Harare - Zimbabwe’s Zanu-PF-controlled wildlife
ministry has handed out a clutch of hunting licences to its cronies to shoot
game in several wildlife conservancies.
The move has raised fears
among conservationists that the new hunters will decimate the game and also
that the take-over by Zanu-PF cronies will deter regular foreign
hunters.
The conservancies are mostly owned or managed by groups of
foreigners and white and black Zimbabweans who control hunting and subsidise
the conservancies from their other businesses to protect the animals. There
was no tender procedure for the licences handed out this week and Zanu-PF
says the new deal came about because the present conservancy owners and
managers refused to “share”.
One of the conservancies, the Save
Valley in the lowveld, has now granted hunting licences to 25 senior Zanu-PF
officials. Poaching is rife in Save Valley, despite the best efforts by the
conservancy owners to combat it.
National Parks and Wildlife Management
Authority director general Vitalis Chadenga issued the hunting permits to
the new black farmers, as they are called, last week.
Chadenga said
the farmers who were issued with hunting permits had been allocated 25-year
land leases.
He told the new farmers that his organisation expected
orderly hunting to take place. He
said measures were under way to
bring to book those hunting without permits. He expressed concern over an
upsurge in poaching, especially the black rhino.
Wilfried Pabst, the
vice chairman of the Save Valley Conservancy, and a German citizen, said the
new “partners” in the conservancies have neither capital nor cash for
running costs to protect the wildlife and maintain the
infrastructure.
“The hunting community will shun Zimbabwe and this
will be a grave fallout for tourism,” Pabst said.
He expects there
will be immediate travel warnings by the EU and US as many regular hunters
will now be seen as hunting without permits. “What visitor will come with
the threat of arrest?”
Harare, August 12, 2012 - Zimbabwe’s political
fallout is likely to be discussed at next week’s Southern Africa Development
Community (Sadc) summit in Maputo, Mozambique as the regional grouping
pushes for a resolution in the Harare crisis ahead of the referendum and
harmonised elections.
Reports had indicated that the Maputo summit,
scheduled for 17-18 August, will focus on hot-spots Madagascar and the
Democratic Republic of the Congo but sources last Friday said the Sadc
appointed facilitation team of South African President Jacob Zuma , is
expected to present a report on Zimbabwe in the wake of another stalemate on
the draft constitution.
A Zanu-PF marathon politburo meeting which ended
around 5am on Thursday resolved to re-write the draft constitution despite
the document being endorsed by its two partners in the Global Political
Agreement.
Zuma and his team are expected in the capital Harare early
next week before the summit in Maputo which kicks off with the Council of
Ministers Meeting to start on Wednesday.
Jameson Timba, the MDC-T
secretary for external affairs who doubles as the Minister of State in the
Prime Minister’s office, said they had just concluded a diplomatic offensive
in the region ahead of the summit.
“Zimbabwe like Madagascar will always
be on the agenda of the SADC troika which in turn reports on progress to the
summit,” said Timba.
“At this juncture there is no serious matter that
would warrant Zimbabwe having a specific and separate agenda item outside
the troika report to the summit. Sadc and South Africa, in my view have done
their best to nurture the fragile transition in Zimbabwe. A lot, however,
still needs to be done to ensure that the country does not regress but
instead progresses to a credible free and fair election. At the end of the
day the destiny of Zimbabwe lies with Zimbabweans,” he said.
MDC-T
spokesman, Douglas Mwonzora said his party expected the summit to carry on
discussions on Zimbabwe as that would be a normal procedure since the last
summit in Angola had prescribed certain actions to be taken.
“Zimbabwe is
an outstanding issue. It must be discussed somehow We are moving towards
elections and we have seen increasing chaos within Zanu-PF which is being
exported to the state institutions such as that being witnessed at the start
of the census involving the army,” said Mwonzora.
“These issues have to
be tackled by Sadc because if not, it will cause chaos in the country. Our
position in the MDC remains the same; that the summit must deal with the
issue of Zimbabwe. They must consider the few remaining issues on the GPA.
They must push the country into having a referendum to ask the people of
Zimbabwe to vote on whether they approve of the draft
constitution.
Our delegation will implore the summit that the draft
constitution is complete and was completed by a multi-party team. The
parties have negotiated enough, have fought enough and have bickered enough,
now the people of Zimbabwe must have their chance. So the summit must
intervene and push for progress,” he said.
The last summit in Luanda
pressured Zuma to push parties to the GPA to implement agreed reforms,
finalise the constitution-making process and hold a referendum to pave way
for elections next year.
Sadc said preparations for elections should be
done within the next 12 months after full implementation of outstanding GPA
reforms. The regional bloc has struggled to unlock Zimbabwe’s political
stalemate as several summits have made resolutions on the issue which have
not been fully implemented.
Written by Fungi Kwaramba and Farai Mutsaka Sunday,
12 August 2012 13:59
HARARE - Events leading to the cancellation
of the training of census enumerators have raised alarm that the country
could be sitting on a time bomb.
Uniformed forces, poorly paid and
like any government worker desperate to cash in on the extra allowance that
comes with participating in the census, were livid at being left out of the
process.
So serious was the threat that it took a Cabinet sitting and
another special meeting between acting Finance minister Gorden Moyo and
Security sector ministers Emmerson Mnangagwa, Sidney Sekeramayi, Kembo
Mohadi and Theresa Makone to diffuse the volatile
situation.
Disciplined and internationally recognised for United Nations
peacekeeping missions, “rag tag” would the last term to ordinarily relate to
Zimbabwe’s rank and file uniformed forces.
Yet, time and again, they
have shown a disturbing streak.
Starved of quality food in the barracks
and pocketing wallets thin as they come, Zimbabwe’s uniformed forces have
often gotten out of control when politics of the stomach do not go their
way.
Last week’s run on the census programme is indicative of growing
frustration by the military over their welfare, analysts and experts
say.
But Zimbabwe Defence Forces commander Constantine Chiwenga yesterday
rushed to defend the force, saying Zimbabwe’s military is one of the most
disciplined on the continent despite welfare challenges he said were caused
by sanctions.
“The principle of military subordination to civilian
authority, which is the cornerstone of professionalism, was borne out of the
armed struggle and not these theories, which are being talked about that are
very nonsensical,” Chiwenga said in an interview with state
media.
Yet the behaviour witnessed during the census programme appears to
be a familiar script.
A 2008 recall, maybe.
Uniformed forces
reportedly took control of President Robert Mugabe’s campaign after a first
round presidential election defeat and deployed thousands of junior soldiers
in urban and rural areas to orchestrate an orgy of violence condemned by
civil society and African observer missions.
Once the work was done on
the political front, the poorly paid forces turned to their own personal
welfare, which was lacking then.
As the country hurtled towards total
collapse with Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai failing to hammer
out a power-sharing deal, rank and file soldiers took matters into their own
hands.
In November 2008, after banks failed to pay out their salaries on
time, they ran riot on the financial institutions and spread into the city
where they raided illegal foreign currency dealers who, unlike formally
employed Zimbabweans, were making a killing through street
hustling.
Hordes of junior soldiers stormed out of barracks and ran riot
on banks and the public they saw as better off than them.
Analysts
and security experts say, as the census chaos has shown, it could be a rocky
road ahead as a constitutional referendum and a watershed general election
loom.
They say while commanders live it up on lush farms, driving
state-of-the-art vehicles, junior soldiers are roughing it up-often not
affording cheap public transport fares to and from barracks.
Finance
minister Tendai Biti has also repeatedly refused to increase government
workers’ salaries, citing low revenues.
Giles Mutsekwa, who is the MDC
secretary for defence and security and a former soldier, said events of the
past week showed that uniformed forces could easily get out of control if
their welfare issues are continuously ignored.
“Zanu PF has always
relied on violence using unsuspecting soldiers and nobody has called the
soldiers to order because it suits their needs. They have been enjoying as
civilians are intimidated by soldiers, but now chickens are coming home to
roost,” said Mutsekwa.
Three years after the formation of a coalition
government that promised so much and delivered so little, the military is no
better off.
Despite being the pillar to Mugabe and his rich friends’
power, most soldiers earn a monthly average of $300 against a poverty datum
line of $650 as recommended by the World Bank.
Mutsekwa said soldiers
in the lower ranks are also concerned with stalled promotions.
“The
biggest headache in the defence forces is the widening gap between top
hierarchy and those in lower ranks. Within the army, there have not been any
promotions of significance in the lower ranks as Mugabe is busy promoting
those in the top ranks,” claimed Mutsekwa.
A commander during the
liberation war, Wilfred Mhanda, who leads the Zimbabwe Liberation Platform
(ZIP) says treasonous statements that have been made by army generals made
it difficult to control those in lower ranks when they run amok.
“The
conduct of soldiers is now very unbecoming. This is about the rule of law,
if junior soldiers see that their masters are disobeying the law and getting
away with it, they will do the same,” he said.
Mhanda said in a country
where the “law is broken with impunity” it would not be a surprise if the
rowdy behaviour that was demonstrated by soldiers last week escalated into
chaos especially ahead of elections.
“They are living in poor conditions
when their superiors are living in opulence. This triggers resentment and it
is natural for them to demand recognition,” said Mhanda.
Forty-four members of Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe
(GALZ) were arrested yesterday and released today (12 August) without
charges.
Four Zimbabwe police officers attempted to gain entry to the
GALZ office in the nation’s capital, Harrare on Saturday (11
August).
The police officers called for back up and around 15 riot squad
officers descended on the office and effected arrest.
The riot squad
and police officers were reported to have assaulted most of the members
using baton sticks, open hands and clenched fists before detaining them
without charge.
One member was reported to be bleeding through the ear
after the assault.
Thirty-one men and 13 women members were detained at
Harare central police station over night.
Zimbabwean human rights
lawyers were denied access to see them.
The arrests came following the
launch of the GALZ 'Violations Report' and briefing on the second draft
Zimbabwe constitution.
GALZ reported that ‘all 44 members have now been
released and are we are working with them to assess their condition and
well-being.’
Male homosexuality is illegal in Zimbabwe and in 2006 the
country’s government amended the law which now states that sodomy is any
‘act involving contact between two males that would be regarded by a
reasonable person as an indecent act’, thereby criminalizing even holding
hands, hugging, or kissing.
In 1995, the country’s president, Robert
Mugabe, came across a GALZ stall in an international book fair in Harrare
and stated: ‘I find it extremely outrageous and repugnant to my human
conscience that such immoral and repulsive organizatio
Since then,
President Mugabe has increased the political repression of Zimbabwe’s LGBT
community. GALZ hans, like those of homosexuals, who offend both against the
law of nature and the morals of religious beliefs espoused by our society,
should have any advocates in our midst and elsewhere in the
world.’
Two weeks later during Zimbabwe's annual independence
celebrations Mugabe proclaimed: ‘It degrades human dignity.
'It's
unnatural, and there is no question ever of allowing these people to behave
worse than dogs and pigs.
‘What we are being persuaded to accept is
sub-animal behavior and we will never allow it here. If you see people
parading themselves as lesbians and gays, arrest them and hand them over to
the police!’s been repeatedly subjected to harassment.
Members of the
Zimbabwe’s LGBT community have been repeatedly detained, beaten and
sometimes even raped by the authorities. - Gaystarnews
GALZ deplores the arrest
of 44 members of GALZ who had attended the launch of the GALZ Violations
Report and a briefing on the Second Draft of the Zimbabwe Constitution on 11
August 2012 at the GALZ offices. Four police officers attempted to gain
entry into the premises before calling for back up where about fifteen riot
squad members descended on the office and effected
arrest. 12.08.1201:09pm by Staff Reporter
Thirty one men and
thirteen women members were detained overnight at Harare Central Police
Station on 11 August 2012. Police, some of them visibly drunk, assaulted
most of the members using baton sticks, open hands and clenched fists before
detaining them without charge. Such use of force is in direct contradiction
to the Global Political Agreement.
Denying Zimbabweans the right to
participate in processes that compliment National efforts is an infringement
of the right to freedom of assembly and association. It is the
constitutional obligation of state agencies to uphold all the rights of
citizens under the Declaration of Rights. GALZ calls on the state to
immediately refrain from the use of any form of organised violence and to
refrain from utilising violence of any sort in the pursuit of their
political interests.
GALZ does not condone violence and we are not a
threat. Those who cause violence are a threat to public safety and security
and we ask that they stay away from our premises.
AGRICULTURE remains the key component in the performance of the
economy and should be the basis for any recovery programmes that might be
adopted by government, economist Brains Muchemwa told an Ernst & Young
Tax and Economic seminar in the capital this week. He attributed
Zimbabwe’s slump in economic growth this year to the poor agriculture season
and lack of investment in the sector. The 2011 agricultural season was
characterised by lower than expected maize and tobacco output and revenues,
resulting in the downward revision of the growth of the sector. Last
month, the ministries of Finance and of Economic Planning revised the Gross
Domestic Product rate downwards to 5,6% from 9,4%, citing poor performance
by the key agricultural sector and low revenue collection. The majority of
developing economies still heavily depend on primary commodities from
agriculture and mining. In sub-Saharan Africa, agriculture generates at
least 30% of GDP, 40% of exports and more than 70% of
employment. Economists say increased agricultural production leads to
increased demand for processing facilities, giving the industry a high
multiplier effect. Figures from the International Food Policy Research
Institute show that the multiplier effect of agricultural growth in Africa
ranges from US$0,60 in non-agricultural income for every US$1 increase in
farm income in Niger, to a near doubling effect in Burkina Faso of US$1,88
in additional income outside the sector for every $1 increase in
agricultural income. In Zimbabwe the impact of a poor agriculture season has
been strongly felt in the retail sector. OK Zimbabwe CEO Willard Zireva
recently told an annual general meeting that consumer spending will most
likely decline owing to the generally poor harvest and delays in the
commencement of the cotton marketing season. The same sentiments were echoed
by Delta CEO Pearson Gowero who said that the decline in cereal output had
resulted in a marginal decline in volumes for sorghum beer. Muchemwa has
disputed official GDP figures, saying his own calculations showed the size
of the economy was 30% less than has been officially given. He said GDP was
US$6,9 billion in 2011 and would only rise to US$7,2 billion this year and
not from US$10,1 billion (2011) to US$10,6 billion as has been officially
stated. The country’s Medium Term Plan sets a 7% growth rate, which is
expected to lead to a US$9 billion economy by 2015. The growth rate is
expected to slow down to levels of between 3 to 4% next year because of
elections, which are traditionally characterised by low levels of
investment, and due to policy misalignment within the GNU. According to the
African Economic Outlook, Zimbabwe’s GDP will decelerate to 4,4% this year
from 6,8% in 2011, owing to challenges facing the economy, which include
lack of liquidity.
The decline in growth is attributed to the high cost
of capital and inconsistencies, especially on the indigenisation
regulations, the report said. It also said obsolete technologies as well
as power and water shortages militated against the growth of the
economy. “These downside risks are further exacerbated by the disputes among
the government partners on the new constitution, the pending national
referendum and national elections,” the report said. The International
Monetary Fund recently said the country would register real GDP growth rates
of 4, 7% and 6, 3% this year and 2013 respectively. — Staff Writer.
THE Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) has
warned that power supply interruptions will increase over the next three
months due to maintenance work at Hwange thermal power station.
The
power station generates about 500MW but maintenance work to increase
capacity would temporarily result in the loss of 160MW over the next three
months, ZESA spokesman Fullard Gwasira.
“Zesa Holdings would like to
advise all its customers countrywide that Hwange Power Station will be
undergoing its scheduled mandatory statutory maintenance to ensure the
continued operational efficiency of that generating asset,” Gwasira
said.
“The scheduled maintenance will commence on Saturday 11 August
2012 (yesterday) and be completed in November 2012. During this period, a
total of 160 MW will be lost to the national grid.” Gwasira said the ZESA
was working to step up imports from the region to mitigate the supply
interruptions.
Zimbabwe needs about 2,200 megawatts of electricity at
peak consumption but generates just below 1,300 megawatts, while efforts to
plug the gap with imports are often undermined by non-payment for
supplies. Supplies are currently being rationed between both commercial and
domestic users.
Although the government is planning various projects
to step up power generation a senior official recently warned that the
shortages would likely continue for another ten years.
"By 2022
that's when we will be able to generate enough power for domestic and
industrial power. (But) most of our woes in terms of blackouts will end in
2015," Patson Mbiriri the permanent secretary for the energy minister told a
recent industry conference. Legislators recently expressed concern over the
impact of power supplies shortages on the country’s struggling
economy.
“We have failed to come up with indicators just to say there
will be something in two years and in two years this country will have
enough energy. Yet Cabinet meets every week, Ministers are in their offices
every day and one wonders what is really happening,” said Goromonzi North MP
Paddy Zhanda.
“How do we turn around the economy with energy
shortages? Mining, agriculture . . . all need energy. We are dealing with an
economy that hinges its turnaround on agriculture and mining all need energy
yet this was not addressed.”
After weeks of dithering, Zanu PF on Thursday finally made its
position clear that it wants to rewrite the draft constitution produced by
Copac last month. Zimbabwe draft constitution is taken to parliament. In
this picture is Douglas Mwonzora (MDC-T co-chair of COPAC), Edna Madzongwe
(Senate President from Zanu PF), Lovemore Moyo (Speaker of Parliament from
MDC-T) and Paul Mangwana (Zanu PF co-chair of COPAC)
Zimbabwe draft
constitution is taken to parliament. In this picture is Douglas Mwonzora
(MDC-T co-chair of COPAC), Edna Madzongwe (Senate President from Zanu PF),
Lovemore Moyo (Speaker of Parliament from MDC-T) and Paul Mangwana (Zanu PF
co-chair of COPAC)
Copac is made up of the three parties in the inclusive
government who spent over three years negotiating the draft constitution
that will replace the Lancaster House Constitution already amended 19
times.
Initially the Zanu PF politburo had indicated that it had endorsed
97% of the draft after most of its members felt the country had invested too
much in the process to justify throwing away the baby with the bath
water.
But it later turned out that the position did not receive the
endorsement of elements in Zanu PF who have sworn that the draft
constitution will not see the light of day. Their gripe is that the Copac
document whittles down presidential powers and they see it as a way of
ensuring that President Robert Mugabe loses the next elections.
The
Zanu PF hardliners, represented by Tsholotsho North MP Jonathan Moyo and
former and serving security chiefs, are only interested in protecting their
interests at the expense of Zimbabweans who have suffered from the
long-running political stalemate.
Mugabe has also allowed the circus
to go on because he stands to benefit from the confusion. It is clear that
Zanu PF is not incapable of thriving in a normal environment.
The
party chose to ignore the advice of its experts such as Justice minister
Patrick Chinamasa and Munyaradzi Paul Mangwana, who have worked with Copac
from its inception, and opted instead to listen to those who have an obvious
agenda to collapse the process.
If Zanu PF had genuine concerns it
would have taken them to the Second All-Stakeholders’ Conference where there
is room to perfect the draft. After that conference, the document would be
taken to Parliament and subjected to further scrutiny.
Zanu PF has
enough representation in the House to articulate its position on the new
constitution and push through its amendments if they are genuine.
What is
clear is that the anti-reform elements in the party want to collapse the
process so that we go to the next elections using the same instruments that
made the sham June 27, 2008 presidential runoff poll possible.
Zanu PF
spokesperson Rugare Gumbo said as much when he told NewsDay that: “If they
(MDC formations) want a new constitution, they should be willing to engage.
Otherwise we will have no option than to go back to the Lancaster House
Constitution.”
Anyone who knows Zimbabwe’s political landscape would know
a constitution is impossible to produce without a compromise in the
environment. Even the parties in the inclusive government hardly agree on
anything and for Zanu PF to pretend that it can impose its views is
insecurity at its worst.
The position the politburo took to rewrite the
draft constitution is very counter-productive and threatens to reverse all
the gains made since Mugabe decided to swallow his pride and form an
inclusive government in 2009. NewsDay
Written by Own Correspondent Sunday, 12
August 2012 14:11
HARARE - Nearly 300 families face eviction as a
chief intensifies efforts to drive out migrant people he describes as
foreigners in Chundu area.
Acting chief Picture Chundu alleges that the
“foreigners” corruptly received plots from “unscrupulous” headmen in his
area.
“I want to get rid of foreigners from Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique
who did not get citizenship as required by the law. Furthermore headmen
allocated them land behind my back and I will have them evicted as soon as
possible,” he told the Daily News on Sunday.
“They are not my
subjects, they must move out,” he said.
Hurungwe Rural District Council
(HRDC) has already issued the villagers with notices of
eviction.
“You illegally occupied a piece of land in Chundu Ward 8
without the consent and authority of HRDC in terms of Section 8 (1) of
Council Land Act number 20. No permit has been issued to you to occupy the
said piece of land. Therefore, you are given notice to vacate the place by
July 21, 2012 to August 22, 2012 without any further notice,” reads one of
the notices to affected villagers.
“The notice advises the villagers
to return to their places of origin. You are advised to go back where you
have been before you illegally occupied the said pieces of land. Any costs
that may be incurred by council on your eviction after refusal shall be
borne by you,” reads part of the notice.
Four headmen targeted include
Chikura, Masawi, Tugwe, and Nyakasikana, all who came into Chundu area in
1936.
“We are surprised with council action as one headman we know has
been in the area since 1936 and his subjects were allocated land with the
blessing of Chief Chundu’s forefathers,” said one headman who preferred
anonymity.
Documents show that in 1999, council unsuccessfully tried to
evict the villagers.
Written by Wendy Muperi, Staff Writer Sunday, 12
August 2012 14:06
HARARE - In yet another desperate move to
increase its revenue streams and ensure its viewers pay, ZBC Holdings is
engaging television and radio dealers so they force viewers to buy licences
at point of sale.
ZBC has been facing serious resistance from its viewers
who are refusing to pay for viewers’ licences saying the public broadcaster
is giving them a shoddy deal.
ZBC corporate secretary Norman Mahori
confirmed the development saying it is a traditional provision that had only
been suspended during hyperinflation.
“That has always been provided for
by the Broadcasting Services Act (BSA) where people had to pay for their
licences at the point of sale.
“We had only stopped when the country was
experiencing high inflation rates. Such arrangements are there in other
countries like South Africa,” said Mahori.
He added the provision was
mandatory to both retailers and buyers.
“The arrangement is binding. It
is a process of updating our database,” he said.
ZBC charges $20
annually as radio fees and $50 for television per household.
However,
Media institute of Southern Africa (Misa) advocacy officer Thabani Moyo
argued that BSA should be repealed as it was a colonial and repressive piece
of legislation that had no place in this era.
“The starting point of the
crisis and chaos is BSA which demands that when you buy a television or
radio you have to buy the licence too.
“This restrictive legislation does
not belong to the 20th century. It should be repealed with a democratic law
that is in sync with the benchmark African Charter on Broadcasting,” he
said.
Moyo emphasised that a new democratic law will transform ZBC
programming and automatically compel viewers to pay.
“A new act that
transforms ZBC from a state to public service broadcaster will improve its
quality of programming. Zimbabweans will voluntarily pay like they are doing
with DSTV,” he said.
Outlet Centrale Auto owner Yves Kengne said the
provision would be difficult to enforce and also reduces the retail sales as
people will resort to buying from unregistered cross border
traders.
“We know this regulation but it has its challenges. People will
always take advantage of the loopholes that exist within the system. They
can easily evade the payment of licenses by buying from cross borders,” said
Kengne, a Harare-based retailer.
The court challenge came after Afro
Lodges, represented by Joseph Mandenga was summoned to stand trial at Harare
Magistrates’ Courts after being found in possession of 10 television sets
without licences in February.
However, the broadcaster has chosen to
engage retailers confirming it’s the failure of its concerted efforts to
force viewers to pay licences.
Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR)
lawyer Tawanda Zhuwarara filed the application at the Harare Magistrate’s
Court on 27 July 2012 for Afro Lodges challenging the compulsory payment of
licences to ZBC by holders of such.
The court challenge came after Afro
Lodges, represented by Joseph Mandenga was summoned to stand trial at a
Harare magistrate’s court.
But the trial could not commence after
Zhuwarara filed an application seeking permission to approach the Supreme
Court to challenging the trial.
“The pillaging of ordinary Zimbabweans’
funds by the state-run Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation could soon come to
an end after Harare Magistrate Don Ndirowei granted an application to have
the state-run broadcaster’s licencing provisions scrutinised by the Supreme
Court,” ZLHR said in a statement.
Magistrate Ndirowei last week
referred to the Supreme Court, an application filed by the human rights
lawyer.
The law, which Afro Lodges is, accused of violating, forces every
Zimbabwean with either a television or a radio set to obtain a
licence.
ZLHR declared that: “If the Supreme Court determines and grants
the application in favour of Afro Lodges, the matter could have some serious
ramifications for ZBC.”
Listeners and viewers have constantly
complained that the fees do not tally with the poor programming by the
national broadcaster, vowing they will not pay the licence fees.
Due
to the poor programming on ZBC, many have resorted to alternatives like
free-to-air decoders such as Wiztech, Philibao, Fortec Star and Vivid for
better programming.
Zimbabwe has the highest broadcast piracy rate in
Africa of 92 percent, as people use Wiztech and Philibao decoders to decrypt
South African signal career, Sentech’s signals.
The 13th and the 14th
of August 2012 mark the commemoration of Zimbabwe’s Heroes and Defence Forces
Days. This is a time when the nation celebrates and remembers the selfless
dedication of our heroes and heroines who toiled and moiled for the Liberation
of Zimbabwe.
These include Edgar Tekere, Ndabaningi Sithole,
Josiah Tongogara, Jason Moyo, Hebert Chitepo, Lookout Masuku, Joshua Nkomo and
all other luminaries of the liberation struggle who sacrificed their lives
fighting for freedom and independence. Yes, they did it for
Zimba
Strong run ... Nyasango and Juwawo
race past Buckingham Palace on
Sunday
12/08/2012 00:00:00
by Sports Reporter
THE curtain came down on Zimbabwe’s Olympic
medal effort in London on Sunday with Cuthbert Nyasango providing a little
glimpse into the future of Zimbabwean athletics.
The 30-year-old finished an impressive seventh
in the men’s Olympic marathon which was won by the Ugandan Stephen
Kiprotich.
Compatriot Wirimai Juwawo kept pace with
Nyasango for most of the race and came a respectable 15th.
The two Zimbabweans’ biggest cheerleader was
swimmer, Kirsty Coventry, whose own efforts in the pool ended in disappointment
last week.
Coventry used her Twitter account to describe
the two men as “incredible” after they endured the baking sun to finish the
42,1km marathon on the streets of London.
“Cuthbert Nyasango you are incredible!” Kirsty
tweeted. “7th place in the Olympics!”
Coventry, Zimbabwe’s flag bearer during the
official opening of the Olympics on July 28, also congratulated
Juwawo.
Kiprotich joined twice world gold medallist Abel
Kirui and London marathon champion Wilson Kipsang – both of Kenya – at the 30km
mark.
Six kilometres later Kiprotich pounced and held
on to win in two hours eight minutes one second, 26 seconds ahead of Kirui with
Kipsang a further 1:10 behind.
Kipsang made an early break, splitting the field
and passing through the halfway stage in 63 minutes 15 seconds. He was gradually
reeled in and joined by Kiprotich and Kirui in a three-man race for the
gold.
Nyasango crossed the line in two hours, 12
minutes and eight seconds, some two minutes ahead of Juwawo whose two hours, 14
minutes and nine seconds was good enough for 15th.
The race, past some of London's most notable
landmarks, started and finished in the Mall near Buckingham Palace. It comprised
one short and three longer circuits through the heart of London.
Zimbabwe took a small team of seven athletes to
the Olympics.
RW Johnson on the
motives behind Zanu-PF efforts to steal the census in that
country
Readers of PoliticsWeb may perhaps have read my recent piece
on Zimbabwe's farmworkers and the (sometimes) interesting correspondence
which it provoked. Two issues of significance which surfaced were the
importance of the new census and the extent to which it might reveal a
genocide during the last twelve years.
The issue of genocide is
difficult, partly because of the official definition of that term.
Originally the term was coined by the Polish (and Jewish) legal scholar,
Raphael Lemkin, in his book Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (1944). Once the
Holocaust was revealed Lemkin and others campaigned for genocide to be
declared a crime, which it was by the UN Convention on the Prevention and
Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, passed on 9 December 1948 and which
came into practise on 12 January 1951.
The CPPCG defines genocide as
follows: "...any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in
whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as
such:
(a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or
mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group
conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in
whole or in part; (d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the
group; (e) Forcibly transferring children ofthe group to another
group."
There are several points of interest here. First, anyone who has
read much classical history will realise that similar practises quite
normally obtained in the age of the Romans, Gauls and Carthaginians. Similar
examples can also be found in both pre and post colonial Africa - and, of
course, in Bosnia and Cambodia. Thus, rather as with the use of torture, one
of the reasons why genocide is so shocking to the modern conscience is that
it represents the recurrence in modern times of inhuman practices associated
with the earlier stages of human development, "the bad old
days".
Second, in its first draft the CPPCG contained reference to the
destruction of political and social status groups. However, this was
fiercely opposed by members of the Soviet bloc because of Soviet sensitivity
that the Convention might be used to investigate the deaths of millions of
political or "class" dissidents in Stalin's purges. The Soviet
representatives argued that political groups were temporary and unstable and
in general rather vaguely conceived - and they anyway argued that the UN
should not become involved in limiting or regulating political conflicts
since this would cause the UN to interfere far too much in the domestic
affairs of nations.
Since it was clear that this was a deal-breaker for
the Soviet bloc and since its backers wanted the widest possible consensus
behind the Convention, the reference to political and status groups was
dropped. This has led to considerable subsequent criticism, as has the
omission of the forcible removal of population groups - a phenomenon which
is always attended, in practice, by increased mortality among the groups
subject to removal.
What has happened under Mugabe since 2000 throws
up another problem, for so much of the mortality has been casually,
coincidentally or indirectly afflicted. True, a considerable number of
people have been murdered outright by Mugabe's thugs, starting with the
massacres in Matabeleland in the 1980s and continuing to this day in
continuing low-intensity campaigns of assassination, torture and beatings of
MDC and human rights activists.
In all this probably accounts for over
20,000 deaths. But far, far more have died through more indirect
consequences - from starvation, from exposure, from an acceleration of death
from Aids due to deprivation of drugs, food and care, from death during
migration (not just crocodiles in the Limpopo but from a plethora of causes,
for the migration is typically very stressful physically) and simply from
the collapse of almost everything else.
Whenever I am in Harare or
Bulawayo I always make it my practise to give lifts to a lot of people - not
just because there are now so few buses but because it's a useful way of
meeting, quite literally, the man in the street. I am always struck, during
the conversations which ensue, at the huge number of deaths caused by events
which would never normally be mortal. Such-and-such cut herself with a
kitchen knife, it turned septic and with the hospitals having collapsed, she
died of it.
So and so's children are terribly sickly because they can't
get enough to eat and he is selling bits of furniture to get money to feed
them and he says "God knows what I'll do when the furniture's gone". The
murambatsvina saw an explosion of stories of "accidental" deaths in a great
variety of situations among those whose houses were destroyed and who were
simply thrown upon the mercy of the elements.
In Bulawayo Archbishop
Ncube told me that they had long had to resort to mass, anonymous burials in
a pit since so many were dying of all causes, but almost always in part
through lack of food and care. Everyone you meet has lost a brother, a wife,
a husband, a child. By 2006 life expectancy had collapsed to 37 years for
men, 34 years for women - the lowest in the world.
Most of these deaths
would escape the CPPCG definition of genocide because - as with those killed
by Mbeki - they were not members of any groups being specifically targeted
by anyone but because those in charge simply couldn't give a damn about such
deaths. Similarly, the collapse in both the South African and Zimbabwean
rates of life expectancy were not policy outcomes that Mbeki or Mugabe had
planned: they simply didn't care in the slightest about such things, in just
the same way it simply would not have occurred to medieval rulers or tribal
leaders of old that they ought to feel responsibility for the mortality
rate.
But, certainly in Mugabe's case, the leader's general purpose is
nonetheless served by such deaths for his entire aim is to reduce the
population to a state of utterly dependent peonage, from which they are
bound to support the powers that be, as their only means to survival. The
fact that life in Zimbabwe is so obviously nasty, brutish and short does
indeed unnerve, frighten and discourage the population from dissent of any
kind: the thought that "there but for the grace of God go I" can never be
faraway in such an environment.
In a sense the model goes all the way
back to the villagers mobilised by Zanla guerrillas in the 1970s, where
fearsome punishment would be visited upon dissidents so that the survivors
would embrace the Zanu cause, singing its songs and praising it, in a weird
mixture of nervy support and pure terror. Morgan Tsvangirai once said to me
"Mugabe wants to reduce us all to helpless peasants. He started off as a
Marxist but he lost all interest in socialism once he realised that workers
were sturdy independents with a mind of their own, who might march or
strike."
The truth is that the African nationalist elite is in that sense
lordly, and what it wants is not support so much as fealty. (Mbeki was, in
the same way, distinctly lordly, denied that he knew anyone dying of
Aidseven when one of his own assistants was virtually on his deathbed - an
act worthy of a Borgia prince - and was never comfortable with the
independent power of the trade unions.)
No wonder there are reports
that the new, Zanu-PF farm owners treat farmworkers as virtual slaves. For
there is a world of difference - a whole epoch of human development -
separating the worker experience under commercial farmers and the
quasi-feudal peonage which the new elite expects and demands.
Now,
however, comes the long-promised Zimbabwe census. Cathy Buckle describes -
in her blog post "Cold Shivers down our Spines" of 11 August 2012 - what has
been happening this last week:
"Only in Zimbabwe could an ordinary
population census be turned into a political bun fight.
Schools
around the country were ordered to close a week early to enable the
co-ordinating, registration and training of civil servants who will be
conducting the August population census. Parents re-arranged their lives and
changed their work schedules, holiday bookings were disrupted and tourists
suddenly found that they couldn't get a hotel room or hire a car anywhere.
When the national count was less than a fortnight away we suddenly started
seeing very belated census adverts in the press and then the mayhem
began.
With utter disbelief we watched as soldiers hijacked the census
preparations. At centres around the country soldiers arrived in numbers and
demanded that they be registered as enumerators despite the fact the
positions had already been allocated and the teachers were about to be
registered and trained for the task. For days the reports got worse and
worse: soldiers refused to go away; refused to let enumerators into training
centres; confiscated clipboards, training material and foodstuffs and
prevented training workshops from being held; journalists were
harassed.
Riot police arrived at one centre in Harare and they wouldn't
let government officials, organisers or enumerators in. Government ministers
waded in and the registration process was announced as having being
postponed for a day, then another day. Then what was openly being called
‘anarchy' was taken to Cabinet. They said that only the pre-agreed 1,500
soldiers would be accredited to take part in the census and they would count
people at prisons, police and army bases, as has always been the practice.
This was a far cry from the 10,000 places the soldiers had been demanding in
the census counting.
We're not sure what happened behind the scenes
but next came a statement from the Acting Finance Minister saying the
training of census enumerators had been cancelled but that the census would
not be affected as most of the enumerators had been trained and undertaken
previous census counts. A day later this changed again and census
enumerators were told to report to their centres, the training was back on.
Confusion reigned.
And the unforgettable quote in the midst of the mayhem
came from the Zimbabwe Defence Forces spokesman. Contacted for comment by
News Day newspaper about soldiers disrupting census registration, the
Colonel said: "Were they wearing uniforms? I am not aware that such a thing
has happened." All this might seem absurd to outsiders, but to Zimbabweans
waiting for a constitutional referendum and an election within the next few
months, we dread to think what lies ahead for us; this has sent cold shivers
down our spines."
What this is about, without much doubt, is the
realisation somewhere within the Zanu-PF camp, that the census is a very
dangerous exercise indeed. First, it will, if honestly done, reveal just how
poor a reflection of human reality the current voters' roll is, setting of
fresh demands for the drawing up of an entirely new roll, something which
Zanu-PF very much wants to avoid. It will also determine constituency
boundaries, which could also upset Zanu-PF plans.
Secondly, such a
census would reveal the huge gaps in the nation's demography and thus will
begin to reveal the full dimensions of population loss. And one has to
remember to remember that genocide is, amazingly, quite easy to hide, easy
enough so that many will attempt to hush those who talk of it, suggesting
they are alarmist and irresponsible. Thus it was even with the Holocaust
which remained more than half-hidden until the Allied armies blundered upon
the Nazi death camps. Until then the voices raised in the Jewish communities
of the UK and USA, attempting to bring this horror to public attention, had
been dismissed as alarmist in the usual way.
It is the same now with
Zimbabwe. But once the dreadful secrets which that census will lay bare
become public knowledge there will be renewed cries for Mugabe and his
cronies to be led before the International Criminal Court. And their
judgement at Nuremberg, while it may be delayed, cannot in the end be
denied.
I was awoken by the sound
of a herd of large bull elephants destroying the trees outside the room of my
hotel the first night in Zimbabwe. Photo: Author
On an 8-day trip to Zimbabwe,
Matador co-founder Ross Borden saw a country still trying to find its feet after
a disastrous decade, but far from the crisis portrayed in the
media.
WHEN I WAS ASKED TO SPEAK at the 37th World
Congress of the African Travel Association, hosted this year in Victoria Falls,
Zimbabwe, the preconceptions I had about the country began to run wildly through
my mind. Here are a few that I was dead wrong about, and one that I
wasn’t.
1. Zimbabwe is dangerous.
IF YOU GO –
According to multiple people I met who live there and work in the tourism and
safari industries, if you want to go to Zimbabwe, the best months for both
adventure and wildlife are September, October, and November.
At Matador, we believe most travel advisories
and American perceptions of overseas destinations being ‘dangerous’ are way
overblown. I enjoy visiting places that some consider dangerous, so I was interested to see how Zimbabwe stacked up to
others that struggle with this stigma — Brazil, Colombia, Iran.
The big cities are where most violent crime is
concentrated. It wasn’t a surprise then that Victoria Falls, as well as the
couple national parks we visited, felt just about as safe and friendly as a
place can get. In fact, Vic Falls has such a small town feel that other
journalists joked it had the vibe of a US National Park in the
off-season.
2. Zimbabwe’s wildlife has all been wiped
out.
This was a big one for me since I love seeing
wildlife, and it was my strongest misconception going in. I’d read
well-documented reporting that, following the fast-track land reform program
Robert Mugabe instituted in 2000 targeting political opponents and white
farmers, many of the well-protected wild areas and national parks had fallen
victim to unchecked poaching, and that much of the country’s wildlife had been
completely wiped out.
I was relieved to see troops of baboons and
packs of warthogs trotting along the road from the airport after we flew in, but
nothing could prepare me for getting woken out of a dead sleep at 3am on the
first night in Victoria Falls, to the sound of four bull elephants destroying
trees outside my hotel room at the A’Zambezi River Lodge. This herd of wild elephants wandered right into the
garden of our hotel to gorge on all the tasty things planted there. The hotel
manager wasn’t pleased the following day, but I was beyond stoked to spend over
an hour that night following them (very cautiously) around the grounds and
watching them destroy the hotel’s landscaping.
Having one final beer
under the stars and listening to lions roar in the distance after a five-star
dinner at The Hide. I could have stayed at this place for a week at least.
Photo: Author
Keep in mind this encounter wasn’t even inside a
nature reserve — once we made our way to protected areas like Hwange National
Park, the numbers of elephants we saw increased dramatically, and we also
spotted lions, hippo, water buffalo, hyena, kudu, zebra, and water buck. I was
thrilled with the amount of wildlife we were able to see in a short period of
time, and after speaking with different naturalists we ran into, it seems like
the wildlife in most places is on the road to a full recovery.
3. Hyperinflation will make buying things a
total hassle.
After seeing years of news coverage on the
hyperinflation of Zimbabwe currency, I was expecting that money would be a pain
in the ass and I’d have to carry around bricks of 10 billion dollar notes to buy
a beer or some lunch.
But the currency of Zimbabwe has become so
worthless they’ve retired it completely, and the country now operates on a mix
of foreign currencies, including the South African rand, the GBP, the euro, and
most commonly the US dollar. It’s difficult to assess how this transition has
affected prices for ordinary Zimbabweans, and although some things are more
expensive now, it’s nice not having to do insane math to convert currency. There
are a couple ATMs in Vic Falls, but I’d recommend bringing a decent amount of US
dollars to get you started. The only Zim dollars you’re likely to see are those
sold by kids in the street as novelty souvenirs. They got me…I paid $5US for a
stack of worthless old Zim notes. I just had to own a real 10 trillion dollar
bill.
4. Beyond the wildlife, there’s not much to
see/do in Zimbabwe.
If I were Zimbabwe, I’d brand my country as a
destination for adventure travel in addition to safaris. Here are a few options
that stand out:
Rafting the Zambezi – Both above and below the 350ft-tall, 5,600ft-wide
Victoria Falls, the Zambezi River flows through dozens of tight gorges that make
for wild rapids. To get the best of the rafting season, make sure you go
somewhere between August and December.
Bungee jumping / Rope swinging /
Zip-lining – All three of these activities can be done from the same
place — the bridge spanning the gorge right below Vic Falls, which also marks
the border with Zambia. My favorite was the rope swing, where you basically step
off a 390ft bridge and “free fall” until you’re only about 30ft above the river
and do a massive pendulum swing out across the gorge (way scarier than the
bungee jump).
Micro-lite flying over and around Victoria
Falls – This can be done from
the Zambia side of the gorge and is the best way to see Victoria Falls, even
better than a helicopter, not only because it’s cheaper but because you can FEEL
the falls in addition to seeing them.
Fishing
– If you’re into sport fishing there are some great day trips you can take up
the Zambezi above Victoria Falls, with plenty of river monsters to be pulled out
of the murky water up there.
Swimming in Devil’s Pool –
This is the one thing I was really hoping to do, but unfortunately the water was
way too high to do it safely during our visit. What is Devil’s Pool? When most
of the rainy season’s water has drained out of the jungle and passed over
Victoria Falls, the water on the Zambia side of the gorge becomes low enough to
hang out in a hot tub-sized swimming hole right on the edge of the plunge. The
best time to do this is October to January.
5. Since tourism has been on the decline for
years, Zimbabwe won’t have many high quality hotels and safari
lodges.
From the A’Zambezi River Lodge, where wildlife mills around the garden 24 hours/day,
and the more upscale, colonial-style Victoria Falls Hotel (great for evening
cocktails), to the over-the-top luxury of a tented safari in the bush at
The Hide in Hwange National Park — you’ve got a wide range of high-end resort and hotel
options.
6. Given the repressive regime of Mugabe,
border crossings will be difficult and expensive.
It always seems that the shadier a government
is, the more difficult its country will be to pass in and out of — especially
overland. I was pleasantly surprised to find how easy it was to cross the border
to Zambia for the day and come back to Zimbabwe that afternoon.
Big Brother is watching:
the ubiquitous portrait of Zimbabwe’s ruthless dictator, Robert Mugabe. Photo:
Author
When we did the bungee jump/rope swing off the
bridge (the operation is technically in Zambia), we weren’t even required to buy
a visa, and when we drove over the bridge later that week to spend a full day in
Zambia, we were only in line for about 5 minutes at the crossing.
7. Robert Mugabe is still running a full-blown
dictatorship.
This is the one thing I had correct going in.
It’s great to see a country recovering, but very sad and disheartening to see
one that’s a shadow of its former self, where political opponents die in “fires”
and “car accidents” on a regular basis, or just disappear altogether.
As a tourist, you’ll be far from the crosshairs
of Mugabe’s henchmen. But I felt really bad for all the amazingly friendly
Zimbabweans I ran into, who were either ignorant of Mugabe’s ways or too scared
to talk about it openly. At the end of the day, it’s easy to feel conflicted.
Part of me wanted nothing to do with a country run by such a government, and
part wanted to enjoy this amazing country and not punish its citizens for the
mistakes of its government by avoiding travel there. I’d encourage you to pick
the latter and go enjoy Zimbabwe.