe's government, which has threatened to use powers granted it by
the Urban Councils Act to fire the opposition-led council over
hunger-related deaths statistics, accuses Bulawayo Executive Mayor Japhet
Ndabeni-Ncube of inflating the figures in order to embarrass the government.

      Ndabeni-Ncube denies misrepresenting the hunger-induced mortality
statistics, saying all the figures published by his council were obtained
from the government's Births and Deaths Registry Department.

      "Most people can hardly afford a balanced diet and as a result
malnutrition is inevitable under the present harsh conditions," MDC
councilor Charles Mpofu told last week's council meeting.

      Zimbabwe's food crisis has been compounded by a severe economic
recession gripping the southern African country for the past six years.

      The recession has seen annual inflation shooting to 993.6 percent, the
highest in the world outside a war zone and also spawned shortages of fuel,
electricity, essential medicines, hard cash and just about every basic
survival commodity.

      The MDC and Western governments blame Zimbabwe's crisis on repression
and wrong policies by Mugabe such as his seizure of productive farms from
whites for redistribution to landless blacks.

      The farm seizures destabilised the mainstay agricultural sector and
caused severe food shortages after the government failed to give black
villagers resettled on former white farms skills training and inputs support
to maintain production.

      But Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since the country's 1980
independence from Britain, denies mismanaging the country and says its
problems are because of economic sabotage by Western governments opposed to
his seizure of white land. - ZimOnline

Zimbabwe inflation fall no reason to celebrate yet

Zim Online

Thu 10 August 2006

      HARARE - Analysts have warned against premature celebrations in
Zimbabwe's war against inflation, citing "technical factors" as the reason
behind the dramatic fall in the July rate.

       Zimbabwe's annualised rate of inflation, still the highest in the
world, dipped a massive 191 percentage points in July to 993.6 percent in
figures released by the Central Statistical Office (CSO) yesterday. The rate
was 1 184.6 percent in June.

      But economic analysts immediately poured cold water on the excitement,
arguing that the decline was not indicative of an improvement in the
macroeconomic environment but was instead a purely statistical issue.

      "It is nothing to celebrate about in terms of the effectiveness of the
government's economic management but the decline is because there was a
bigger increase in the consumer index during the same period last year
compared to this year," said consultant economist John Robertson.

      The annualised rate of inflation is calculated by calculating the
percentage change between the consumer price index (CPI) for one month
against the CPI for the corresponding month the year before.

      In this case, the CPI for July 2005 grew by a larger margin compared
to the one for this year, hence the decline in the July rate.

      "The more meaningful figure is the month-on-month inflation, which
again was high at 25 percent," added Robertson.

      The CSO also conceded that the decline was due to the higher rate of
change in July 2005 and not July 2006. The inflation figure climbed to 254.8
percent in July last year from 164 percent the previous month.

      In tandem with the "technical factors", Zimbabwe's inflation had until
June this year been on an upward trend, plateauing at 1 193.5 percent in
May.

      "A closer examination of macroeconomic fundamentals will show that
nothing much has changed and the battle against inflation is far from being
won," said an economist with a leading Harare commercial bank, who declined
to be named for professional reasons.

      The chief culprit responsible for inflation has been unbridled money
supply growth caused by the printing of money by the government to finance
its burgeoning bureaucracy.

      The bank economist said taming the inflation beast would always remain
an impossible task for Zimbabwe unless the government "learns to live within
its means".

      Hyperinflation is one of many severe symptoms of Zimbabwe's six-year
old economic crisis that has also spawned shortages of fuel, electricity,
essential medicines, hard cash and just about every basic survival
commodity.

      The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change party and Western
governments blame the crisis on repression and wrong policies by Mugabe such
as his seizure of productive farms from whites for redistribution to
landless blacks.

      The farm seizures destabilised the mainstay agricultural sector and
caused severe food shortages after the government failed to give black
villagers resettled on former white farms skills training and inputs support
to maintain production.

      But Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since the country's 1980
independence from Britain, denies mismanaging the country and says its
problems are because of economic sabotage by Western governments opposed to
his seizure of white land. - ZimOnline

Blitz against money changers sinks to new depths of depravity

Zim Online

Thu 10 August 2006

      HARARE - Police in Harare were on Wednesday forcing mourners to open
coffins as they searched for illegally stashed cash as the law enforcement
agents stepped up a country-wide crackdown against foreign currency dealers
that began two weeks ago.

      Respect for the dead is a deeply held social norm in Zimbabwean
culture.

      A frustrated Artwell Simango, who was transporting the body of his
mother for burial to his rural home in Murehwa, yesterday told ZimOnline
that he was forced by the police in Harare to open his mother's coffin as
they searched for cash.

      "This is very bad. The police have gone too far in trying to look for
cash from the public. After showing them my mother's burial order, they
still insisted that we open the coffin as acceptable proof that we were
indeed carrying a dead person.

      "Even after they had seen what was inside, they did not offer any
apology saying that they were doing their job," said Simango.

      Similar reports of the police forcing mourners to open coffins were
also reported in the capital Harare.

      Another man from Glen Norah suburb in Harare, who hires his pick-up
truck to bereaved families, said he had been stopped twice by the police who
wanted him to prove that he was indeed ferrying the dead to the cemetery.

      Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena yesterday denied that the police
were forcing mourners to open coffins saying police officers were also
sensitive to the feelings of the bereaved.

      "Police officers are human beings who come from society and for as
long as there is nothing to suggest some people are using coffins for
illegal deals, there is no reason for us to force them to open coffins," he
said.

      Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono, last week ordered state
security agents to seize cash from individuals holding any amounts above
Z$100 million as part of fresh measures to fight rampant trade in foreign
currency.

      Under the new monetary changes, individuals and companies handing over
to the banks money in excess of $100 million and $5 billion respectively,
must explain the source of the funds or have the cash forfeited to the
state. - ZimOnline

Mugabe says he is fit enough to box

Zim Online

Thu 10 August 2006

      HARARE - Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe on Wednesday rejected
claims he had left the country to seek medical treatment in Asia, declaring
he was well and fit enough "to box".

      Speculation had been rife in some newspapers and internet news sites
that Mugabe, who had last Friday quietly left Harare aboard a China-bound
Air Zimbabwe plane, had gone on an emergency trip to either Singapore or
Beijing for medical treatment.

      Uncharacteristic quietness about the trip by the state media, which
normally announces Mugabe's travels, appeared to have fed much of the
speculation. But a buoyant Mugabe told journalists on arrival at Harare
International airport mid-morning that he had "just taken a few days off".

      Asked about speculation that he was either dead or had gone on an
urgent trip to Asia to seek treatment, Mugabe responded: "Tell them I am
dead so I am now a ghost that has come back.

      "Now, if the President has three days off and takes kids away, what's
wrong with that?  My wife had gone to Thailand with students who are going
to university there and the arrangement was that I bring the kids and we
meet again in Malaysia, which we have done.  And then I come back to arrange
with others on next week's (Heroes Day) celebrations."

      Mugabe, 82, looks physically fit and those closest to him testify that
his intellect and grip on facts remains sharp.

      But doubts about his health have remained since he collapsed in
November 2000 at a public function in Malaysia. - ZimOnline

Law society says money seizures a violation of human rights

Zim Online

Thu 10 August 2006

      HARARE - The Law Society of Zimbabwe (LSZ) has criticised a campaign
by Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) officials and other state agents to search
and seize money from citizens as degrading and potentially a violation of
human rights.

      RBZ officials, police and government youth militia have used powers
granted them under a presidential decree promulgated last week to confiscate
money from individuals and corporates found holding cash in excess of the
prescribed amounts of Z$100 million for individuals and $5 billion for
corporates.

      At least 3 199 individuals and corporate executives have been arrested
and more than $10 trillion has been seized since the decree was promulgated.

      But in a stinging response to the blitz, the LSZ said that it condemns
very strongly the arbitrary, invasive and degrading actions of the police
and other state agents at roadblocks set up on most motorways to search
travellers for excess cash.

      The society expressed grave concern at the practice of stopping and
searching members of the public on roads and other public places.

      It said that the ongoing practice by the police was not only grossly
invasive, a violation of the individual's right to privacy, dignity and
integrity of the person but was also unlawful and unsanctioned by the decree
under which the state agents purported to act.

      The LSZ said the wide-sweeping regulations established by the decree
also raised pertinent issues of human rights.

      Under Section 4 of the regulations, the state is given power in
certain circumstances, to confiscate money and to issue the owner of the
seized cash a one-year bond. However upon maturity of the bond the person
will be refunded their cash without interest even where the person is
absolved of any crime.

      "This amounts to compulsory and punitive acquisition of property
without compensation, contrary to the provisions of section 16 of the
Constitution of Zimbabwe in that the benefit of any income on investment of
such confiscated money is lost to the person affected," LSZ said.

      LSZ deplored the immunity from prosecution granted state agents or
institutions that may breach the law while implementing the new monetary
measures on behalf of the state.

      It said such blanket immunity had the effect of promoting and
cultivating "state agent impunity, (and) also amounts to an ouster of the
jurisdiction of the courts to decide whether the private individual's rights
have not been infringed or violated by any person acting under the
regulations." - ZimOnline

Zimbabwe inflation tumbles to 993.6 percent

Zim Online

Wed 9 August 2006

      HARARE - Zimbabwe's annual inflation tumbled to three digits in July,
the second time in about 15 months that the key rate has declined.

      Government Central Statistical Office acting director Moffat Nyoni
announced on Wednesday that annual inflation was 993.6 percent in the month
of July, a significant 191 percentage points less than the June figure of 1
184.6 percent.

      Inflation, labelled Zimbabwe's enemy number one by President Robert
Mugabe, first shot beyond the 1 000 percent barrier in April but has since
June showed signs of receding. The 1 184.6 percent recorded in June was 8.9
percentage points less than the 1 193 .5 May figure.

      Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono had at the beginning of
the year vowed to bring down inflation to two-digit figures by year-end but
appears to have accepted the impossibility of that self-set task.

      Gono now says he wants inflation to end the year at around 400
percent, a figure most economic experts say is still too ambitious given
over expenditure by the government which ultimately fuels inflation.

      High money supply growth and the existence of an unregulated and
turbulent parallel economy that has become the most reliable source of jobs,
goods and services for many Zimbabweans are yet some more factors fuelling
inflation in the country.

      Hyperinflation is one of many severe symptoms of Zimbabwe's seven-year
old economic crisis that has also spawned shortages of fuel, electricity,
essential medicines, hard cash and just about every basic survival
commodity.

      The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change party and Western
governments blame the crisis on repression and wrong policies by Mugabe such
as his seizure of productive farms from whites for redistribution to
landless blacks.

      The farm seizures destabilised the mainstay agricultural sector and
caused severe food shortages after the government failed to give black
villagers resettled on former white farms skills training and inputs support
to maintain production.

      But Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since the country's 1980
independence from Britain, denies mismanaging the country and says its
problems are because of economic sabotage by Western governments opposed to
his seizure of white land. - ZimOnline

Police grill Zimbabwe labour leader

Zim Online

Wed 9 August 2006

      HARARE - Police yesterday temporarily detained Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions (ZCTU) secretary general Wellington Chibebe over alleged
financial irregularities at the union but ZCTU officials dismissed the
police action as a ploy to derail worker protests planned for later this
month.

      The ZCTU, the largest umbrella union body for workers in Zimbabwe, has
threatened to call nationwide street protests by workers later this month to
pressure employers to pay wages and salaries linked to the poverty datum
line (the breadline), pegged at Z$75 million per month and way above the
average monthly wage for workers of between $15 million and $25 million.

      Chibebe was summoned to the police's serious fraud squad offices in
Harare at about 9 o'clock in the morning. For the better part of the day,
the police quizzed the ZCTU official over what they allege are
irregularities in the labour body's foreign currency account and only
released him at around 3 o'clock in the afternoon.

      ZimOnline was unable to reach police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena to
establish whether the law enforcement agency planned to arrest or charge
Chibebe at a later stage.

      ZCTU legal adviser Tsitsi Mariwa, who accompanied Chibebe to the
police, however said his interrogators had indicated that they would charge
the union leader.

      "We told the police that there was no violation of any section of the
Foreign Currency Exchange Controls but police still insist they want him
arraigned before the courts," said Mariwa, who is a lawyer.

      But ZCTU spokesman Mlamuleli Sibanda said the police move was part of
attempts by the government to scuttle plans by the ZCTU to mobilise workers
to protest for better wages.

      Sibanda said: "We believe this is calculated as a pre-emptive strategy
to frustrate our plans to mobilise workers on issues affecting the
generality of the workforce in Zimbabwe."

      The ZCTU spokesman said the union would not be daunted by "harassment"
of its leaders and would this coming weekend hold workshops with workers
across the country to finalise plans for the protests later this month.

      The government fears protests for more pay by workers could easily
turn into mass protests against President Robert Mugabe, who most
Zimbabweans hold directly responsible for the country's worst ever economic
crisis. - ZimOnline

Banks' appeals against liquidation dismissed

Zim Online

Wed 9 August 2006

      HARARE- Zimbabwe Finance Minister Herbert Murerwa has condemned two
troubled financial institutions, Barbican Bank and Time Bank, to liquidation
after dismissing their appeals against cancellation of their registration
licences.

      The Registrar of Banking Institutions cancelled the registration of
the two financial institutions on 19 May 2006 on grounds that they were
technically insolvent.

      Murerwa rejected Barbican Bank's appeal against cancellation of its
registration licence on July 10 while the appeal by Time Bank was turned
down about a week later on July 26.

      In notices published earlier this week, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe
(RBZ) said that because the appeals had been rejected the two black-owned
banks were no longer banking institutions and were now awaiting liquidation.

      The RBZ said the banks' licences were cancelled after it had been
established that they were insolvent and could not maintain net assets
sufficient enough to safeguard creditors. The banks were also unable to
maintain minimum amounts of capital and reserves required in terms of the
Banking Act.

      Barbican Bank and Time Bank were placed under curatorship by the RBZ
at the height of Zimbabwe's banking crisis in 2004. More than 10 banks and
other financial services collapsed as a result of the crisis. - ZimOnline

Central bank crackdown triggers fresh wave of fare increases

Zim Online

Wed 9 August 2006

      HARARE - Zimbabweans will be forced to dig deeper into their pockets
after the price of fuel shot up last weekend by more than 36 percent
triggering a fresh wave of price increases across the board.

      A litre of diesel or petrol is now selling for Z$750 000 up from the
$550 000 it used to cost last week.

      Commuter omnibus operators in Harare immediately hiked their fares in
response to the fuel price increase.

      Commuters now pay $200 000 per trip to nearby suburbs such as Msasa
Park, Hatfield and Cranborne, up from the from $150 000 while those from
Chitungwiza and Ruwa are now paying between $250 000 and $350 000 per single
trip.

      Fuel companies blamed the latest hike in the price of the commodity to
last week's crackdown by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono
on foreign currency traders who were financing some of the fuel imports.

      "Each oil company and individuals are importing fuel depending on how
they are able to hard currency (on the black market), so the cost components
do determine the selling price," said one oil merchant who refused to be
named.

      Economic analysts who spoke to ZimOnline yesterday said the sharp rise
in the price of fuel will stoke up inflation which at 1 184.6 percent
remains the highest in the world outside a war zone.

      "It adds to inflationary pressures right across the economy," said
Tony Hawkins, an economics professor at the University of Zimbabwe's
Graduate School of Management.

      Harare economist, James Jowa said the parallel foreign currency market
was the one keeping the wheels of industry in Zimbabwe turning after the
official foreign currency market dried up.

      "They (fuel dealers) had no other access to other sources of foreign
currency. So they had to transfer part of that cost to consumers," said
Jowa.

      Zimbabwe is in the grip of a severe six-year old fuel crisis because
of a critical shortage of foreign currency sparked by the withdrawal of
balance-of-payments support to Harare by the International Monetary Fund
following serious differences with President Robert Mugabe's government. -
ZimOnline

Zimbabwe seizes millions in anti-graft campaign

Reuters

Wed Aug 9, 2006 10:37 AM BST

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe security agents have seized more than 10
trillion Zimbabwe dollars (21 million pounds) in old banknotes at the
country's main airport in a drive against money laundering, state media
reported on Wednesday.

The official Herald newspaper said the agents intercepted the money at
Harare International Airport on Tuesday as it was being smuggled back into
the country to beat an August 21 deadline.

Police say money laundering investigations have been launched against more
than 3,000 firms and individuals since the beginning of last week.

Zimbabweans have until August 21 to dispose of old banknotes for
redenominated Zimbabwe dollars after a 60 percent devaluation last week.

Central bank Governor Gideon Gono knocked three zeros off all banknotes to
help consumers cope with hyperinflation of nearly 1,200 percent and
announced that the old currency would be phased out in three weeks.

"The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) ... seized more than $10 trillion ...
belonging to three local financial institutions at the Harare International
Airport as the ongoing clampdown on money launderers intensifies," the
Herald said, adding the central bank had confirmed the seizure.

"The money was stashed in huge boxes when it was intercepted ... by security
agents," an unnamed source told the paper.

Central bank officials could not be reached for comment on Tuesday but this
would be the biggest seizure since the clampdown started last week.

SUSPECTED ARSON

State media reported at the weekend that huge fires had damaged the central
bank governor's farm in a suspected case of arson after an unidentified
armed gang "caused commotion".

"The incidents follow reports that there are people in positions of
authority who were trying to intimidate the (central bank) boss into
abandoning the turnaround programme," the state Sunday Mail newspaper
reported.

During the transition to new notes, individuals are barred from depositing
old notes in banks in excess of 100 million Zimbabwe dollars unless they can
show that they have acquired the funds legitimately.

This requirement has left many holding large sums of cash, which they are
rushing to convert into assets.

Gono says trillions of Zimbabwe dollars were stashed in homes and outside
the country to facilitate black market deals. Border patrols have
intercepted billions worth of old banknotes from black market traders trying
to enter the country before the deadline.

Analysts have hailed the anti-money laundering drive but warn that
corruption by top business and government officials could undo Gono's
efforts as seen by large amounts of new banknotes already trading in
neighbouring Zambia and Mozambique.

President Robert Mugabe's government has branded inflation as the country's
number one enemy but says rampant graft threatens to derail efforts to
reverse an 8-year recession widely blamed on state mismanagement.

The veteran leader, who has ruled the country since independence from
Britain in 1980, denies responsibility for the economic rot and in turn
accuses Western opponents of sabotaging the country as punishment for his
seizures of white-owned farms for blacks.

$1=250,000 (250 redenominated) Zimbabwe dollars

Post-devaluation price freeze order ignored

Hot Seat: Biti, Ncube & Madhuku teleconference (PART 5)

Broadcast on the 8th August 2006

Violet Gonda: Welcome to Part Five of the Teleconference debate with Dr
Lovemore Madhuku, the Chairperson of the National Constitutional Assembly
and the two Secretary General's of the MDC factions; Professor Welshman
Ncube from the Mutambara MDC and Tendai Biti from the Tsvangirai MDC. This
week we discuss the issue of the roadmap to democracy and mass action. I
start by asking Tendai Biti why, in light of the current crisis situation in
Zimbabwe the opposition has not been able to capitalise on so many
government failures?

Tendai Biti: Well, I think that firstly, you know, you must understand what
you are dealing with. And I think what you are dealing with is a very
privatised state and a very militarised state. In fact, I would argue that
the current Zimbabwean state is what I would call a national security state,
in other words, a state where, bar name only, it's really the military
running this country, and that the existence of ZANU PF, the existence of
regular elections is just a veneer and make up; mascara, to cover what is
really a securitocracy, what is really a silent military coup de tat in
respect of which the military has taken over the Zimbabwean state. And, our
problems I think have been that as civic society and as political parties,
we have been slow to really understand the fascist military junta that is in
fact ruling or misruling us. Also, I think that, yes, people might want to
see opportunities haven't been taken off but I think that it's easy to adopt
an armchair approach without understanding the true nature of the crisis in
Zimbabwe and the true nature of the militarised and privatised kleptocratic
state presided over by Robert Mugabe. And, I think that we are growing and
the language we are speaking is the language that understands certain values
that we want to see in the new Zimbabwean society. Which is why, to me, for
instance, it is key, it is key that we focus our struggle around a new
constitution. Two, it is key that we continue pursuing a non violent
democratic peaceful confrontation with this regime. There is a temptation,
and you hear this being said by many sectors, by our youth in particular,
that 'oh, people should get guns and so forth'. The minute we do that, we
are finished. So, the biggest challenge on us as political leaders or the
civic society is to remain relevant but in a peaceful, constitutional
democratic manner. I would rather have change that comes slowly that is
permanent than change that comes in a fast track manner but that is
inconsistent, that is ambiguous and that takes you twenty years back. And,
we have seen the results of botched up settlements across Africa. Look at
the history of countries like Sierra Leone, Liberia, look at the crisis in
Ethiopia and Eritrea, and as the Professor has already referred to, the
situation in Zambia which happened because, Kenya for instance, is an
excellent example, and is one of the things that in the road map we have
crafted, we have made it very clear, that, as far as we are concerned, there
must be a new constitution first by Zimbabweans before you have any general
election so that people are clear and we are all operating on the same side
of the fence; we are opposition and therefore in the constitution that we
see we are distrusting anyone. In the constitution that we want to see, none
of us has got a superior advantage to the other. Those are fundamental
values, and fundamental principles that ensure that never again should
anyone bastardise us in the manner that Robert Mugabe and ZANU PF has done
and to be fair, in the manner that Ian Smith, and his grandfather Cecil John
Rhodes did, and to me, that is critical.

Violet: We will come to the issue of the constitution later, but I still
want to talk about the road map to democracy and the issue of mass action. I
want to ask Professor Ncube the same question that I asked Tendai Biti. Or
rather, Professor Ncube, how did the opposition party miss such important
opportunities to mobilise people during or immediately after Operation
Murambatsvina and when the elections were stolen or rigged.

Professor Ncube: Well, that's of course a very important but also difficult
question. Some of us hold the view that while you are bleeding and you are
sick as an opposition, you are not in a position to take part in a race; you
cannot participate in a race, you cannot participate in a match when in fact
you are hospitalised and you are sick. And, this is what was happening, in
my view, to the MDC during the time of Operation Murambatsvina. This is a
time when you had young people abducting Provincial leaders in Harare, the
Secretary for Harare, the Chairman for Mashonaland East, and beating them
up. And, the party then turned inwards and focused on those things and at
the end of the day, lost the opportunity to be united in confronting the
regime. So, those opportunities have been lost. There are also other
external objective facts. It is a mistake to view the struggling Zimbabwe as
a short term struggle and the sooner we realise that this is a long term
struggle and we should be prepared for the long haul and therefore plan in
that context, the better for everybody. And, I therefore, do not find it
useful to speak of missed opportunities. I think we should talk about
strengthening the pro democracy movement; strengthening civil society,
finding common ground on the things which unite us and agreeing on those
things which unite us and work together and agree to disagree on those
things on which we do not agree, and then move forward in that area. I agree
with Tendai, that the obvious starting point is a new constitution. Whatever
else happens, whether you build bridges with Britain, whether you have Mkapa
whatever else you have, unless and until you find a formula, a roadmap, to
use that popularised term, to make peace with the people of Zimbabwe, so
that each of us is at peace with each other so that the government of
Zimbabwe is not at war with its people, so that ZANU PF is not at war with
the people of Zimbabwe. Unless we do that, we are not going to move forward.
And, the starting point, in my view, is the question of the new
constitution, because the constitution is fundamental. It sets out the
fundamental framework, the fundamental rules under which we are going to
structure the State, under which we are going to compete for political
office. That is where the crux of the matter is. And, in my view, it is
important for the NCA, it is important for all the components of the MDC and
other components of civil society to begin to realise that taking
fundamentalist views on the process of achieving that new constitution is
not going to take us anywhere. You can only impose your procedure, your
process, if you have won a war. If you have not, and you have all the
contending people in the ring, you need to arrive at some compromise so that
ZANU PF is in the ring, the two MDC's are in the ring, the NCA and its
constituent elements are in the ring. We say: ok, that is the ZANU way; that
is the MDC Tsvangirai road map; that is the MDC Mutambara roadmap; that is
the NCA roadmap, can we find a mean somewhere in respect of which we can
agree. After all the most important thing at the end of the day, is the
content of the constitution and how it is operated in practice, and then, of
course, the buy-in of the people through the process is also important in
this respect. But, we cannot then be slaves to the process, that unless
someone is able to impose their process we can't move on. And, that is the
view that I hold, that we need to be able to find some compromise which will
be acceptable to the pro democracy forces in the country acceptable to the
ruling party, because ZANU PF still has the supporters, whether they are
30%, 20%, they are still part of Zimbabwe, and you need a national consensus
of everybody in Zimbabwe, including those who support ZANU PF of a new
constitution because these are the ground rules under which we will then
compete for political office. They must be acceptable to everyone. Just as
much as if you were going into a soccer match, a football match; the rules
are accepted by the referee, they are accepted by FIFA, they are accepted by
the teams who are playing under that, and then you can play a game of
soccer. Politics is the same. And, the constitution constitutes those rules,
and I think there is general consensus that is the starting point. The
disagreement as I understand it, is over where do you begin, how do you
begin, who are to be the players. And, my own understanding in various
discourse over the last six years with people in ZANU PF, is that ZANU PF
has an obsession with controlling the process and controlling the outcome.
And, they need, somehow, to be persuaded that it is not in their interest to
seek to control the outcome and to control the process; but to seek to
guarantee that the outcome is one which is reflective of the generality of
opinion in Zimbabwe as a whole.

Violet: Now, Professor Ncube, you said some of these not useful to discuss
now but I disagree with this because many people say that it's important to
discuss issues of how and why the opposition missed such important
opportunities to mobilise the people, you know, during and after Operation
Murambatsvina and when the elections were rigged because the same things are
happening again. Mugabe is at his weakest right now with a collapsed economy
but the MDC is busy fighting each other. Now, my question to you is, it has
been reported that while others in the MDC wanted to mobilise the masses for
street action, there was resistance from some people, and mainly from
yourself . Is this true?

Professor Ncube: That is part of the garbage which is propagated in the
course of the dispute within the MDC. As Tendai will no doubt confirm to
you, at every meeting of the National Executive of the MDC before October
12th, at every meeting of the National Council, there was always unanimous
endorsement of the need for democratic resistance; not one dissenting voice.
What some of us later had problems with had nothing with the principle of
commitment to mass action and to democratic resistance. What we had problem
with goes back again to the thing that Tendai says he doesn't want to talk
about and disempower himself; that when the Party then decides on a course
of mass action, of democratic resistance, the responsibility then for
running with that is then reposed in a kitchen cabinet which then runs away
with that process; is not accountable to the political processes and indeed
does things in its own way, and when the ZANU PF reacts to mass action, the
targets are not these shadowy kitchen cabinet people who were never
accountable to anyone. The targets became the structures of the Party in
Mabvuku, in Bulawayo, in Harare, everywhere else. The people were then
arrested, who were tortured and who became the victims of the state
aggression around mass action were in the formal structures of the party.
Whereas, in fact, the people who were then running the show were some
shadowy people outside those formal structures. This is what some of us took
issue with. And of course, members of the kitchen cabinet will go around
saying those of us who opposed them being given a free rein to run some of
the processes of the party where then opposed to mass action, maligning our
name. But, that was never the case. We all, in all instances, were unanimous
on the need for democratic resistance, and we disagreed when this was then
reposed in the hands of unaccountable, unelected individuals. Then, those
who suffered the pain, after that, were the elected individuals in the
political structures of the MDC.

Violet: Tendai, can you comment on this?

Tendai Biti: Well, I mean I can't comment on organisational issues with
regards to what happened in the past. I can speak authoritatively with what
happened in the last action that we did which was the so-called 'Final Push'
between the 2nd and the 5th of June 2003. In my respectful opinion, I think
that the only mistake we made there was to describe that action as a 'Final
Push' which then denoted an attempt to dispose of Mugabe through street
action, which I think in my view, was never the intention. I think the
intention was to stretch the dictatorship and to increase the - (inaudible)
of the dictatorship and in that respect I think we achieved our goal. As far
as 2005 was concerned, I think that it was a lost year; I think the Party
missed a lot of opportunities and I think that we set so much momentum with
regard to the 31st March General Election. I think we campaigned so much.
Remember, we took the decision to participate as late as the 28th  January
2005, but two months down the line we had run, possibly, our best campaign
ever, we were in all places; you know, Mutoko, Gokwe , Nkayi, Tsholotsho.
Places where we had never been active even in the fantastic 2002 Elections,
even in the fantastic June 2000 Elections. Having raised the people's
momentum and people's expectations so much, I think we abused it by failing
to respond to what the people wanted on the 1st April 2005. And, again, come
Murambatsvina, there was so much anger and we did not respond and provide
leadership to that anger. So, I think that in 2005 we failed to provide to
the leadership to the huge fear or frustration that was there and I think
that, to me, that leadership was critical. And, because we failed to provide
that leadership we begin to eat into ourselves and th12th October was the
inevitable result of that. But, yes; we are entitled to learn from the past,
but I think what is critical is to re-focus on the vision, to re-focus on
the agenda again for democratic change in Zimbabwe. And, I think some of us
are re-energised, nothing has changed on the ground; as I keep on saying,
inflation is high, there are no jobs, there is no food and that is the
language that Zimbabweans want to hear being talked about. And, that is the
language that we, in the democratic trenches have to keep on talking about.

Violet: Now, Dr Madhuku, on the issue of street protests. The NCA has, in
the past, been one of the few organisations that has taken to the street,
but, it has been said that the demonstrations would have had more impact if
you work with other stakeholders in the pro-democracy movement. Now, what is
stopping you from doing that?

Dr Madhuku: Ya, we have been talking about that. First, we agree that the
demonstrations have more effect if we have more people, we work with others
but those who would want us to explain why we have not been doing that, may
not be understanding the nature of the NCA demonstrations. Demonstrations by
the NCA over the past few years; two, three years, have been designed simply
as a way of putting across our message. They have not been demonstrations
necessarily to either overthrow the government or to do spectacular things.
They have been demonstrations to put across a message and we believe those
demonstrations have succeeded to the extent that they have always kept the
message of a new constitution. As for the demonstration succeeding in
effecting pressure on this government to change and to accept what we are
demanding, I think, that what I would agree, and in fact everyone in the NCA
would agree with those who criticise our demonstrations for not being big
enough to put the kind of pressure that the people have in mind; a pressure,
which, when exerted, would make Mugabe agree and give in and say ' yes, I
see your point, I now do this' and so on. We don't even know how much
pressure that is. So, our demonstrations have succeeded on the first rung of
trying to make a message. Keep putting across our view like as an advocacy
point, and then, we obviously need to work with others. We obviously need to
ensure that these demonstrations are bigger to achieve the second rung;
which is to put the pressure, or to achieve the relevant pressure.

Violet: Tendai, are you there? Now what about this winter of discontent. You
know it was said recently we are discontented and winter is nearly over. Now
people ask, when is the MDC going to deliver on its promises that people
would rise up and show Mugabe the red card?

Tendai Biti: Well, I think that people should not have illusions as the
Prof. has said, about the process of this struggle. I think we shouldn't
have any illusions that this is not a short 100 metre sprint which you do if
you are as fast as Ben Johnson in 9.7 seconds. You know, that is not going
to happen. But, in so doing, clearly, I think there is a duty of care on the
democratic forces to confront this regime democratically and peacefully and
I think we have made a commitment to that. But, having made a commitment to
that democratic resistance, we are not going to be rushed into doing things
when we are not ready. I think, at the present moment, we are busy trying to
institutionally rehabilitate the Party, institutionally rehabilitate
relations that were dented and assaulted following the 12th October 2005
happenings, and it's very important to refocus and bring back the morale
back in the democratic movement. So, we will not allow anyone, ZANU PF or
otherwise, to set the pace for us. I think the democratic movement, and the
people of Zimbabwe must set the pace of all the processes that they are
going to engage in and all the processes to which they are shareholders.

Violet: And, still on the MDC roadmap. Is non-violence a principle or a
tactic?

Tendai Biti: Well, I think if you have read the roadmap, if you are talking
about the document per se, it's quite clear. There's a section there which
is labelled 'How do we get there', and we make the point that, should this
regime not accept the roadmap, we are entitled to engage in peaceful,
constitutional, non-violent, democratic discourse or confrontation with the
regime in order to persuade it to adopt a paradigm shift that accepts the
reality that Zimbabweans want change, that there has to be a dialogue on the
process of arriving at a new constitution, and, that there has to be a
constitution written by Zimbabweans and for Zimbabweans and eventually, that
there has to be free and fair elections in terms of that constitution. And,
what we offer in that roadmap imposition of our views, we don't have a right
to do that. But, what we simply say there; and to us there are two or three
principles that to us are inviolable... The first is the need to agree on
the process of writing the constitution. The second thing, which we think is
not negotiable, is the need and obligation for Zimbabweans to write a
constitution for themselves and by themselves; which constitution has to be
subjected to a referendum. The third thing, which to us is not negotiable,
is the obligation to resolve the issue of legitimacy once and for all by
having free and fair elections in terms of that particular constitution that
would have been written by Zimbabweans and accepted by Zimbabweans at a road
map. In our roadmap we suggest the issue of a constitutional conference.
That's just a suggestion. Some might say 'no, look, let's go the South
African CODESA route and have elections to elect people into the
constitutional assembly'. I am not against that. That's for Zimbabweans to
define. Some might say 'let's go the Kenyan route', some might say 'let's go
the Ugandan route'. To us, those are matters of detail. What is not
negotiable is the need to have a new constitution and a new constitution
before elections so that you avoid the chaos that for instance, Kenya finds
itself in. And, we are quite clear in what we are trying to achieve in that
particular roadmap.

Violet: And, Dr Madhuku, so much has happened and has been destroyed in
Zimbabwe. In the event of a new Zimbabwe, you know, the post-crisis period,
what specifically can be done to rebuild the social fabric and the economy?

Dr Madhuku: Well, I think that first and foremost, you really need a
legitimate government. Once you have a legitimate government in place it
must engage all Zimbabweans or stakeholders in defining our priorities
there, re-building our economy; which is primary so you can get jobs, you
can get the clinics working again and so forth. So, what is required in my
view, I mean I haven't focused on the nitty-gritty's; if you get a
legitimate government that has the interest of Zimbabweans at heart, that
will be able to then engage all of us in building a new society.

Violet: That was Part Five of a series of discussions with the principle
architects of the opposition. Join us next Tuesday for the final discussion
officials give us their thoughts on the reported appointment of former
Tanzanian President, Benjamin Mkapa.

SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Zimbabweans suffer cash chaos

BBC

      Zimbabweans are facing chaos and confusion as they try to deposit and
spend their cash before it becomes worthless on 21 August.

      The central bank decided to lop three zeros off Zimbabwean banknotes
in an attempt to help people deal with spiralling inflation which stands at
more than 1,000%.

      But last week's surprise devaluation has led to a bureaucratic
nightmare for businesses and consumers.

      "There's not enough cash. You deposit your old money in the bank and
then you go to an ATM (cash-machine) and it gives you old notes too. I've
only seen two bills of new currency," an accountant in Harare told the BBC
News website.

      Supermarkets are labelling prices with the new values, but are
accepting and mainly dealing with the old currency.

      "This is causing a great deal of confusion about the new values. The
first day they knocked the three noughts off people went into the
supermarket near where I work and were going crazy buying everything," she
said.

      "Then of course they got to the till and they didn't have enough
money."

      Confiscated

      The move is an attempt by central bank governor Gideon Gono to crack
down on those believed to be profiteering on the black market.

      Only Z$100m ($400) in old money can be deposited in a bank each week
without any questions being asked.

      Anyone attempting a larger transaction is subject to an investigation
and is liable to have the money confiscated if it is found to be have been
acquired illegally.

      There are also road blocks across the country as police try to catch
those with large amounts of old notes.

      "I was stopped at a road block just outside Harare near Norton over
the weekend," a business manager told the BBC.

      "I was carrying Z$60m ($240) of the old currency for wages; I had to
show the wage slips before the police would let me pass."

      Another Harare resident said her car was searched thoroughly by the
same policeman when she passed through a roadblock twice on one day.

      "I even had to open the bonnet and he stuck his gloved hand through
all the gaps in the engine to make sure there wasn't cash there," she said.

      Spending spree

      A 27-year-old artist admitted that the move has forced her to open her
first bank account this week.

      "I couldn't see the point of it [a bank account] before. I kept my
money under my pillow because by the time you bank it you can't use it
because it loses so much value."

      Although, unlike some, she said she is not worried about losing her
savings.

      "I keep an excess in US dollars so that if anything happens I know at
least I'll have some money," she said.

      But other Zimbabweans with larger wallets have gone on massive
spending sprees to dispose of their old banknotes.

      "There's a kitchen shop which has sold all its washing machines - all
gone, all sold and I saw a woman going in to buy all the double-door
fridges," said an office worker, who had just been shopping in a wealthy
northern suburb of the capital.

      Cheque errors

      The cash shortage is also leading to a fuel shortage - as petrol can
only be purchased in cash, she said. But like most people she believes these
are just teething problems.

      "It's going to be better carrying less notes - you see people carrying
money in boxes. So the idea is good, but there has not been enough time to
plan the transfer," she said.

      At her office, statements are checked daily for mistakes as banks have
different rules and regulations.

      Cheques accepted after 1 August are supposed to be made out in the new
currency with "revalued" written on them; but bank staff often make errors
as computer systems have yet to be transferred to the new values.

      But many Zimbabweans do not have the luxury of earning Z$69m ($275) a
month - the amount of old currency needed to keep above the poverty line.

      "People don't have much to spend any more not because of the new
currency - just generally. It's terrible," a bottle store manager about 25km
north of Harare told the BBC.

      The business manager, meanwhile, said many of his workers, although
confused about the exact value of the new notes - there is even a one cent
bill - have welcomed the devaluation as they feel it will tackle corruption.

      But he said as he drove past Mr Gono's farm near Norton (40km east of
Harare) on Saturday, it was on fire.

      "The whole place was burning. Lots of the big chefs are angry, really
angry, because they're having their little apple carts turned upside down."

No going back

The government has now been given the go-ahead to forcibly send Zimbabwean
asylum seekers back home. One refugee, who fled when militia threatened to
kill him, tells Alison Benjamin of his fight to stay in the UK

Wednesday August 9, 2006
The Guardian

At the beginning of the summer, Thomas, 24, looks happy and relaxed - very
different from the gaunt, angst-ridden young man who had responded to my
request in spring last year to write an article about living underground in
this country after his asylum application failed. He feared for his life if
he was sent back to Zimbabwe, where he claimed that Robert Mugabe's youth
militia, the Green Bombers, had threatened to kill him.
By Thomas's side now is a young woman, and round his neck he wears a gold
chain - a present from his adoring companion. They met six months earlier
and he is living with Tanya and her four small children in a village in East
Anglia. But it has been a long, hard journey surviving as a persona non
grata in Britain. And it is not over yet.

After his final appeal for asylum was turned down back in November 2004,
Thomas lived from pillar to post in Manchester; on friends' floors and in a
disused factory with other failed asylum seekers. Last summer he spent a few
months sleeping on a camp bed in a friend's shared flat.

Every morning he folded away his bed and walked to a local cafe, where he
volunteered his services in return for lunch. One night, on his way home,
five white youths set on him. They kicked him to the ground, stole the
mobile phone a friend had given him, and left him with bruised ribs and a
swollen eye. But he wouldn't go to the police. "I was terrified that they
would send me back to Zimbabwe," he explains.

Shaken by the attack, he accepted an invitation to stay with friends in
Glasgow. They sent him a train ticket. During his two-month visit, a
recurring health problem flared up and he was rushed to hospital. "One night
I started coughing up blood from my nose and mouth," he recalls. "It was
lots of blood and my fellow Zimbabweans didn't know what to do. We were all
frightened about going to hospital because of our status. They knocked on
the door of a British neighbour. She took me to hospital. I was on a drip
for five days. I was too scared to tell the doctors about my kidney stones
in case they wanted to know who was my GP. I don't have one, so I gave a
false name. After I was discharged, they asked me to come in for a check-up,
but I didn't."

Racist jokes

Back in Manchester in October, with nowhere to stay, Thomas spent the night
huddled under his jacket in the National Express bus station. The following
day he turned to Refugee Action - the charity which had helped him with his
asylum case. Since no hostels in Manchester take people who, like Thomas,
are not eligible for state funding, they had no choice but to send him to a
homeless hostel in Liverpool. "It was full of drug addicts," says Thomas.
"There was a massive room with lots of beds. Five o'clock, they gave me
dinner, and six o'clock you had to be in bed. I was scared of the other
residents. They made racist jokes. I couldn't sleep all night. The next
morning I took the first bus straight back to Manchester."

He spent his second night in the bus station before another friend agreed to
put him up.

At this time, the Asylum and Immigration Tribunal judged that it was unsafe
for the government to deport failed asylum seekers to Zimbabwe and that
refugee status should be given to anyone from the country. "If I'd had any
money, I would have made a big party," says Thomas.

As a result of the ruling, Thomas was able to reapply for asylum. While
waiting for his new case to be heard - which could take months, or even
years - he was also entitled to claim Section 4 (a limited form of
government support for asylum seekers in Thomas's position) for food
vouchers and accommodation. But this claim was turned down. His case worker
at Refugee Action appealed against the decision, and Thomas was invited to
attend an appeal hearing in London.

"At the hearing, a National Asylum Support Service (Nass) solicitor argued
that I couldn't be destitute because I had been living here for a year,"
Thomas recalls. "I showed the adjudicator letters from charities that had
fed me because I was homeless, and the article that I had written for the
Guardian. I could see tears in her eyes."

He won the appeal and returned to Manchester ready to move into a Section 4
funded hostel and to receive food vouchers, instead of having to rely on
handouts from friends and charity, but it was another two months before
anything arrived.

Three days before Christmas, he was finally given a room in a Nass hostel.
But his problems didn't end there. "It was a proper shit hole," he
remembers, his language now peppered with the Mancunian vernacular. "My
bedroom floor was covered in water, the kitchen ceiling leaked, there was
mould growing everywhere, and I didn't have a lock on my door. One day I
came back and the few clothes I had were gone; another day cornflakes had
been poured on to my bed."

Conditions were so bad that he ended up house sitting for a friend over the
Christmas holidays. "His flat was freezing but at least it was dry," says
Thomas.

As for the £35 food vouchers, he received the first ones on Christmas Eve,
when the only supermarkets that accepted them were closed. "I spent
Christmas Day ill with hunger," he says. "I even went to the police station
in desperation to see if they had any food, but they said they didn't have
any." He wasn't able to eat until the shops reopened two days later. The new
year, however, started more promisingly. With his case worker's help, Thomas
was transferred to a better maintained Nass hostel. He then heard some
amazing news: his sister was living in the Midlands. He had last seen her
three years ago, before fleeing Zimbabwe. "I couldn't believe it," he says.
"She had left the same night as myself after the Green Bombers had beaten me
up in front of my family for deserting them. None of the family had heard
from her. We thought she was somewhere in South Africa."

A refugee charity organised a reunion. He remembered Sonia as a big woman.
Now aged 43, she was tiny. She, too, was a failed asylum seeker. She was
living with her boyfriend. "We hated each other when I was growing up,"
Thomas laughs. "I was an impulsive, noisy teenager and she was a very
religious woman who didn't drink and went to church. But now I just wanted
to be with her. She is the only family I have here."

He has another two sisters and one brother in South Africa, another brother
still in Zimbabwe, and one brother who died last year. His mother, whose
house was destroyed by Mugabe's so-called slum clearance programme, is also
now living in South Africa with Sonia's two children.

Thomas stayed with Sonia for a month. During his visit, Tanya, 26, became a
regular visitor to his sister's house. She had met Thomas through a mutual
friend and they clicked immediately, sharing a similar sense of humour and
sunny disposition. As his new hostel did not allow overnight guests, she
invited Thomas to move in with her and her four young children.

With Tanya at work all day, Thomas quickly became a house husband. It was a
role he clearly enjoyed. "It's the happiest I have ever been," he beams,
clutching Tanya's hand.

The young couple are openly affectionate. They are engaged and plan to
marry, but say they don't want to tie the knot until Thomas has his refugee
status. "I don't want anyone to think we are getting married so I can stay
here," he insists. "She's been there for me, more than anyone else in my
life. She took me in when I had fuck all."

A few weeks after our meeting, Tanya went to South Africa with her eldest
daughter to meet Thomas's family. They took her over the border to show her
where Thomas grew up and from what he has fled. She says the trip has helped
her to understand what he has been through.

Prohibited from working

Back in England, Tanya lost her job. Thomas is desperate to find employment
so he can financially support his new family, but asylum seekers are
prohibited from working. Despite Tanya hiring the services of a
Birmingham-based solicitor in March - at a cost of £585 - five months on
there is still no word from the Home Office about his new asylum case.

The uncertainty is making him nervous and edgy again. "It's the not knowing
what is going on that is stressful," he says over the phone. As a result,
they are aware that their fragile happiness could be shattered at any
moment.

In April, the government successfully challenged the ruling that prevented
it sending failed asylum seekers back to Zimbabwe. Last week, the challenge
was upheld, giving the government the green light to forcibly remove up to
7,000 people. This is despite warnings from refugee organisations that a lot
of asylum seekers are still at real risk if sent back.

"The British government has itself repeatedly condemned the human rights
abuses of the Mugabe administration," says Sandy Buchan, chief executive of
Refugee Action. "The lack of monitoring of asylum seekers on return means
their safety cannot be assured."

Asked what happens if the Home Office refuses to reopen his case and does
resume its policy of returning failed asylum seekers to Zimbabwe, Thomas
says: "It's harder now. I have a family here, but I'll have to go
underground again. No way am I going back." And Tanya? Without hesitation,
she replies: "I'll go wherever he is."

· Thomas, Tanya, and Sonia's names have been changed. Thomas's original
article, and more on asylum seekers, at SocietyGuardian.co.uk/asylumseekers

Power Imports Hopes Dashed

The Herald (Harare)

August 9, 2006
Posted to the web August 9, 2006

Harare

EIGHT more transmission towers belonging to Snel, the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC) electricity generating company, have been vandalised, dashing
Zimbabwe's hopes of a quick resumption of electricity imports from the vast
central African country.

Zesa Holdings imports 100 megawatts from DRC on contract basis, which it
uses during peak periods to minimise load shedding.

Zimbabwe also imports electricity from neighbouring South Africa, Zambia and
Mozambique, bringing total imports to 35 percent.

Power supplies from Snel were interrupted two weeks ago following the
vandalisation of three transmission towers. Engineer Edward Rugoyi, managing
director of the Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission Company (Zetco), a
subsidiary of Zesa Holdings, confirmed that the local power utility would be
cut from the DRC until the transmission towers were fixed.

"Things are not looking good yet," he said during an interview on Monday.
"Snel informed us last week that eight more transmission towers had been
vandalised while they were in the process of repairing the other three that
had been vandalised before."

He said the impact was being felt during peak periods when electricity from
DRC was used to augment power supplies from local and external sources.

Eng Rugoyi was not in a position to say when the supplies would be restored.

The Zetco boss dismissed speculation that DRC was no longer interested in
supplying Zimbabwe with electricity, saying discussions were currently
underway to extend the the prepaid contract.

FEWS Zimbabwe Food Security Update Jul 2006

Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET)
Date: 24 Jul 2006
- Wide disparities in local cereal availability

Summary and implications
The national availability outlook for staple cereals (maize, millets and
sorghum) for the 2006/07 marketing year indicates greatly improved
availability compared to last year. The key determinants of household food
security will be sub-national grain availability, market grain flows, and
the ability of urban households and those cereal producing households with
deficits to purchase sufficient food on local markets. The wheat production
forecast for 2006 is 13 percent higher than last year's production, but will
only cover about 34 percent of national requirements. The Zimbabwe
Vulnerability Assessment Committee (ZimVac) 2006 rural food security and
vulnerability assessment, whose results are likely to be released in early
August 2006, will give some indications of the size and geographic spread of
the food insecurity problem for Zimbabwe's rural population in the 2006/07
marketing year. ZimVac has plans to conduct at least two food security
monitoring assessments, before the onset (around October 2006) and at the
peak (February 2007) of the hunger period.

Current hazard summary
- High annual inflation - measured in June 2006 at 1,184.6 percent - further
eroding purchasing power.
- Projected cereal deficit of about 22% for the 2006/07 marketing year,
which is concentrated in the southern districts as well as the western and
eastern margins of the country.

Zimbabwean, Chinese companies partner to mine chrome in Zimbabwe

Angola Press

Harare, Zimbabwe, 08/09 - A Zimbabwean firm and a Chinese company said
Monday they had teamed up to invest more than US$40 million in a chrome
mining venture in Zimbabwe`s central mineral-rich region.

Dande Capital Holdings (DCH) said it had secured financial support from the
China National Construction and Agricultural Machinery Import and Export
group for the chrome venture, that could net about US$65 million in annual
exports.

DCH chief executive, Evison Masanjeya said about three billion Zimbabwean
dollars had been injected into the project, and the Chinese partners would
provide US$18 million in fresh capital, mainly in the form of equipment.
(250 Zim dollars=1USD).

"We expect to earn US$65 million per annum from this venture if everything
goes according to plan. This deal has so many advantages in that it is
highly negotiable and we are assured of selling our chrome at international
market prices," Masanjeya said.

According to him, the venture will produce 25,000 tonnes of chrome, up from
6,000 tonnes it is producing at the moment.

Zimbabwe, which is reported to have the largest reserves of chrome in the
world, is currently a major supplier of the mineral.

Masanjera said the Chinese partners were also looking into building a
smelter near Zimbabwe`s central city of KweKwe.

Zimbabwe Justice Minister's Trial Finally Under Way

VOA

      By Tendai Maphosa
      Harare
      09 August 2006

The trial of Zimbabwe's justice minister for attempting to obstruct the
course of justice finally got under way after a retired magistrate was
appointed to preside over the case. Serving magistrates in the province the
offense is alleged to have occurred had refused to try the minister citing
intimidation.

Justice minister Patrick Chinamasa appeared before retired magistrate
Phineas Chipopoteke in Rusape in the Manicaland province. Chinamasa faces
charges of trying to persuade the victim of intra party violence to withdraw
charges of assault against a fellow ruling Zanu - PF party member.

The trial failed to start last week when the chief magistrate of the
province said no magistrate in the province was prepared to hear the case.
They cited intimidation by the state security minister Didymus Mutasa. The
magistrates said Mutasa had accused court officials of being members of the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change.

The charges against Chinamasa stem from violence in a constituency in the
province when the complainant, James Kaunye, challenged Mutasa to be the
party's candidate for member of parliament in 2004. A gang of fellow party
members assaulted Kaunye allegedly on Mutasa's orders. Mutasa was cleared of
wrongdoing but some of the assailants were convicted.

According to the state controlled daily The Herald, Kaunye told the court
that Chinamasa had tried to bribe him into withdrawing the charges against
the alleged leader of the assailants, as it would tarnish Mutasa's image.
Chinamasa allegedly offered to facilitate the complainant's acquisition of a
farm and to assist him in an attempted murder case he was facing. Chinamsa
denies all charges saying he approached the complainant to hear his side of
the story.

The Law Society of Zimbabwe called the refusal of the magistrates to try the
minister disturbing. The society's president Joseph James says the incident
further underscores the need for the judiciary to be completely independent
of the executive. He said the magistrates were being asked to try Chinamasa
who happens to be their boss, adding that the matter brings the
administration of justice in Zimbabwe into question.

Chinamasa trial abruptly halted by power cut

New Zimbabwe

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 08/10/2006 03:22:07
THE trial of Zimbabwe's Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa was abruptly
halted Wednesday after a massive power outage swept through the small town
of Rusape where the trial is being held.

Chinamasa is facing charges of attempting to obstruct the course.

The power cut came as Chinamasa's accuser James Kaunye was grilled by
defence lawyers during cross examination.

Kaunye accuses Chinamasa of trying to bribe him so that he could drop his
complaint against Albert Nyakuedzwa, the campaign manager of State Security
Minister Didymus Mutasa, now serving three years in jail for brutally
assaulting him.

Retired magistrate, Phenias Chipopoteke, adjourned proceedings at noon to
2.15 pm but the power had not been restored, forcing him to further postpone
the trial to next Thursday.

Chipopoteke took over the case after magistrates in Rusape refused to
preside over the trial, accusing Mutasa of intimidating them.

The demand for electricity in Zimbabwe often outstrips supply due to a host
of problems, including foreign currency shortages. The Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply Authority (Zesa) has resorted to load shedding for long periods
across the country.

On Tuesday, Chinamasa denied offering Kaunye bribes, describing the
allegations as "false, baseless and malicious".

Kaunye told the court that the minister called on him at his Yorkshire Farm
in Headlands and offered him bribes so that he could drop his complaint
against 23 of Mutasa's supporters who had earlier attacked and left him for
dead.

Kaunye, who was challenging Mutasa for the Makoni North constituency in Zanu
PF primary elections, was due to testify in Nyakuedzwa's trial when
Chinamasa allegedly approached him and offered:

. to help him start a cattle ranching project.

. to ensure that his path was cleared for him to run for a senate post.

. to influence the DDF to build a dam at his Yorkshire Farm.

. to facilitate the withdrawal of attempted murder charges he was facing.

. to assist him get an offer letter for Precinct Farm which he wanted.

Chinamasa, Kaunye told the court, stressed that if he went on and testified
against Nyakuedzwa and the Zanu PF supporters, that would "tarnish" the
image of the party, Mutasa and that of President Robert Mugabe.

Kaunye said: "He further explained that United Nations Secretary General
Kofi Annan was expected to visit the country and when he comes, the
publicity would be focused on Minister Mutasa and this meant that the party
and the President would be blamed for appointing people like that."

In his defence, Chinamasa rejected having made any of the offers cited by
Kaunye, insisting that he only went to his farm on December 18 last year to
express his concerns about violence in Makoni District and "establish the
cause of the disturbances."

Chinamasa said he held a lengthy meeting with Kaunye, during which he
offered to set up a meeting between him and Mutasa to sort out the dispute
over the party candidate. During the discussion, Chinamasa said, Kaunye
described Mutasa as a "very bad man".

Chinamasa said: "To James Kaunye, therefore, Minister Mutasa was bent on
making him suffer and so Kaunye had to fight back. Kaunye seems to harbour
hatred against all people whom he perceives as Minister Mutasa's allies or
associates and he will try to destroy them.

"In me, Kaunye sees an extension of Minister Mutasa and it is not difficult
to see his motive for lying against me."

Entrenched Corruption And The Challenge To Democratic Accountability

Freedom House

Extract from

Countries at the Crossroads 2006

by Sanja Tatic and Christopher Walker

The increase in the number of electoral democracies, the spread of
democratic ideals, and the proliferation of human rights values over the
last three decades have generated domestic and international pressure for
reform on autocratic states, one-party dictatorships, and monarchies.
Emerging democracies are similarly scrutinized as to whether their newly
formed democratic institutions are sustainable. While a wide range of states
now face growing pressure to make crucial choices about liberalization and
reform, world leaders, foreign assistance providers, and the international
business community are eager to have at their disposal effective tools for
monitoring and measuring political development among countries standing at
the crossroads of democratic governance.

Countries at the Crossroads provides detailed written analysis and
comparative statistics on two sets of 30 states at this very
juncturetypically middle-performing countries that qualify neither as
failed states nor as clear beacons of democracy. The countries evaluated
represent a range of governments: traditional or constitutional monarchies;
one-party states or outright dictatorships; states where reforms have
stalled or lagged behind; and states that suffer from insurgencies. Every
other year each edition evaluates 30 countries; over a two-year time period
a report is issued on each of the 60 countries identified for analysis.

In this way, Crossroads covers an extensive set of countries while offering
readers useful time series data as well as comprehensive narrative
evaluation of the progress and backsliding underway in the countries
covered. The survey examines four main aspects of governance: public voice
and accountability, civil rights, the rule of law, and anticorruption and
transparency. The 2006 edition marks the third year of the survey and thus
allows for drawing clear conclusions regarding some of the evaluated
countries' progress toward democratic norms and others' growing
authoritarian tendencies since 2004.

As illustrated in so many of the narratives in this edition, entrenched
corruption stands out as a major obstacle to reform in transitional
countries. In 2006, as was the case in 2004, Anticorruption and Transparency
saw the weakest performance of the four main areas evaluated, averaging a
score of 2.71 (on a scale of 0-7, with 7 being strongest), more than a full
point lower than the strongest overall category, Civil Liberties. Across
country types and geographical regions, none of the 30 evaluated countries
has ever scored above a 4.0 on the anticorruption measure.

The crumbling of authoritarian regimes in the midst of popular protests in
Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Ukraine was in no small part spurred by public
frustration with corrupt governance. Although these countries still confront
profound challenges, particularly in the spheres of anticorruption reform
and the rule of law--common to many post-transition countries--the political
changes represent a significant development in the two-year period since
this set of countries was last examined.

Not all countries covered in the survey have demonstrated an improvement.
Most countries have maintained the status quo while others, such as
Zimbabwe, Nepal, and Nigeria, showed a decline as a result of the growing
authoritarian tendencies of their leaders. Arguably, the case of Nepal has
been the most extreme:  "King Gyanendra has suspended Nepal's entire
democracy, dismissed parliament, and appointed a hand-picked prime minister
and cabinet. The rule of law has been subverted through the creation of a
number of extrajudicial bodies, and human rights have been profoundly
compromised."

The survey presented a number of other significant findings:

  a.. Respect for the rule of law has dramatically declined across the
survey since 2004, with decreased scores in nearly half of the countries
examined.
  b.. Torture in police custody remains the most pressing human rights
problem in more than half of the countries examined.
  c.. Countries that have achieved particular improvement in the past two
years include Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Morocco and Ukraine. Those that have
declined the most are Nepal, Zimbabwe and Nigeria.
  d.. In nearly two-thirds of the reports, experts' recommendations
emphasize a need to balance the political playing field, especially in the
context of election campaigns, where incumbents often dominate and prevent
the press from providing useful information to the public.

Entrenched Corruption Poses Enormous Challenge to Reform

Crossroads' Anticorruption and Transparency section analyzes a government's
performance in fighting corruption by evaluating the existence of laws and
standards to prevent and combat corrupt practices, the enforcement of such
measures, and overall governmental transparency. Scores in this category are
remarkably low across regions and country typologies. Even in those
countries with relatively sound performance in accountability and public
voice, such as South Africa and Kenya, the scores for corruption remain low.

Crossroads analysts and regional specialists found Zimbabwe, Azerbaijan,
Yemen, Kazakhstan, and Bahrain to be the five weakest performers in this
category among the 30 countries evaluated in this year's edition. In these
countries, powerholders effectively maintain an institutional chokehold on
the state, maximizing private benefits while assigning a secondary role to
the public interest. Zimbabwe was the worst performer in this category. The
report observes that "the primary interest of the Mugabe government is to
retain power through a system of patronage that includes access to both
state and private assets. The ruling ZANU-PF party owns a wide range of
businesses, allowing party elites to profit personally."

In another example, in Kazakhstan, where President Nursultan Nazarbayev has
ruled for a decade and a half, the report finds that "the government of
Kazakhstan is unlikely to take decisive steps to eliminate corruption as
long as Nursultan Nazarbayev remains president of the country& It is hard to
imagine that he will support a complete overhaul of the existing system,
which has brought significant wealth to his family."

Even in the states that have recently experienced transition, where a new
generation of leaders took power amid tremendous public enthusiasm, with
strong mandates to stamp out corruption, meaningful anticorruption reform
remains elusive. The Ukraine report, for example, finds that the
breakthrough in the exposure of corruption on a grand scale following the
Orange Revolution "was not accompanied by a change in the structural
incentives for politicians and civil servants to blur the line between
private and public interests."

The issue of corruption is particularly pernicious in countries where
citizens are dependent on the government for their most fundamental needs.
In such settings, entrenched corrupt networks feed on weak and insular state
institutions that were designed to deliver political goods to the public.
Absent sufficiently strong countervailing institutions, even new governments
principally dedicated to reform are often unable to unshackle themselves
from the narrow, private interests that subsume the public interest. In
Yemen, for example, "a culture of bribery permeates the state apparatus
including hospitals, schools, and universities." Bribes are necessary for
such basic activities as obtaining hospital treatment, and those who raise
objections publicly often face criticism or even worse.

In any democracy, the news media is a vital institution with the
responsibility to report on government activities, increase transparency,
help ensure government integrity, and serve the public interest. However,
Crossroads' Accountability and Public Voice measures suggest that media
itself is often subject to influence by powerful political and economic
interests that leads to self-censorship and a muzzling of the sort of
reporting that would ameliorate corrupt practices.

Journalists and editors are frequently co-opted by officials and business
interests. Moreover, reporters who expose government corruption or are
particularly critical of regime practices are often subject to arbitrary
arrest or threats or acts of violence. In Armenia, for example, at least
four journalists were severely beaten by special police while covering the
brutal break-up of an antigovernment demonstration in Yerevan in 2004. The
fear of such retribution leads to poor government transparency, allows
corruption to remain ingrained, and serves to prevent any meaningful
discussion of issues that could lead to policy reform.

The governments, for their partwhether long-standing procedural
democracies, countries newly in transition, or autocratic statesoften list
rooting out corruption as their top priority. Many have waged aggressive
anticorruption campaigns throughout the two years under study, including
passing important anticorruption legislation and some high-profile arrests,
often cited as evidence of their progress. Yet none of the 30 countries have
reduced corruption to levels where it no longer presents a serious obstacle
to sustained economic growth and further political development. In fact,
between 2004 and 2006, anticorruption and transparency scores have declined
in nearly one-third of all countries surveyed.

Sub-Saharan Africa

The countries of sub-Saharan Africa were the second-best performing regional
group. South Africa was the strongest overall within this region. As a
region, Africa underwent the greatest decline on issues under the indicator
measuring "Protection Against State Terror, Imprisonment, and Torture."
Zimbabwe, the worst-performing country in the region, has suffered a
considerable decline in performance since the last review, dropping nearly
four full points in the aggregate. President Robert Mugabe has dragged
Zimbabwe into a political, social, and economic morass. ZANU-PF economic
policies have transformed one of Africa's most diversified economic sectors
into a pre-industrial, peasant-based economy. Mugabe's manipulation of food
shortages has generated untold misery in his country. Some 75 percent of
Zimbabweans now live in poverty; the country is facing a crisis of major
proportions, one created by Zimbabwe's leadership. Violence and intimidation
have been used to control what remains of a free press and to convert the
country's once highly respected and independent judiciary into a reliable
instrument for implementation of the president's policies. As a result of
its increasingly brutal and anti-democratic rule, Robert Mugabe's regime's
precipitous descent into the ranks of the world's most repressive systems
was reflected in the survey findings: Of all 30 countries examined, Zimbabwe
received the poorest scores in three of the four main categories.

Expert Recommendations

Countries at the Crossroads includes recommendations that highlight
priorities for government action in the four thematic categories in each
country. Analysts are encouraged to focus on issues that need to be
addressed most urgently in devising their recommendations. Therefore,
variation from one set of recommendations to the next is considerable.

However, several recommendations stand out. In nearly two-thirds of the
reports, experts emphasize the need for balancing the media playing field,
especially in the context of election campaigns, when incumbents often
dominate and prevent the press from playing a meaningful role in providing
information to the public. Moreover, the authors of these reports recommend
that media freedom should be increased, whether through less restrictive
laws or practices, less government interference, or better protections for
journalists who cover controversial issues.

The second most frequently recurring recommendation is for efforts to combat
torture. In particular, experts cited the need for improving police training
and professionalism. Of the 30 reports, 13 call for measures to improve
police reform and encourage better training. The countries for which this
recommendation was highlighted were Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Georgia, Morocco, Bahrain, Jordan, Uganda, Venezuela, Guatemala,
Cambodia, and Indonesia.

Moreover, along with the most recurrent recommendations are also calls for
more effective enforcement of financial disclosure laws that prevent
conflicts of interest among public officials. Most countries have these laws
on the books; however, in many cases the agencies in charge of enforcing the
regulations are either too weak or lack independence to prosecute
individuals who breach them.

The 2006 edition of Countries at the Crossroads also revisits the
recommendations first made in 2004 for these countries (these
recommendations and their updates can be found in the Appendix). In far too
many cases, little or no action has been taken on these critical reform
priorities, suggesting that governments have not devoted sufficient
attention and political will to these issues.

Conclusion: Democracy's Fragility and Resilience

The global trends toward democratization paint a promising picture of the
world. However, sound institutions and democratic governance do not develop
overnight. With good governance increasingly being acknowledged as one of
the key factors in encouraging growth, a reality that has been recognized by
the Millennium Challenge Account among others, it is important that policy
makers remain focused on the basic elements that constitute accountable and
responsive governance. The evaluation of the states examined in Countries at
the Crossroads is designed to enhance understanding of the progress that
states should make if they are to achieve transparent and accountable
governance. By focusing on state performance, Crossroads puts primary
responsibility for the protection of basic rights and good governance on
governments.

These countries at the crossroads are by definition neither optimal nor
irredeemably poor performers. They are countries whose leadership can make
policy choices to ensure basic human rights and to enable these states to
join the community of stable, free, and democratic nations. And they should
be encouraged to do so.

Sanja Tatic and Christopher Walker are co-editors of Countries at the
Crossroads.

Sikhala, Chimbaira held over Chitungwiza protests

New Zimbabwe

By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 08/09/2006 21:41:59
ZIMBABWEAN police were holding two opposition legislators late Tuesday
following protests over high water tariffs in Chitungwiza.

St Mary's MP Job Sikhala and Goodrich Chimbaira, MP for Zengeza, were
arrested in St Mary's after voluntarily attending a police station with
their lawyer, Edmore Jori.

Police had been looking for the two MPs following riots against increased
water charges in Chitungwiza on Monday which saw 22 people arrested.

Public demonstrations are not allowed in Zimbabwe without police approval.

In a statement released Wednesday, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
said its national secretary for security and defence in the youth assembly,
Costa Chipadze, had also been arrested with the two MPs.

The men are likely to face charges under the Public Order and Security Act
(Posa) for organising "illegal" demonstrations.

The MDC said: "The party is disappointed that the police force is being used
by the government to muzzle the democratic voices of the people against
corrupt tendencies some of which are rampant and evident everywhere in the
country.

"Why the police feel it incumbent upon themselves to deny the residents the
right to express their disquiet over phenomenal charges that are not
commensurate with an efficient service delivery system from the council,
boggles the mind.

"It is surprising that while the police continue to make arrests, denying
residents their right to express themselves against a corrupt Chitungwiza
council, today's Herald newspaper has reported that the council has lost $24
billion through corruption.

"This clearly vindicates the position taken by the residents. We condemn the
wanton and arbitrary arrests by the police especially under circumstance
where it is evident that the residents have genuine grievances."

Mujuru's presence at SA Women's Day criticised as a dishonour

      By Tererai Karimakwenda
      09 August 2006

      South Africans on Wednesday celebrated the contribution made by women
to the building of their nation. The event had a particular focus on the
thousands of women who descended on the Union Buildings in Pretoria in 1956
to demonstrate peacefully against the law which restricted where non-white
people could live, work and travel. By all accounts the celebrations were
inspirational, but Zimbabwean women who attended a ceremony in Johannesburg
say the joyous occasion was ruined for them when Zimbabwe's Vice President
Joyce Mujuru was announced as a special guest.

      Elinor Sisulu of the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition South Africa told us
she was so shocked Mujuru was honoured this way that it spoiled the spirit
of the day and she left. The Reverend Dr. Martine Stemerick
      attended the ceremony as well and she too was angered by Mujuru's
attendance. She said: "Mujuru should have been the guest of dishonour."

      Sisulu explained that Mujuru is a woman who represents the Zimbabwean
government which destroyed the homes and businesses of thousands of people
and sent them to the rural areas with nothing. She said this was exactly
what the South African women were being honoured for fighting against in
1956 and Mujuru should not have been invited. Sisulu was referring to the
government's Operation Murambatsvina which displaced nearly a million people
last year. Most were dumped in rural areas without food or shelter. Mujuru
did not make a speech but Sisulu said she would have booed the vice
president if she had spoken and many South African women would have joined
her.

      Sisulu said it was inspiring to see young fathers at the ceremony in
South Africa pushing baby strollers while the women marched. She felt the
occasion represented the ambitions and hopes of those women who marched
fifty years ago. She then paid a special tribute to the members of Women Of
Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) saying their spirit is the same as the South African
women. Sisulu added that she is amazed at the courage of the WOZA women and
has a deep respect for the peaceful ways in which they protest injustice in
Zimbabwe.

      Dr. Stemerick told us as they marched in South Africa Wednesday
morning they remembered the late Sheba Dube who co-founded WOZA along with
Jenni Williams. She said Sheba once brought a number of very poor women to
meet Elinor (Sisulu) and to speak to the Crisis Coalition about the
conditions of women without a voice, particularly women in the rural areas.
She said the WOZA women should have been the special guests, not Joyce
Mujuru. The WOZA slogan "Strike a woman, you strike a rock" was adopted from
the slogan of the South African women who were celebrated Wednesday.

      SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news

Intern Doctors' Certificates Withheld Over Strike

The Herald (Harare)

August 9, 2006
Posted to the web August 9, 2006

Tsungirirayi Shoriwa
Harare

SOME 248 intern doctors who last month boycotted duties in protest against a
Government decision to deploy them to rural district hospitals for a year,
will not get their certificates of good standing, the Zimbabwe Medical and
Dental Practitioners' Council has said.

The council said all junior doctors who took part in the industrial action
acted in breach of the Hippocratic oaths they took, which was the basis of
the medical ethics.

The council was responding to Hospital Doctors' Association (HDA) lawyer Mr
Derek Sigauke of Mavhunga and Associates, who wanted to know the legal basis
upon which the council was withholding the doctors' certificates.

Certificates of good standing are issued to doctors who have completed
internship at Government hospitals and the documents act as their reference
letters.

They also empower the doctors to apply for employment outside Zimbabwe.

However, the council's position has set the stage for a protracted legal
wrangle with the doctors since the interns were of the view that the council
lacked legal grounds to withhold the certificates.

For as long as the interns have no certificates of good standing, they
cannot operate private surgeries or go into private practice.

But they can only work in Government health institutions.

Junior doctors went on strike last month protesting against the Government's
decision to deploy them to rural district hospitals countrywide.

Through its lawyer, Mr Godfrey Mamvura of Scanlen and Holderness, the
council said section 132 of the Health Professions Act empowered it to
withhold the certificates.

"As we have previously indicated, in terms of section 132 of the Health
Professions Act, certificates of competence are issued on an individual
basis to persons who have undergone such training and course of instruction
as council may prescribe and passed an examination or examinations to the
satisfaction of the council," Mr Mamvura wrote to Mr Sigauke.

The letter, dated August 1 2006, also said the certificates would only be
issued to those doctors "who have done the mandatory one-year community
service at a designated health institution".

Mr Mamvura further stated that the industrial action by the intern doctors
was ---- in the view of the council --- contrary to the oaths the doctors
took.

"We are further instructed that some of the intern doctors are reported to
have been on strike. This is viewed by our client as being contrary to the
Hippocratic oath which is the basis of medical ethics.

"Any intern doctor who went on strike will not be issued with a certificate
of good standing because he or she is not in good standing," Mr Mamvura
further said.

Last month, Mr Sigauke, on the instructions of the HDA, challenged the
council to produce the legal basis upon which it relied in withholding the
certificates.

"In that event (of failing to produce the legal basis), we shall proceed to
institute legal action to seek an order compelling you to issue the
certificates to the medical doctors to whom they are due and you shall be
liable for legal costs," Mr Sigauke wrote.

Mr Sigauke yesterday said section 132 of the Health Professions Act did not
deal with the issuance of the certificates, adding that they might go to
court over the issue.

Meanwhile, Mr Sigauke has written to the Parirenyatwa Group of Hospitals
demanding that the hospital provide HDA president Dr Kudakwashe Nyamutukwa
and Dr Takaruda Chinyoka with copies of the Memorandum of Agreement they
signed with the Ministry of Health and Child Welfare upon admission to
internship.

"Our clients were, however, not furnished with copies of the agreement for
their retention. We, therefore, write to demand as we hereby do, that you
provide our clients with copies of the said agreement forthwith," Mr Sigauke
said in the letter addressed to the hospital chief executive officer Mr
Thomas Zigora.

Government has already indicated that the doctors, who also protested
against their deployment, would only receive the certificates after serving
at the district hospitals.

The doctors returned to work last month after Government increased their
vehicle loan facility from $50 000 ($50 million old currency) to $2 million
($2 billion).

Their salaries were also raised to between $81 000 ($81 million) and $88 000
($88 million) up from $57 000 ($57 million).

They would also get 20 percent of their salary as medical allowance and 15
percent as rural allowance. The doctors also stand to get 124,5 percent of
their gross income as on-call allowance.

Mayor Accused of Misusing Fuel

The Herald (Harare)

August 9, 2006
Posted to the web August 9, 2006

Harare

ACTING Chitungwiza executive mayor Mr Darlington Nota allegedly consumed
almost 1 500 litres of fuel within 20 days.

The consumption translates to 68 litres a day.

Mr Nota consumed 1 435 litres of fuel between August 2 and 30 last year,
prompting the now suspended town treasurer Mr Goodway Mvududu to write to
the late town clerk, Mr Simbarashe Mudunge, questioning the rationale behind
the acting mayor's expenditure.

Mr Nota was acting mayor when the then mayor, Mr Misheck Shoko, was on
leave.

According to statistics, Mr Nota used an average of 47,5 litres of fuel a
day between August 2 and 11 and his consumption rate rose to 65, 3 litres a
day between August 12 and 20 the same year.

Between August 22 and 30 2005, Mr Nota's fuel consumption rate declined to
64,2 litres per day, which Mr Mvududu described as unreasonable.

Mr Nota's average daily consumption translated to 68,2 litres.

For the 21 days recorded, Mr Nota is alleged to have managed to account for
only 355 litres for his trips to Kadoma, Mutoko, Nyamapanda and Mberengwa.

The remainder was unaccounted for.

In a confidential memorandum to the town clerk, Mr Mvududu said the rate at
which Mr Nota was consuming fuel was "rather apparently too high if the
principle of exemplary conduct was anything to go by".

Mr Mvududu said he only learnt of the abuse of the fuel facility by the
acting mayor after receiving an anonymous call.

"Arising from an anonymous call to my office, it was alleged that the
official mayoral car was refueling at an alarming rate. I was left with no
choice but to submit a report on the subject matter. The objective was to
establish whether or not the fuel consumption was, indeed, a cause for
concern.

"I was disconcerted to discover that the fuel consumption rate was rather
apparently too high if the principle of exemplary conduct was anything to go
by," wrote Mr Mvududu.

Mr Mvududu went on to say that in terms of the Urban Councils Act, an acting
mayor was not entitled to the benefits, salary and allowances of a mayor,
but enjoys an allowance fixed by council.

He said the official vehicle would only be made available to the acting
mayor when conducting official functions only.

"It follows, therefore, that the use of an official vehicle for personal
business is prohibited to the extent that it would be seemingly tantamount
to an abuse or a misuse of public property.

"Surely the fuel consumption was a cause for concern, let alone the
depreciation of the official vehicle arising from an apparent abuse or
misuse of the mayoral vehicle. Your guidance is necessary in terms of
section 136 (c) of the Act that requires the town clerk to recommend to the
executive committee the measures necessary to safeguard the finances and
assets of the council," Mr Mvududu further wrote.

He pointed that there was need to reinforce public accountability at the
local authority.

However, the acting mayor last week dismissed Mr Mvududu's memo as
mischievous.

Mr Nota said as the acting mayor, he was entitled to benefits, which
included council fuel and vehicles.

He said he was not even responsible for the refueling of the vehicles, but
it was the duty of his drivers, who report to the town clerk, to do so.

"That was a mischievous memo. Mvududu is not aware of council operations.

"If he were, then he should have known that the mayor does not go to refuel
cars.

"He was just mischievous for reasons which I do not want to know," said Mr
Nota, speaking from Victoria Falls where he was attending the just-ended
local government conference.

He added that Mr Mvududu was sacked from council for incompetence.

Mr Nota said if fuel was drawn from council coffers at the said rate, then
Mr Mvududu was also to blame since he had a duty to see that fuel was
economically used.