Mujuru death set to up shake political scene

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 20:53

Dumisani Muleya

THE mysterious death of Zimbabwe’s most decorated retired army general and
political kingmaker Solomon Mujuru in a blaze which burnt him to ashes in
the early hours of Tuesday would almost certainly have far-reaching
consequences on Zimbabwe’s political landscape.

Given that Mujuru was a towering figure in Zimbabwe’s political scene before
and after Independence from Britain in 1980, his shock death, which left
emotional scars and anger in its trail, would inevitably fuel the already
vicious power struggle within the faction-ridden Zanu PF which President
Robert Mugabe (pictured), gradually losing control due to old age and
ill-health, is tenuously struggling to keep together.

Mugabe’s cutthroat succession battle is increasingly becoming a clear and
present danger to Zanu PF and Zimbabwe’s future.

This is now widely acknowledged within the party, hence agitated and panicky
attempts to discuss the issue, particularly ahead of the next critical
elections.

Zanu PF officials now agree that it would be practically impossible for
Mugabe to become a candidate if elections are held when they are
constitutionally due in 2013. This is why they are desperately pushing for
elections before that to ensure Mugabe enters the race when he is still fit
to sustain a rigorous campaign and hectic schedule.

Mugabe is beleaguered with old age and ill-health. Officially he is
suffering from “cataracts” –– a clouding of the eye lens which results in
poor sight –– but some say he has prostate cancer and other expected old age
ailments.

Talk of Mugabe’s health failures, compounded by old age, has unleashed a new
wave of intrigue, plotting and manoeuvring in his dynamic succession issue
which has left many ambitious aspirants licking their wounds, as damaged
goods or buried under the wreckage of ruined careers.

Mujuru, an influential figure in Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle and recent
politics who had become very wealthy owning a vast business empire,
demonstrated his political muscle in 2004 when he engineered the rise of his
wife Joice to the position of vice-president of Zanu PF and the state.

Although his arch-rival Emmerson Mnangagwa was racing ahead before the 2004
Zanu PF congress, Mujuru decisively intervened and turned the tables against
a man who had managed to mobilise eight out of 10 provinces to vote for him.

Prior to that Mujuru, working with a consortium of groups and individuals
opposed to Mnangagwa, had helped Vice-President John Nkomo to become Zanu PF
chairman in 1999. Mujuru also assisted Nkomo to become vice-president in
2009, blocking politburo member Oppah Muchinguri who was running for the
same position on the Mnangagwa ticket.

So since the run of the century, from 1999 onwards, Mujuru become more
powerful in Zanu PF as he exerted his influence to largely determine the
outcome of congresses around high-ranking posts besides that of Mugabe.

Mujuru tried and failed to challenge Mugabe several times in recent years
although his faction succeeded in 2006 during the Goromonzi conference to
thwart Mugabe’s plan to extend his term of office by two years from 2008 to
2010 without going to elections.

In the run-up to the 2008 elections, Mujuru, working closely with some of
his allies in the politburo then, mainly Dumiso Dabengwa and Simba Makoni,
fought hard to prevent Mugabe from becoming a candidate at the polls.

Records of politburo meetings mainly between 2005 and 2008 show Mujuru and
Dabengwa as being some of the most vocal officials in the politburo.

They wanted Mugabe to step down, arguing he was old and tired and would lead
the party to defeat at the polls –– something which actually happened
although he succeeded to hang onto power through a campaign of violence and
brutality. Mnangagwa and his faction stood by Mugabe.

Mujuru helped to create a groundswell of opinion within Zanu PF against and
even forced for the convening of an extraordinary congress in December 2008
in a bid to oust Mugabe.

Dabengwa has confirmed that Mujuru and himself tried in vain to see Mugabe
to convince him to step down but were ignored. Although Mujuru and Dabengwa
succeeded in securing an extraordinary congress to try to remove Mugabe,
they failed in their main objective as the Zanu PF leader for 34 years now
managed to cling onto his position by his fingernails.

The congress was, however, marred by public wrangling.

The late vice-president Joseph Msika and Nkomo almost walked out after a
dispute erupted over the role of the then suspended war veterans leader
Jabulani Sibanda. In a fit of rage triggered by a decision to acknowledge
and allow Sibanda to address congress, Msika stood up and said “John let’s
go” before Mugabe sprung onto action to stop them from storming out.

His voice thundering across the Harare International Conference Centre,
Mugabe angrily ordered everyone to sit down, anxiously asking: “What will
the media say tomorrow about this?”

Although they eventually failed to topple Mugabe, Mujuru and Dabengwa had
the last laugh when their leader lost the first round of the elections in
March 2008 to Prime Minister and MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai before
restoring to violence and intimidation to retain power.

Mujuru was influential in the formation of the inclusive government and the
current processes which are expected to lead to free and fair elections. His
power cut across politics and the corporate world in this country. This
explains why on Tuesday senior Zanu PF ministers and top government
officials thronged his farm and later Chisipite to pay their last respects.
There were also dramatic scenes as ministers wept, creating a spectacle
probably a precursor of attention-grabbing events almost certain to come in
months ahead.

In terms of impact and political ramifications, Mujuru’s death is being
widely compared to the assassination of Herbert Chitepo and killing of
Josiah Tongogara.

Mujuru helped Mugabe to consolidate himself as Zanu PF leader when he
arrived in Mozambique in 1975 after the death of Chitepo. He also helped
Mugabe to survive internal upheavals, including political coups, which
threatened to sweep the veteran nationalist from power. He was also central
to the integration of the three rival armies in 1980 and managing the
explosive process until his retirement in 1992.

Political analyst Dr Ibbo Mandaza said Mujuru’s death would have a serious
impact on Zimbabwean politics.

“The departure from the political scene of Mujuru, who died last night
(Tuesday) in as yet unexplained but most tragic circumstances, leaves a vast
political void, with immense ramifications still to be fathomed and
understood in the months ahead,” he said.  “For, he was one of the major
pillars in Zimbabwe’s post-independence politics, not least in the
foundation and life of the state itself, to this day.”

Mandaza said Mujuru’s death could shake the political scene although his
wife Joice would remain the favourite to succeed Mugabe.

“Given the ongoing proverbial succession debate in Zimbabwe, there will, of
course, be much speculation about the balance of forces after his death.
Mujuru was a critical factor in ensuring things in Zanu PF don’t fall apart.
In the final analysis, it will be necessary to ensure a constitutional
political succession –– and transition –– in Zimbabwe,” he said.

“Joice Mujuru has lost a husband and critical political mentor. But he
leaves her a Vice-President of both Zanu PF and the state, an unassailable
position as long as Zimbabwe stays on the constitutional path,
multi-partyism and democratisation process in the months ahead.”

Copac fears stakeholders’ conference delay

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 20:04

Wongai Zhangazha

THE Constitution Select Committee (Copac) has finished compiling the
preliminary district and provincial reports of the draft constitution but
has raised fears that a stakeholders’ conference might delay the
constitution-making process due to financial constraints.
The preliminary reports were completed yesterday paving the way for Copac to
start drafting a new constitution using the data compiled during the
outreach programme.

Copac co-chairperson Paul Mangwana said yesterday that although there had
been delays, they had made satisfactory progress.

Mangwana noted that funding and politicisation of the constitution-making
process were proving to be major challenges.

“The progress made so far has been good,” said Mangwana. “Yes, we have had
delays, but the district and provincial reports are now done. They are still
in data format and work is in progress to develop them into narratives. They
still have to be synthesised,” said Mangwana.

“At this level, we will determine which of the views that came through the
districts and provinces were the most popular. In some thematic areas like
the Bill of Rights, we had as much as 300 responses and the natural
resources thematic area had around 200 responses.”

Copac started working on the compilation of district, provincial and
national reports on August 1 and had earmarked August 22 as the date to
start work on the actual drafting of the constitution followed by a
stakeholders’ conference on September 30.

A draft report is expected to be presented to parliament on October 15 with
a referendum  on January 15 next year.

The timelines have been dismissed as nonsensical by MDC leader Welshman
Ncube, who believes that a draft constitution can only be ready for a
referendum towards the end of next year.

Mangwana was non-committal on the dates and was not sure if Copac would meet
the set timelines.

“I have difficulties in talking about dates. The problem is when you are not
in charge of finances, it’s difficult to know exactly when the whole process
will be done. At the moment we have resources for the reports but we don’t
have resources for the stakeholders’ conference which needs about US$4,6
million.

There are also no resources yet for the referendum,” said Mangwana.

Govt unprepared for failed asylum seekers

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:27

Wongai Zhangazha

ZIMBABWE’S coalition government has no capacity to look after failed asylum
seekers set to be deported from neighbouring South Africa in the coming
months.

Reports suggest that thousands of failed asylum seekers would be expelled.

However, most failed asylum seekers have shown a reluctance to return home
citing the country’s high unemployment rate presently estimated at 80%.

Already, six provinces are experiencing serious food shortages while
millions have no access to clean water and sanitation.

The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) estimates that there are
about 1,5 million Zimbabweans living in South Africa.

The South African government launched the “Zimbabwean Documentation Process”
last year to help Zimbabweans resident in South Africa make special
applications for work, study and business permits.

About 250 000 applications from Zimbabweans seeking permission to remain in
South Africa have been processed and the South African government has made
it clear that those who fail to get their papers in order would be deported
from next month.

Most citizens who left the country in the last decade did so for political
and economic reasons.

However, the situation has slightly improved resulting in some people
returning home.

A number of Zimbabweans are said to be struggling socially and financially
in South Africa and the situation is not made any easier by locals who
accuse them of committing crime and “stealing” jobs.

What will happen if undocumented Zimbabweans are deported given that the
country has no proper and concrete provisions in place?

By the end of June, the inclusive government had managed to implement only
25% of the Government Works Programme due to lack of capacity caused by lack
of funding.

Social commentator Blessing Vava said the coalition government was not ready
to assist deported failed asylum seekers since there were a number of other
issues it was failing to tackle in the country.

“From the look of things, our government is not prepared to assist these
people,” said Vava.

“Mind you, already we have alarming unemployment figures as thousands of
school and college leavers are failing to get employment because our
industry is not capacitated.”

“Moreover, the reason why millions fled the country was because of the
economic and political situation the Zanu PF government got us into and it’s
not serving and is still not serving the interests of its citizens. And now
we have an inclusive government that seems preoccupied with self-enrichment
instead of improving the lives of its citizens,” Vava said.

Human rights organisations say the political situation has remained tense in
the country ahead of the constitutional referendum and elections.
The Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) reported in June that prospective election
candidates were now campaigning and this had resulted in people’s rights
being violated.

Cases of politically motivated violence remain high and the atmosphere has
remained volatile particularly in the provinces of Midlands, Manicaland,
Mashonaland Central, Mashonaland East and Masvingo.

The ZPP said it had recorded 1 014 politically-motivated human rights
violations compared to 994 in May.

While Zimbabwe’s economy has slightly improved following the introduction of
the US dollar, commentators say the country’s economy was going to be put
under immense pressure if the failed asylum seekers were brought home in
huge numbers.

Social analyst Maxwell Saungweme said it would be a disaster having the
failed asylum seekers returning without important issues being addressed and
implemented first.

“At present, the government is not prepared to receive such a big number of
Zimbabweans back home,” said Saungweme.

“Economically with high levels of unemployment it will be a disaster to have
these people come back. They will just add to the already bloating
unemployment figures.”

Saungweme said politically, some of the failed asylum seekers were going to
face some difficulties to fit into society.

“Politically, these people will inevitably form part of the opposition force
to this inclusive government which is not delivering much. The government
has to prepare for more political pressure on top of the pressure it is
currently getting from civil society and general populace who feel the
priorities of the inclusive government are not pro-poor and not beneficial
to the majority of Zimbabweans. If government was functioning well one would
expect the department of social welfare to support these people to
re-establish themselves at home.

But thinking that this government will be able to do that now is dreaming,”
he said.

However, economic justice and governance commentator David Takawira said it
was now an opportunity for the government to prove its existence.

Takawira said: “This is not a question of whether government is prepared or
not, it is a question of whether government will start accepting its
constitutional mandate to provide its citizen with political, economic and
social freedoms and take care of its own citizens. As an immediate
intervention to tackle this crisis, there is need for the government in
partnership with organisations such as IOM to develop a skills or competency
database for easy referrals given the current backlog in government
departments and industry.  The approach should be rights-based and
people-centred.”

Unity govt ‘kills’ parliamentary democracy

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:15

Paidamoyo Muzulu

PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe is scheduled to officially open the fourth session
of parliament next week but nothing suggests that he would table any
legislative agenda introducing democratic reforms since his eyes are set on
an early election.
Unless this session and next year’s session produce something extraordinary,
then the seventh parliament will go down in history as having betrayed
Zimbabweans hope for a democratic state.

This parliament would be remembered for fluffing the opportunity to amend
the Electoral Act, Posa, Aippa as well as regulating the pervasive powers of
the CIO, and sacrificing it on the altar of political expediency.

Despite having evenly balanced representation among the main political
parties, parliamentary debates have largely been staid and sterile. The
house has conveniently steered clear of the democratisation agenda.

The legislature is devoid of any robust personalities who debate fearlessly
in the mould of Lazarus Nyarayebani, Sydney Malunga, Margaret Dongo,
Dzikamai Mavhaire and Timothy Mubawu, who stood for their principles.

The parliament’s legislative agenda was even made easier by the 2008 Global
Political Agreement (GPA) which gave birth to the inclusive government.
Opening up of the public sphere and reforming the media, constitutional
reforms, land audit, security sector reforms and electoral changes were to
be the legislature’s top priorities.

However, three years into its five-year term, the house is yet to make any
significant move on these matters.

Instead, it has dutifully passed enough laws to regularise the coalition
government arrangement. The only significant sittings this parliament has
had were to pass Constitutional Amendment 19 to create the offices of the
prime minister and his deputies,  pass the National Security Council Bill as
well as the mandatory monetary bills.

After that constitutional amendment, the inclusive government has not shown
any appetite or displayed any urgency to introduce democratic legislative
reforms.

The legislature has remained meekly silent, albeit for one flash when MDC-T
chief whip Innocent Gonese introduced a Private Members Bill in a bid to
force parliament to debate the Posa Amendment Bill. However, the Bill
remains on the order paper three sessions after it was first introduced.

Gonese’s bill shook the foundations of the coalition government with Zanu PF
legislators accusing him of usurping the executive’s powers.  Justice
minister Patrick Chinamasa brought the Posa amendment to a halt in the
senate arguing that the matter was a GPA issue.

This argument suggests that only government makes decisions and laws while
parliament is just a conduit to pass legislation.

Parliament has only dealt with matters presented by the executive and passed
them without any amendments for fear of rocking the shaky coalition
government.

The 2011 budget was passed without any amendments even though legislators
from across the political divide had initially agreed to block its passage
until certain concerns had been addressed.

In a rare show of unity, Finance minister Tendai Biti and Vice President
Joice Mujuru whipped their members to approve the budget without debate or
any amendment.

It is only in some portfolio committees where some members of the executive
have come out with an egg on their faces.

Committees such as the Mines and Energy, Budget and Finance and Public
Accounts have been a pain to errant ministers. The Mines and Energy
committee even sought to have Chinamasa impeached for lying before the
committee when he gave evidence on the status of Shabanie and Mashaba Mines,
which are under state reconstruction.

Pedzisai Ruhanya, Crisis Coalition Zimbabwe programmes manager, said the
ushering in of an inclusive government in February 2009 had killed
parliamentary democracy in the country.

“There is no parliament in Zimbabwe,” said Ruhanya. “The inclusive
government destroyed the role of the House. There are no longer any robust
debates because of the inclusive government. One can say there is no longer
parliamentary democracy but executive dictatorship,” Ruhanya said.

Trevor Maisiri, African Reform Institute director, said parliament had
become a casualty of political grandstanding by political leaders wishing to
score political points.

“The legislative agenda has been overtaken by political expediency and
grandstanding,” Maisiri said. “Both Zanu PF and MDC-T are posturing for
elections. It seems they are only keen at dislodging each other from power.
These moves are meant to deliberately delay the legislative agenda for
democratisation.”

Musindo launches ‘housing project’ to lure votes

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 20:01

Paidamoyo Muzulu

CONTROVERSIAL Destiny of Afrika Network (DANet) founder Obadiah Musindo has
launched an ambitious national housing project aimed at delivering 110 000
stands in the next 24 months in his bid to gain two million votes for Zanu
PF in impending elections.
Musindo launched his national housing project in 2007. To qualify for a
stand, one has to be a fully paid up member of DANet and invariably a Zanu
PF card carrying member.

The controversial Musindo claimed that DANet was allocated land by the
municipalities of Bulawayo, Gweru, Zvishavane, Masvingo, Mutare, Kwekwe,
Kadoma, Chegutu, Norton, Marondera, Chinhoyi, Karoi, Kariba, Hauna and
Birchenough Bridge.

Musindo said DANet got the land from local authorities with the help of
Local Government minister Ignatius Chombo.

Internal DANet correspondence in possession of the Zimbabwe Independent
shows that the pseudo religious grouping has embarked on a massive Zanu PF
membership recruitment drive.

In a letter to all DANet committee members dated August 12 Musindo wrote:
“It is as a result of our desire to mobilise two million votes for Zanu PF
in upcoming elections that we highlight the following to your attention. All
structures of DANet must be restructured and restrengthened and every member
must be an effective agent of mobilisation.”

Musindo’s letter further reminded the committee members that they either had
to support Zanu PF or leave his organisation.

“Those who are not willing and committed to fully campaign for Zanu PF and
boldly stand behind the visionary leadership of Cde President Robert Mugabe
have no place in the leadership circles of Danet,” read the letter.

Musindo confirmed the Zanu PF mobilisation campaign on Tuesday saying DANet
had a duty to protect Zanu PF’s continued rule of the country.

“We are at an advanced stage to make sure Zanu PF remains in power and
Mugabe’s policies, like indigenisation and economic empowerment, are
implemented,” he said.

He said DANet would use its housing co-operative membership to drum up
support for Zanu PF and members would each be asked to pay a US$1
subscription fee every month to show loyalty to the organisation.

“We have land in most urban centres and growth points across the country.
The first phase had 10 000 stands but in the second phase we are aiming at
50 000 stands,” Musindo said.

He also revealed that DANet was close to securing a R1 billion loan from a
South African financial institution to fund its housing projects.

“We are in the process of securing R1 billion for the project and we will be
developing pre-engineered houses just like the Chinese because the process
is faster and cheaper,” he said.

Get our money back from Zim, Bingu told

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:59

MALAWI Watch said president Bingu wa Mutharika must recover a US$20m debt
back from Zimbabwe and spruce down his bloated cabinet to size in order to
resuscitate the country’s flagging economy.
The watchdog’s executive director Billy Banda said Mutharika must move
swiftly “in addressing our economic struggles so that we can recover
 quickly”.

“One way to help our economy recover is by recovering US$20m which was
unceremoniously lent to Zimbabwe. Malawian people need that money at this
critical time of economic desperation,” said Banda.

But Malawi’s Finance Minister Ken Kandodo told the Daily Times that
officials went to Zimbabwe recently “in our efforts to recover the money”.

“Even us as government are not happy that such an amount of money has not
been paid back for such a long time,” said Kandodo, according to the paper.

Malawi exported maize to Zimbabwe after paying local suppliers in local
currency the equivalent of US$10 million.

The Malawi Watch boss also suggested that another way to getthe country’s
economy into shape is downsize the cabinet reasonably from 40 to 12.

“Mutharika must also stop being extravagant. Why should a poor country like
Malawi have a presidential jet that persistently excavates unfathomable
holes in the pockets of the country’s economy and those of its ordinary
citizens?” wondered Banda.

The French-made jet, the Dassault Falcon 900 EX presidential jet, was bought
for about US$22,4 million in 2009 and is projected to cost an annual US$300
000 in maintenance and insurance.

Malawi, Zimbabwe, Madagascar, Swaziland and the Democratic Republic of Congo
were last week identified by the Sadc NGOs Forum as hot spots in southern
Africa.

Malawi was rocked by protests last month which resulted in the death of 19
people.

Police in Malawi reportedly opened fire against civilians who were
protesting against acute fuel shortages  and calling for the devaluation of
the local currency, among other concerns. — Nyasa Times.

Benevolence led to my persecution — Buyanga

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:50

BUSINESS tycoons Nick Van Hoogstraten, Jayesh Shah and Frank Buyanga (FB) of
Hamilton Properties are alleged to be loan sharks who have been playing the
role of the lender of the last resort because the central bank is broke. In
May, Van Hoogstraten and Shah categorically denied being loan sharks in
exclusive interviews with the Zimbabwe Independent, but admitted bailing out
troubled financial institutions and companies.

More than 500 people have reportedly lost their immovable properties to
Buyanga’s company after allegedly accessing loans from it and failed to
repay. But Buyanga claimed the people had sold their properties to his firm.

Media reports recently claimed that Buyanga was on the run. This week, the
31-year-old business magnate fielded questions from Zimbabwe Independent
editor Constantine Chimakure (CC) on his business and other related issues.
Below are the edited responses.

CC: Are you a loan shark and what is your comment on reports that within a
short space of time you acquired 500 immovable properties fraudulently?

FB: If your definition of loan shark is to invest in the Zimbabwean economy,
then have individuals conspiring to mislead the public and state organs of
my intentions then the answer would be yes.
In Zimbabwe we have a classic case of biting the hand that feeds us.  I made
one huge mistake.  Nick Van Hoogstraten advised me a few years ago never to
give money to anyone desperate or that needed it and in my own ambitions I
stormed the market handing out cash. To my sad discovery the same
individuals and companies later sought for my persecution.

CC:How many people who sold their houses and later approached the police
have managed to pay you back as per the agreement you had with them and the
Attorney-General’s Office?

FB: A year has passed and only two people have made good on the arrangement
facilitated by the AG and police. On hind sight, it is disappointing to see
the avalanche of individuals that sought refuge from the police and were
given all the necessary attention and now have failed to deliver on their
promise.
It is fortunate that the police force, being one of the best if not the best
in Africa, realised that I had invested a great amount of money into the
economy which none of these ‘so called complainants’ could ever pay me or
the company I represented back.
It is their duty to protect the public and what the complainants
conveniently ignored was the fact that the truth would sooner surface and
they would be exposed.  It is sad that tax payers suffer the costs of these
illegitimate complaints.

CC: Media reports recently said you were on the run and that one of your
employees has been arrested and arraigned in court?

FB: I am constantly in touch with the police regarding allegations that
continue to be raised against me.

CC: Your employee?

FB: At the time of his arrest I was abroad. The bottom line is that the said
employee was arrested as a result of a complainant who misrepresented facts
in their report to the police after selling her property to us.
The matter is still before the courts and is subjudice. However, the
complainants misrepresented facts and with the aid of a Harare lawyer they
forged affidavits. We have lodged a complaint with the Law Society of
Zimbabwe against the lawyer. Strangely, the law society is yet to act on our
complaint.”

CC: Why are you embroiled in a legal wrangle with Zimra?

FB: Zimra raided our offices some months ago and confiscated vital
documents.  There has been some action taken (by my company) but I cannot
comment on that at present.

CC: What are the links between Hamilton Property and Hamilton Finance? Do
you own both companies?

FB: Hamilton Property Holdings is a registered company whose sole purpose
was and is to invest in property through the purchase of properties and
assets.  It is a standalone company that believes in the turning around of
the Zimbabwe property market. It is why we took the initiative to invest in
the market.
Hamilton Finance is a money lending company which is licensed and operates
under the supervision of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and in the confines of
Zimbabwean law.  These are two different companies which if you were to come
to me seeking to buy or to sell your property I would refer you to Hamilton
Property Holdings and if you were looking to borrow money I would refer you
to Hamilton Finance.

CC: Are you involved in the two companies?

FB: Technically.

CC: What do you say to allegations that you are fronting business tycoon Van
Hoogstraten?

FB: When one says front what immediately comes to mind is weather fronts
were the front separates hot and cold, in this case I would say no as there
is no separation in our relationship. The only separation is my inability to
take advice that lands me in trouble at times.
He is a friend, mentor and advisor.  As a matter of fact, he extended US$25
million to me for investing in the Zimbabwe market in 2008.  In my
stupidity, I invested in these troubled properties at a time he clearly
pointed out to me that the world property market was on the brink of
collapse. In my ambition to mop up, I got involved and finally got my
fingers burnt.
To my surprise, even after technically losing well over US$10 million he
told me that was back pocket change and I shouldn’t stress about it.  I have
decided to keep the US$15 million in London towards my pension.
Generally, Van Hoogstraten is misunderstood in the Zimbabwe market.  He has
for long been talking of pulling out but we have been able to convince him
to stay a while longer.  I have personally witnessed his walk and can say
without a shadow of doubt that he has love for Zimbabwe and its people, he
has great respect and speaks highly of our president and shares his vision
of total empowerment.
He himself is the best form of empowerment I have experienced in the UK,
Zimbabwe and other parts of the world.

CC: How are you linked to South Africa President Jacob Zuma, controversial
arms dealer Fana Hlongwane and former Defence minister Siphiwe Nyanda?

FB: I am not prepared to discuss my relationship with any of these gentlemen
without their authority.

CC: Why are you suing the SA Home Affairs and to what tune are you suing
them?

FB: This matter is subjudice at the present moment.

CC: What do you say to assertions that you go around flaunting your wealth?

FB: It’s just a matter of being in a small pond, the splashes are
exaggerated. When in the south of France, Bermuda or London they don’t bat
an eye lid.

CC: How much are you worth, business wise?

FB: Van Hoogstraten once asked Jean Paul Getty (the richest living American
in 1967) how much he was worth and his answer was, ‘if you know how much you
are worth, then you are not worth very much’. One thing I do know is that I
don’t own anything but have access to everything money can buy.

Up milk supply:Dairibord

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 18:55

Happiness Zengeni

NATIONAL milk supply remains low against demand and Government needs to
urgently step in to support the dairy industry in order to improve the
supply side, according to Dairibord chief executive Antony Mandiwanza.
The CEO of the oldest dairy firm in Zimbabwe, Mandiwanza insists it is
government’s responsibility to promote milk production while companies as
his play their roles as processors by beneficiating the milk..
He noted various government projects which had helped the dairy industry
since Independence, like the EU Intervention Package, which provided for the
plant in Chipinge; the Norad and various other government-negotiated grants
which had helped the industry as well as the research stations like
Henderson and Grasslands, which had been set up by past governments for
those purposes.
Mandiwanza also noted that Zimbabwe had the highest milk producer price in
the world, at between 55-59c a litre against 35-39c in South Africa, 18-20c
Uganda, 28c in Kenya, 22c in the US and 14-21c in New Zealand
In the half year to June, raw milk supply for the group was 29% ahead of the
same period last year as a result of a 25% growth in raw milk intake in
Zimbabwe and a 41% growth of raw milk intake in Malawi. Raw milk production
increased from 3,7 million litres at full year to 4,2 million litres per
month.
Mandiwanza said Dairibord remains the market leader both in milk and milk
products and ice cream in spite of the situation with milk supply.
Subsidiary Lyons’ new Cascade plant was now in full production, with a total
daily output of 80 000 litres,  businessdigest established during a tour of
the factory. The new machine had started working from July.
Explaining the production process, Lyons staff said the plant, which has an
installed capacity of 120 000 litres operates a 24 hour shift. The process
uses 7-8 tonnes of manufacturers’ sugar Star Africa currently being the
largest supplier, ahead of Triangle and imports.
Lyons business analyst Costa Manyika said noted that importing the sugar was
cheaper but there were a lot of hassles involved at the border. The group
also imports skimmed milk powder.
At the Dairibord group level, electricity outages remained a problem but
group had purchased a backup generator.The Nutriplus plant in Chitungwiza
has also been commissioned.
In the half year to June beverages contributed 45% to the total sales volume
whilst liquid milks and foods contributed 39% and 16% respectively.
Dairibord said it had only increased its shareholding to 68,4% in Malawi
only by default.
“The Malawi government sold its 40%, which was taken up by the Malawi
Investment Centre, while a trustee made up of employees was supposed to take
the remaining 20%. However they could only pay for 10%. That meant that the
balance had to be split proportionally according to the shareholding,”
Mandiwanza explained.
He however said Dairibord would have liked to increase its shareholding
regardless of the current situation in Malawi, as it had a more long term
view of the market.

Zimasco imports coal

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 18:51

Paidamoyo Muzulu

CHINESE-controlled ferrochrome producer Zimasco is importing coking coal for
its smeltering operations from Botswana where the commodity is generally
cheaper and always available, according to the company’s mining executive.
Sinosteel, a Chinese investment company, controls 73% of Zimasco while the
remainder is owned by locals.
Zimasco Mining executive Reason Mandimika told the Zimbabwe Independent in
an interview that importing coal was necessitated by bottlenecks in the
local supply chain and at times the costing by local suppliers.
Zimasco expects to increase its annual ferrochrome production to 600 000
tonnes once it completes refurbishment and construction of a new furnace in
Kwekwe. This follows the government’s renewal of a ban on export of raw
chrome ore in March this year.
Hwange Colliery and Sengwa Coals are the two main suppliers on the local
market but suffer operational hitches, among them recapitalisation and
ageing equipment, particularly in the last decade where hyperinflation
wreaked havoc on business.
“We have been importing coking coal for our furnaces from Botswana primarily
because of two reasons; it’s cheaper and always available,” Mandimika said.
Mandimika added that the coal from Sengwa was not up to the quality required
for smelting chrome.
“Sengwa coal has high sulphur and generally not suitable for our
 operations,” Mandimika added.
Mandimika, however, was not at liberty to disclose the quantities and cost
of importing coal from Botswana.
He referred the paper to the company’s public relations manager Clara
Sadomba who unfortunately was away on business.
Operations at Hwange Colliery have been affected by the company’s huge debt
and lack of strategic vision by the company executives, according James
Logan, an investor.
“As a long time shareholder I am horrified to find our company to be US$88
million in debt,” said Logan.   “Executive vision appears to have been
missing for a long time.”
Logan added that the company faced an even greater commercial threat from
competitors.
Directors  at Hwange are embroiled in  turf wars as the company continues to
lose its share of the local market.
Shareholders removed the Tendai Savanhu-chaired board from office a
fortnight ago during the company’s annual general meeting.
However, Savanhu is contesting that their removal was done unprocedurally
and the meeting should be reconvened.
Chrome miners recently told parliament that production at the factories was
being constrained by power outages and lack of raw materials such as coking
coal from the domestic market. They also asked parliament to lobby the
government to reconsider the raw chrome ore exports.
The revival of Hwange is linked  to the economic fortunes of the country
since there would be a guaranteed electricity supply from Hwange Thermal
Power station.
“Hwange forms the cornerstone of Zimbabwean industry through basic energy
for the generation of electricity,” Logan said. “The economy will not
recover until there is a steady supply of reasonably priced electrical
power.”
Meanwhile, Hwange started exporting coking coal to India in June,  in a deal
that is expected to reach 50 000 tonnes a month.
The coal will be railed to Maputo port in Mozambique for export tothe Indian
market.
“This will be the first ever coal to be moved by a Zimbabwean company to
(India) targeting its vast steel making industry,” Hwange Colliery said.
Hwange is targeting further potential coal and coke sales to Democratic
Republic of Congo, Zambia, Tanzania, Botswana and Mozambique.
Hwange’s main customer is the Hwange power station, which is adjacent to the
mine and takes about 180 000 tonnes a month of coal.
The reopening of Ziscosteel after Essar Africa’s investment will see Hwange’s
customer base increase as the steel-making company was the second largest
customer before its closure.

Zisco, Essar deal a sprawling conglomerate

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 18:50

IN everything that can be done badly, Zimbabwe takes the cup. Its President
Robert Mugabe provided the ultimate in mixed messages earlier this week
after he agreed to privatise the country’s steel business, the barely
breathing Zisco, in a US$4billion deal with Essar Group which is best
described as a sprawling conglomerate.
Only a fortnight ago, Zimbabwe’s Minister for Youth Development,
Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment, Saviour Kasukuwere, ripped trashed
175 indigenisation applications by companies operating in Zimbabwe and
threatened to kick them all out by September.

Firms, many of them in mining, have until then to redo their applications,
presumably by transferring more equity into the hands of local Zimbabweans
rather than attempting to meet indigenisation regulations through social and
labour contracts — the feature of the applications that so angered
Kasukuwere.

Back to the Essar deal, however, which moved Mugabe to say: “If partners
come in the way they (Essar) have come, because they extended their hand and
that they took over the debt Zisco had created, we’ll go beyond the 49%. We’ll
give you 54%. We say come, don’t be afraid. But come as friends and not as
exploiters.”

In terms of the deal, Essar Africa Holdings will pump US$705 million into
Zisco which immediately dissolves its debt and gets the plant back to 1,2
million tonnes of steel a year.

A new company, ZimSteel, will be created which houses Essar Africa’s 60%
stake in Zisco, with government holding the balance. Capacity of Zisco’s
plant will then be taken up another million tonnes annually.

Essar Africa will also control Zisco’s mining assets — the Ripple Creek and
Mwanetsi iron ore mines as well as a limestone deposit, which will be held
in NewZim Minerals.

This will involve, at some future point, the lion's share of the investment
promised by Essar, roughly US$3,5 billion for a beneficiation plant.
But it’s very fuzzy when and how this will be built. For the record, Essar
Africa is a difficult company to contact, notwithstanding the fulsomely
supplied contact details at the foot of its press release.

Water and rail infrastructure will be improved, especially linking Hwange,
but there’s no mention of how the coal industry, which will be important in
supplying the regenerated Zisco with metallurgical coals, will be
revitalised through this process.

“There’s no doubt this is a shot in the arm to the Zimbabwean economy,” says
Charles Shonhayi, a mining analyst for Frost & Sullivan which has been
following the re-emergence of Zimbabwe’s mining sector. “The value chain has
been struggling so the upliftment of National Railways  of Zimbabwe is
helpful,” he says.

That may be so but what about the rest of the mining related economy
currently bedevilled by the indigenisation legislation? If, as Mugabe
claims, you open your cheque book — which one assumes is the approach of a
friend not an exploiter — does that mean the requirements of indigenisation
fall away?
Stuart Murray, CEO of Aquarius Platinum, the company that owns 50% of the
highly successful Mimosa platinum mine in Zimbabwe, is philosophical. “I
tell shareholders that when we hear something about indigenisation, we’ll
tell them,” he says.

“So far, there’s been no formal rejection of the company’s indigenisation
application notwithstanding the comments by minister Kasukuwere.”
“If, as Mugabe claims, you open your cheque book...does that mean the
requirements of indigenisation fall away?”

Says another executive: “It’s easier for Essar to operate in Zimbabwe
because it’s not listed. Public companies have to make announcements and
provide details and structures of deals.”

Still, this doesn’t guarantee success. It’s worth remembering that a similar
private investment in a Zimbabwean state-owned company was announced when
Sinosteel bought control of Zimasco, a formerly state-owned company that
produces ferrochrome.

Sinosteel has found it difficult to operate in Zimbabwe, which owns 12% of
world chromite reserves but its production has fallen to 1,2% of world
output from 5% previously.— Mining mx.com.

High losses blamed for missed tobacco targets

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 18:26

Paul Nyakazeya

THE Tobacco Industry and Marketing Board (TIMB) says the industry failed to
meet this year’s projected target of 177 million kgs of tobacco owing to
crop  losses of up to 31%at the farms and 21% during the re-handling
process.
The tobacco selling season officially closed yesterday, with mop-up sales
scheduled to last until end of September.
As the tobacco selling season comes to an end, farmers are counting their
losses while the TIMB indicated that the target of 177 million kgs would not
be met.
TIMB CEO Andrew Matibiri said drought and and re-grading of tobacco
impacted negatively on the projected target as 130,2 million kgs of tobacco
had so far been auctioned, raking in US$357,3 million according to figures
released on Wednesday.
“During the current marketing season, tobacco farmers’ crop was affected by
intermittent rains, forcing them to embark on the re-handling exercise which
however accounts for 21% in losses,” he said.
“Other weather related conditions in farms affected the golden leaf,
accounting for 31% of losses. It is against this background that
agricultural experts are calling for extensive educational campaigns on
tobacco growing and handling to ensure that the forthcoming season will not
record high tobacco losses,” Matibiri said.
Tobacco is one of the country’s top foreign currency earners, contributing
26% to Gross Domestic Product last year.
TIMB said this year’s selling season opened early because:
l Tobacco seed beds are prepared in June, while the selling season
traditionally starts in May and ends  in August, a situation which usually
compromises preparations as small scale farmers always failed to meet
deadlines;
l Some farmers are into diverse crops and want to concentrate  on single
crops. Most tobacco farmers are also into wheat and winter crops;
l Early selling enables farmers to repay debts, as many say they fail to
access loans from banks;
l Those who access loans said an early opening would ensure that they would
escape high interest rates prevailing at banks if they repaid early;
l Contract tobacco farmers said early selling would enable them to apply for
new loans on time;
l Many farmers do not have storage facilities for their tobacco.
TIMB said the industry was prepared for high volumes of tobacco after six
other suppliers of tobacco wrapping material were licensed to avoid
shortages that occurred last season.
No shortage of the packaging material was reported this season. However, the
booking system put in place to reduce congestion at the auction floors was
not as effective, as growers continued to bring their tobacco without
registering. The board had decentralised its booking offices, but some
farmers  still failed to take advantage of the arrangement.
This resulted in congestion at the Tobacco Sales Floors, which were the only
operational auction floors when the selling season opened. Boka Tobacco
Auction Floors opened late due to renovations while Millennium Tobacco
Auction Floors also came on board later on.
Over the past two months tobacco sales were averaging between 500 and 600
bales per day in contrast to an average of about 4 000 bales which used to
be traded per day at the peak of the season. Farmers however said it was
normal as the selling season was now coming to an end.
Millennium Tobacco Auction Floors Chairman, Hillary Mombeshora, said the
drop in prices had affected farmers’ returns and said the 170 million kgs
target might not be achieved this year.
“Tobacco is the only crop whereby farmer is guaranteed cash payment there
and then. However indications are that the target set of 170 million kgs
cannot be reached,” he said.
“Liquidity challenges initially affected prompt payment to farmers but the
situation has eased with most farmers expressing satisfaction with services
rendered,” Mombeshora said.
Mombeshora said the licensing of new tobacco auction floors was now the
solution to ease congestion and fetching higher prices at auction floors,
but there was a need for more training of farmers on how best to grow
quality leaf.
Tobacco farmers this year got cash payment for almost all their deliveries
after the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe increased the cash payment threshold from
US$2 000 to US$10 000 per sale.
Farmers who deliver less than 4 000kg of the golden leaf in one go received
their payment in cash.
The US$10 000 threshold applied per every single sale made and farmers with
more than 4 000kg could split their sale into two within the same day and
still get US$10 000 per sale.

Mujuru: A leader who made, unmade history

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:44

By Ibbo Mandaza

SPECULATION about the possible political developments in Zimbabwe in the
aftermath death of Solomon Mujuru (herein referred to as ‘‘Rex’’), his
legendary nom de guere this week, is understandable given his historical
role in both the struggle for liberation and the life of the nation in the
period since independence in 1980.

The spontaneous and nationwide reaction as news of his death spread last
Tuesday was an acknowledgement that here, indeed, was not only a national
hero in the true sense of the term, but also a national leader whose
influence pervaded Zimbabweans in all walks of life and across the political
divide.

Neither heroes nor leaders are made by ‘‘Politbureaus’’, let alone the
‘‘decision’’ of this or that person; they are made by history and the
accompanying acknowledgement; spontaneous and natural, of a nation and its
people.

But as the case of Rex confirms, leaders like him also ‘‘made’’ or ‘‘unmade’’
history, just as history –– including both circumstance and opportunity ––
moulded him into the man we are honouring whilst simultaneously profiling
the political animal that he was, Machiavellian (the end justifies the
means!) in the true sense of the word, shrewd and even ruthless, if
necessary.

Some in our contemporary Zimbabwe will remember him as the ‘‘kingmaker”
across the national spectrum: the numerous examples of politicians today who
would not have made it without his support, in many cases, simply catapulted
from nonentities into a cabinet post; the current securocracy, almost every
leading member of which is directly –– and at least indirectly –– his
product, even if some have expediently developed amnesia or self-denial;
that coterie of corporate pimps and comprador elements who thrived on his
patronage and ‘‘protection’’; not to forget even those white farmers and
similar corporate interests whose fate might have been as precarious as that
of most of their ilk, were, it not for his quiet mediation or intervention.

But it is to the extent that Rex ‘‘made’’ or ‘‘unmade’’ history during his
political life that I wish to return and end my account.  I do so with
reference to specific episodes during the last stage of the liberation
struggle, and during the period since the Zanu PF congress of 1999.  In
short, these were instances in which some in our midst found their political
fortunes made good through Rex’s intervention whilst others conversely lived
to see theirs unmade.

By a curious coincidence of history and events, Monday,  August 15, 2011 was
the night during which both Rex died tragically and Wilfred Mhanda (Dzinashe
Manchingura, his nom de guerre), the legendary ZIPA leader, also launched
his book, Dzino: Memories of a Freedom Fighter.

To be brief, Dzino’s account of Rex as one who ‘‘sold’’ out his ZIPA
comrades in favour of Robert Mugabe in 1976/77 was to be confirmed the
following morning on Tuesday August 16 by President Mugabe himself as he
spoke after viewing the former Zanla commander’s charred remains at One
Commando Barracks.

Without that historical ‘‘sell out’’ in Beira, Mozambique in January 1977,
Mugabe and the old nationalist guard might have been relegated to the
dustbin of history in favour of Dzinashe Machingura and  his ZIPA
‘‘revolutionaries’’, hardly three years before Zimbabwe’s independence in
1980.

It was also Rex’s intervention again in 1978 that saved the day, not only
for Mugabe and the old nationalist guard, but also for  Tongogara and Rex
himself.  This was the occasion of the purported ‘‘coup’’ attempt led by
Joseph Taderera but subsequently implicating the former Dare re Chimurenga
members, namely Rugare Gumbo, Henry Hamadziripi and Kumbirai Kangai.

What is important in this regard is that, without Rex’s quick action, the
‘‘coup’’ might have succeeded, while Mugabe and Tongogara were away from
Maputo, in Malta at yet another of those abortive attempts at resolving the
‘‘Rhodesian crisis’.

There is this unfortunate tendency in autobiographies and biographies by
former combatants of Zimbabwe’s War of Liberation, including Dzino himself,
to view such events in terms of ‘‘revolutionary’’ and ‘‘anti-revolutionary’’
or‘‘progressives’’ and ‘‘sell-outs’’ in the implicit suggestion that yours
was the only noble course as opposed to the actions of those who
successfully overtook you in what was nothing less than a power struggle.

In retrospect, even Mugabe might be deceiving himself in concluding that Rex
was merely a pawn, however pivotal, in a power struggle in which he emerged
as Prime Minister in 1980 and, subsequently, as virtual ‘‘Life President’’.
An outcome which, according to Edgar Tekere’s autobiography (A Lifetime of
Struggle), might not have been a foregone conclusion were it not that Rex
and his fellow generals who put their weight behind the Mugabe-Muzenda
alliance against their internal rivals.

This was Rex the Machiavellian at work.  For example, he acknowledged
privately to me in those days that the happenings around the Gukurahundi era
were contradictory to the principles of the liberation  and yet he had
become such an integral and pivotal part of the new Zimbabwean state,
something he could no longer reconcile with principle, including having had
to see such of his Zipra comrades, including Dumiso Dabengwa and Lookout
Masuku, languish in detention during that period.

But it was during the Zanu PF congresses of 1999 and 2004 that Rex played
Machiavellian politics behind the scenes as part of his plan to see a
peaceful leadership succession in Zimbabwe.

Certainly, it was largely through Rex’s efforts, assisted by that other
strategists like Eddison Zvobgo, that John Nkomo emerged victorious over
Emmerson Mnangagwa in the contest for the  position of Zanu PF chairman in
1999.

Rex also played a key role to ensure that during the 2004 Zanu PF congress
his wife, Joice Teurai defeated Mnangagwa to become vice-president of both
Zanu PF and the State.

The process had been a bruising affair.  The last four years during which
the issue of Mugabe’s succession has heated up, with the incumbent’s
apparent rebuff of Joice Teurai Mujuru’s presidential ambitions during his
birthday interview on February 20, 2007 and the inexorable rise of Morgan
Tsvangirai and his MDC as serious contenders for state power, Rex became
even more active behind the scenes.

Not only Rex who believed by 2007 Mugabe had become a political liability
for Zanu PF, there were many others who believed and still do. Although
during the 2006 Zanu PF conference in Goromonzi, the issue of succession had
become critical, Rex and his allies failed to challenge Mugabe directly.
Emboldened  by their cowardice, Mugabe  went on to throw the gauntlet at
them.

To this day many in and outside Zanu PF have no doubt Rex could have
successfully launched a motion in the politburo which would have compelled
Mugabe to retire before the 2008 elections, but he didn’t.

Others would argue that his ‘‘quiet diplomatic’’ support for
Mavambo-Kusile-Dawn was part and parcel of Rex’s strategy to try and compel
Mugabe to stand down as presidential candidate in 2008. Mavambo leader Simba
Makoni had that ‘‘secret’’ meeting with President Mugabe on January 27 2008
on the advice of Rex although we don’t know for sure what was discussed.

Whatever the case or the truth of Makoni’s explanation both this ‘‘secret’’
meeting and Rex’s subsequent failure to make good his alleged undertaking
that he would bring into the Mavambo fold a significant number of the Zanu
PF heavyweights put paid to Makoni’s political ambitions in 2008.  Rex may
have, albeit inadvertently, ‘‘unmade’’ Makoni altogether.

But after all is said and done Rex left his wife Joice on the eve of a new
dispensation on firm ground if Zanu PF and Zimbabwe are to follow a
constitutional and democratic succession process.

Mandaza is a Zimbabwean academic, author and publisher.

Muckraker: Where is Jomic when you need them?

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:24

ECONOMIC sanctions slapped on Zimbabwe by the West are “an honour” to the
nation as they demonstrate how important the Southern African country is on
the global political platform, “prophet” Andrew Wutawunashe claims.
NewsDay reports that Wutawunashe said this while addressing thousands of
Zion Christian Church worshippers at the church’s headquarters at Mbungo
Shrine.
“Sanctions are an honour. If you are slapped with sanctions, it shows you
are important. It is a way to try to suppress an important nation, which is
an envy of the world,” Wutawunashe said.
It seems to have escaped Wutawunashe’s notice that President Robert Mugabe
and his surrogates have been pleading for the repeal of the same “illegal”
sanctions that Wutawunashe deems honourable.
What happened to his Eminent Church Leaders in Zimbabwe, we would like to
know?

Speaking of “men of the cloth”, the Sunday Times reports that Destiny of
Afrika Network leader “Reverend” Obadiah Musindo has been taken to court by
his former wife for allegedly “spitting” in her face, “threatening her life”
and holding onto their daughter’s toys.
In his defence, Musindo claimed that he was a “peace-loving man and a
Christian”.
“I don’t believe in violence and will never involve myself in physical
confrontation,” Musindo said.
“She wants to show me in bad light. I harbour political ambitions and she is
aware of this. She is out to tarnish my good name and reputation and
minimise my chances of holding political office.”
We are not sure about the “good name and reputation” part Reverend!
Meanwhile the Destiny of Afrika Network is distributing a “Loyal (sic)
Membership Card 2011”. They probably meant Loyalty Membership Card. Members
are supposed to pay subscriptions of US$1 for each month of the year. In a
letter written to committee members Musindo states:
“Those who are not willing and committed to fully campaign for Zanu PF and
boldly stand behind the visionary leadership of Cde President Robert Gabriel
Mugabe have no place in the leadership circles of Destiny of Afrika Network.
The same principles apply to the ordinary card carrying members.
“You are therefore being commanded to take this order seriously.”
The less said the better.

We were greatly amused by Professor Jonathan Moyo’s backtracking on his
article  in the Sunday Mail, “Zanu PF: An introspection”.
In the article, Moyo questioned why comrades in the “nationalist movement”
seemed to be “afraid of change” and did not want to be criticised. The
“Generation 40” had been excluded and marginalised by the nationalist
movement, Moyo wrote.
Moyo went on to posit that the Sadc election roadmap “is all about confusing
everything to ensure that the next elections are held when it is practically
impossible for President Mugabe to be candidate”.
However this week, in an interview entitled “Prof Moyo unpacks Zanu PF
introspection”, Moyo attempted to retract some of the politically incorrect
views he had expressed.
After claiming in the first article that a delay in the elections would make
it “practically impossible for President Mugabe to be candidate”, Moyo now
sang a different tune.
“Otherwise the candidate for Zanu PF is of course President Mugabe in terms
of the constitution of our party which says that the first secretary and
president of Zanu PF is the party’s candidate in any national election for
the leadership of the country.”
Strangely, Moyo now viewed President Mugabe (87), as having a “disposition
in relation to the interests of our G40”.
Moyo goes on to state that Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai was the donkey
he referred to when he said Mugabe cannot beat a donkey in an election.
Yet only recently Moyo raised a fuss about statements made by PM Tsvangirai
to the effect that President Mugabe lied about the outcome of the recent
Sadc Extraordinary Summit held in South Africa.
“I strongly believe that it is high time that the law should take its
course. It is totally unacceptable for Tsvangirai and Jameson Timba to call
Cde Mugabe a liar,” Moyo said.
Apparently Moyo has the licence to call the prime minister a donkey. Where
is Jomic when you need them?

The Fallen Heroes of Zimbabwe Trust (FHZT), which has been leading the
exhumations at Chibondo in Mt Darwin, has identified the remains of a
comrade who was in the Zanla High Command during the liberation war, ZBC
reported.
“The Fallen Heroes Trust through its chief exhumer, Cde Jimmy Motsi, has
identified remains of Cde Rauya, who is said to have been in the Zanla high
command in the 1970s.”
We hope that once you are done in Mt Darwin, Cde Motsi, you will move on to
Matabeleland. Your services will be required there.
Meanwhile, ZBC, reports that the FHZT treasurer, Mandi Chimene, “added her
voice to the ongoing chaos in Britain, which was triggered by the shooting
of a black man Mark Duggan”.

The UK government is exploring whether to turn off social networks or stop
people texting during times of social unrest, the BBC reports.
Premier David Cameron said the intelligence services and the police were
exploring whether it was “right and possible” to cut off those plotting
violence. These include Facebook, Twitter and specific technologies such as
text messaging. Texting and Blackberry Messenger are said to have been used
by some during this week’s riots.
This is hypocrisy at its best from the British government, which all too
recently was lecturing Egypt on the vices of repression. “You do have a
choice here. This repression –– if you opt for that, that will end badly for
Egypt, badly for the world. It is the wrong choice,” Cameron had said.
Cameron said that if the Egyptian regime used violence and repression on
protesters it will lose any remaining international credibility it had left.
Cameron would do well to take heed of his own advice.

The Zimbabwe Republic Police says the current situation in Britain exposes
the hypocrisy of the so-called human rights organisations which have not
openly condemned London’s heavy-handedness in dealing with protesters while
quick to blame Third World countries when faced with similar circumstances,
ZBC reports.
Police chief spokesperson, Senior Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena
expressed his surprise that the international community has not condemned
Britain’s use of water cannons on civilians yet they have for long been
demonising the Zimbabwe Republic Police for using “minimum force” to
maintain law and order.
Bvudzijena said the Britons had deployed 16 000 police officers, a number
which translates to half of ZRP’s total human resource.
We agree, heavy-handedness by the police anywhere in the world is
deplorable.
However, the ZRP cannot use events in the UK to justify how they have been
used by former ruling party politicians to ruthlessly suppress any dissent.
Who can forget the image of the battered and swollen head of PM Morgan
Tsvangirai after being beaten by the police in custody in March 2007? What
of human rights campaigner Jestina Mukoko, who was abducted and tortured on
spurious charges?
“On 16 February 2011, the European Union extended sanctions against
Zimbabwe,” ZBC states. “Their reasons, continued allegations of violence,
human rights abuse, lack of rule of law and alleged failure to implement
democratic reforms. Until this day the West is still obsessed with the issue
of Zimbabwe’s human rights.”
For good reason we believe!

Finally, the city of London will be hosting the Olympic Games in 2012.
However many of the famous events, which go to make up this spectacular
event, are to be especially altered for 2012. A copy of these changes has
been leaked, and is reproduced below:

Opening Ceremony
The flame will be ignited by a petrol bomb thrown by a native of the area in
the traditional dress of balaclava and shell suit. The flame will be
contained in a large overturned police van situated on the roof of the
stadium.

100 metres sprint
Competitors will have to hold a DVD player and microwave oven (one in each
arm) and on the sound of the starting pistol, a police dog will be released
from a cage 10 yards behind the athletes.

110 metres hurdles
As above but with added obstacles (i.e. car bonnets, hedges, garden fences,
walls etc)

Hammer
Competitors in this event may choose the type of hammer they wish to use
(claw, sledge etc) the winner will be the one who can cause the most
physical damage within three attempts.

Fencing
Entrants will be asked to dispose of as many stolen goods as possible in
five minutes.

Shooting
A strong challenge is expected from local men in this event. The first
target will be a moving police van. In the second round, competitors will
aim at a post office clerk, bank teller or wages deliveryman. The
traditional .22 rifle has been replaced in this event by a choice of either
a Browning automatic handgun or sawn-off 12-bore shotgun.

Boxing
Entry to the boxing will be restricted to husband and wife teams, and will
take place on a Friday night. The husband will be given 15 pints of lager
while the wife will be told not to make him any tea when he gets home. The
bout will then commence.

Cycling time trials
Competitors will be asked to break into the University bike shed and take an
expensive mountain bike owned by some mummy’s boy on his first trip away
from home. All against the clock.

Cycling pursuit
As above, but the bike will be owned by a visiting member of the Australian
rugby team, who will witness the theft.

Modern pentathlon
Amended to include mugging, breaking and entering, flashing, joyriding and
arson.

Swimming events
All waterways are currently being tested for toxicity levels, once one is
found that can support human life, swimming events will be organised, please
note that the Synchronised Swimming event for this year will comprise
dropping acid and watching all the funky ripples on the pool.

The marathon
A safe route has yet to be decided.

Men’s 50km walk
Unfortunately this will have to be cancelled as the police cannot guarantee
the safety of anyone walking the streets of East London, especially anyone
that appears to be... mincing.

The closing ceremony
The flame will be extinguished by police riot water cannon following the
inevitable pitch invasion by confused West Ham organised hooliganism club.
The stadium itself will then be boarded up before the local athletes break
into it and remove all the copper piping and the central heating boiler.

Eric Bloch: Deterrents to Foreign Direct Investment

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:20

FOREIGN Direct Investment (FDI) is a key requisite for the recovery of the
Zimbabwean economy.  Without it, Zimbabwe is devoid of the capital that is
essential for the substantial development of its economic sectors and
thereafter the working capital that is required for the funding the
operations of enterprises in those sectors.

FDI is also a primary access vehicle to state-of-the-art technology transfer
required to ensure the viability and international competitiveness of those
enterprises, and to a very major extent, is also the passkey to world
markets.  In addition, as Zimbabwe has lost a considerable wealth of
skills — a consequence of the immense brain drain experienced for more than
a decade, FDI enables access to critically-needed expatriate skills to
assure economic operational viability until such time  as Zimbabwe has
rebuilt its own resource base of skills.

If Zimbabwe cannot substantively exploit its vast resources of precious
metals and minerals, rebuild and grow its manufacturing sector, exploit its
myriad of remarkable tourist attractions to a far greater extent than is
presently the case, effect substantial value-addition to its agricultural
and minerals output, and restore and enhance its infrastructure (including
energy generation, road, rail and air transport services and facilities,
telecommunications), it cannot achieve any major economic upturn.

Without that upturn, massive unemployment will continue to prevail
(currently about 90% of the employable population has no formal sector
employment).  Ongoing mass unemployment results in continuing poverty
nationwide, suffering and distress.  Currently, estimates place more than
80% of the population as struggling to survive on incomes significantly
below the poverty datum line, the minimum income required for absolute
essentials without endangerment of health and wellbeing.

It is estimated that more than half of Zimbabwe’s population battles to
exist on incomes below the food datum line, i.e  income as is needed to
avoid malnutrition and starvation.  Thus, Zimbabwe’s greatest single need is
to create employment for an overwhelming majority of its employable
population, and that requires expansion and growth of existing enterprises,
and the creation of many more.

An expanded economy also means growth in revenue flows to the national
fiscus, which is facing a current year deficit of US$700 million, and an
accumulated national debt ofmore than US$7 billion.  The magnitude of that
debt, and its ongoing growth in consequence of the fiscal deficits,
precludes access to international funding needed to achieve the necessary
economic growth.

Although Zimbabwe has much resource wealth, that wealth is of no
significance if the resources cannot be accessed and constructively used.
Hence Zimbabwe’s best (and, in reality, only meaningful) vehicle to the
transformation of the economy is FDI.

Tragically, Zimbabwe’s political hierarchy includes all too many that abhor
FDI, even though they claim to the contrary.

Endlessly, they pursue policies and introduce legislation which demotivate
international investors from investing in Zimbabwe. First, investors seek
security of their outcry, and that the environment must be conducive to such
security.

Of primary importance to their sense of investment security is that the
Zimbabwean political environment be credibly perceived to be stable,
democratic and free, with unmitigated respect for property and human rights,
and law.  With rare exception, foreign investors do not have that perception
of Zimbabwe’s political arena.

They witness the recurrent breaches by the political parties of their Global
Political Agreement, and hence the recurrent instability, fragility of and
conflict within the so-called Government of National Unity.  They are
witnesses of abuses of law against political opponents, frequent physical
attacks upon those opponents and their properties, wide-ranging and
oppressive misapplication of authority, and endless interventions of the
heads of security forces within the political arena.

Moreover, not only do many of Zimbabwe’s laws not facilitate investment, but
they are contrary to internationally acceptable and investment required
criteria.  Amongst those is the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act,
and its underlying regulations.

Investors are mostly very supportive of the principles of indigenisation and
widespread economic empowerment of the majority of the populace.  But that
support does not extend to  the investors  willing to provide the major
substance of the investment capital, the transfer of technology and
associated know-how, and access to the investors’ markets, whilst being
reduced to the status of minority equity holders with little or no authority
in enterprise policies and operations, and  even being deprived of
determination as to who will be their co-owners of the enterprises.

All those unacceptable features are compounded by the intending investors
not even being assured of fair and reasonable compensation for their inputs
into the ventures, or as to when such compensation will be forthcoming.
This is especially so in relation to the mining sector, where the Ministry
of Youth Development, Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment is insistent
that the co-shareholder be “designated entities,” most of which are the
state itself.
Exchange control,regulations and  frequent changes to them, also deter
investors.

There was great appreciation of the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) whenit
greatly relaxed the controls in February 2009, giving investors some sense
of assurance that their ventures would not be jeopardised by  regulations.

Although the exchange controls presently in force are still very markedly
less onerous than what prevailed more than three years ago, frequent changes
to the controls which generally intensify the authority of RBZ, inevitably
create ongoing  fears of further  counter-productive controls being
introduced.  These fears were significantly intensified on August 1 when the
RBZ issued Directive RM80 in respect of remittance of sale proceeds from the
disposal of immovable property.

Although the newly applied constraints on the remittance from Zimbabwe of
proceeds from disposal of immovable property apply primarily to Zimbabwean
residents, and non-resident individuals can still relatively readily remit
property disposal proceeds, the impact of the regulations is to further
depress the property market, with consequential diminution of property
values and hence is yet further discouragement of investment.

As negative as those measures are, they are worsened by being introduced
without prior notice.  The prejudice to persons who disposed of properties
shortly before the issue of the directive, and had yet to remit the
proceeds, results in gross dissatisfaction for those persons, and ancillary
further discouragement of investors.

Over and above the legislative barriers to investor confidence, the ongoing
deficiencies of the parastatals in general, and that of Air Zimbabwe, Zesa,
National Railways of Zimbabwe and TelOne in particular, also continue to
alienate investor confidence, as do the repeated threats by the Minister of
Finance to increase mining royalties and taxation, and the ceaseless clamour
from labour for wage increments far beyond the means of employers.  Until
all these issues are constructively addressed, most FDI is naught but
wishful thinking, and economic recovery of substance cannot occur.

Effects of North Africa events on Zim politics

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:12

By Brian Raftopoulos

GIVEN the economic and political convulsions that have marked Zimbabwean
politics for the last decade, it is not surprising that the momentous events
in North Africa have been internalised and constructed in contested ways by
the major political players in Zimbabwe. With the Zimbabwean landscape torn
by the polemical rupture between the redistributive language of Zanu PF
which has monopolised the legacy of the liberation struggle, and the two MDC
factions and the civic movement which were formatively shaped by the
politics of human rights and constitutionalism from the 1990s, the complex
events of the Maghreb have resonated differently within Zimbabwe.

President Robert Mugabe’s Zanu PF has responded with renewed coercion of
opposition and civic leaders and combined this with the launch of its
campaign for the next election, which could take place this year or in 2012.
Soon after the events in Tunisia and Egypt, Zanu PF organised a form of
pre-emptive demonstration and violence demanding a greater indigenisation of
the economy.

This action and its accompanying demand need to be understood within the
context of the attempt by Mugabe’s regime to construct the “sanctions” or
“targeted measures” imposed by the European Union and the United States on
key Zanu PF figures as a regime change strategy, which amounted to broader
economic sanctions against the people of Zimbabwe.

The anti-sanctions campaign has thus become the central focus of the party’s
strategy not only to win the next election but also to mobilise popular
opinion to give the impression that the real heirs of the events in North
Africa are not opposition forces but Zanu PF itself.

In this scenario, the popular uprisings in North Africa have been
interpreted as struggles against authoritarian regimes propped up by Western
imperialism, and thus share a common vision with Zanu PF’s anti-imperialist
message.

One of its key media messengers, Tafataona Mahoso, wrote: “In what ways can
the anti-sanctions launch be compared and contrasted with what people have
been trying in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Jordan, Yemen and Libya?

The answer is imperialism, made up of the imposition of neoliberal
corporatist policies expressed in our region as structural adjustment
programmes; made up of the unilateral Nato-driven security programme called
the ‘war on terror’ in the Middle East and masquerading as Africom in the
rest of Africa; made up of the global financial  crisis and Western efforts
to prescribe responses to the crisis for other regions of the world; made up
of the myth of ‘change’ and ‘democracy’ which tries to substitute mere words
for real work, production and livelihoods; and made up of strenuous efforts
to impose and maintain the Western media template on the rest of the world.”

Furthermore, as one of Zanu PF’s chief ideologues, Jonathan Moyo wrote that
the fight against the “regime-change sanctions” strategy is the latest in a
long-line of anti-colonial struggles to “reclaim” the right of “indigenous
people” to the resources of their country.

Thus, the battles against the colonial regime were continued in the land
struggles of the post 2000 period and currently find their embodiment in the
fight to impose majority indigenous control over the entire economy. Key to
this final struggle, cast in a Fukuyama style End of History gambit, is the
intent to mobilise the youth as the key beneficiaries of the process.

In Moyo’s words: “In the same way that the armed struggle in the Second
Chimurenga was necessary to fulfil the objectives of the first Chimurenga
against colonialism, the transformation of the ownership of the majority
equity in our economy through indigenisation is necessary as an expression
of the Last Chimurenga to complement the economic gains of the Third
Chimurenga against neo-colonialism…”

In such articulations, the battle for democratisation and human rights in
North Africa is either ignored or denigrated as a foreign, Western agenda.
Moreover, there has been a selective coverage of the events in North Africa
with limited coverage in the state media of the events in Libya compared to
the much wider reportage of the events in Egypt and Tunisia. Because of the
close relationship between Mugabe’s regime and Gaddafi, the state media has
largely parroted Gaddafi’s interpretation of the popular demonstrations in
Libya as a Western-sponsored ploy to effect illegal regime change.

Once again in Moyo’s words: “Evidence abounds showing that the US and its
European allies wish that what is happening in Libya could happen Zimbabwe
and elsewhere in Southern Africa where former liberation movements are in
power.”

Armed with such interpretations of these events, the Zanu PF state arrested
45 activists in early March  who had gathered to watch a video on the North
African protests. Thirty-nine of these activists were later released but the
rest have been charged with treason. Aside from this incident, there have
been two bogus campaigns calling for mass protests through social networking
websites, which have predictably come to naught. This is because whatever
the similarities in the authoritarian regimes confronting the peoples of
North Africa and Zimbabwe, there are also crucial differences.

The “Egypt moment” in Zimbabwe occurred in the late 1990s when a strong
alliance of trade unions and civic forces confronted the Mugabe regime in a
series of strikes, stayaways, demonstrations, the creation of a vibrant
constitutional movement and the formation of a strong, national and
multi-class opposition party, which effectively challenged the ruling party
at the polls throughout the 2000s and in 2008, against great odds and a long
history of state violence, defeated the party of liberation in the
elections.

The decisive difference between the current events in North Africa and the
situation in Zimbabwe was the role of the military, which in Zimbabwe
effectively blocked the popular vote from being translated into a change of
state power.

Currently, it is highly unlikely that any such an uprising will occur again.

The least important reason for this is the low levels of internet
penetration in Zimbabwe. More fundamentally, the livelihood structure of the
Zimbabwean economy has been completely deconstructed in the period of the
crisis, with the formal working class effectively decimated.

This has undercut a key constituency of the opposition movement. Moreover,
there has been a movement of about two million Zimbabweans into the
diaspora, which has in some ways displaced the crisis at national level onto
a broader regional and international plane. In addition, the land
occupations of the post 2000 period have not only caused displacement and
economic disruption but they have also created a constituency for Zanu PF
through the substantive numbers of Zimbabweans who have received land.

However, the impact of the North African events have been felt more
indirectly in Zimbabwe, through their effects on the mediation by Sadc.
Prior to these events the South African-led Sadc facilitators had for the
most part followed former South African President Thabo Mbeki’s “quiet
diplomacy”, which amounted to some levels of criticism of the Mugabe regime
behind closed doors, while providing that regime with regional solidarity in
official statements.

In the aftermath of the events in North Africa and the Ivory Coast, the
regional body took a much more critical approach to Zanu PF. At the Sadc
Troika summit held in Livingstone, Zambia in March, the organisation
confronted Mugabe’s obstruction of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) in a
much more head-on manner. Noting with “grave concern” the political
polarisation in Zimbabwe characterised by the “resurgence of violence,
arrests and intimidation”, the summit produced five resolutions which
included:

There must be an immediate end to violence, intimidation, hate speech,
harassment, and any other form of action that contradicts the letter and
spirit of the GPA;

All stakeholders to the GPA should implement all the provisions of the GPA
and create a conducive environment for peace, security and free political
activity;

Sadc should assist Zimbabwe to formulate guidelines that will assist in
holding an election that will be peaceful, free and fair, in accordance with
the Sadc Principles and Guidelines Governing Democratic Elections; and,

The major import of these resolutions was that they broadly repeated the
demands that had emerged from the two MDCs and the civic movement since
2009, and importantly refrained from any mention of the sanctions issue.
Moreover, they appeared to be addressing the securocrats in Zanu PF, who
have been the main obstacle to a more democratic transition and who also
represent one of the key factions in the succession battle in the party.

The immediate response of one of Zanu PF’s key spokespersons and
strategists, Moyo, was to launch a furious attack on Sadc and South African
President Jacob Zuma.

Sensing the extreme danger in alienating Sadc, senior Zanu PF officials
quickly distanced themselves from Moyo’s foolishness. In his speech on the
anniversary of Zimbabwe’s Independence, Mugabe confirmed this conciliatory
tone by a renewed commitment to the GPA, and an expression of gratitude for
Sadc’s “continued support in our efforts at ensuring the unfolding
implementation of the Global Political Agreement”.

While Zimbabwe is unlikely in the immediate future to experience the kinds
of popular struggles we have witnessed in North Africa, the effects of these
events have nevertheless transformed the context in which the Sadc mediation
and the GPA are unfolding. In the present context, particularly in the light
of Mugabe’s deteriorating health, it has become much more difficult for Sadc
to provide the kind of regional cover that has granted the Mugabe regime the
space it needed to obstruct a more substantive democratic transition in
Zimbabwe. The recent demonstrations in Swaziland and Malawi have added to
the pressure on Sadc to confront the authoritarian legacies in the region.

    Professor Brian Raftopoulos is a leading Zimbabwean scholar and
activist.— Open Space

Why Zim needs a new voters’ roll

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:09

By Rindai Chipfunde-Vava

THE registration of voters and compilation and maintenance of an accurate
national voters’ roll have long been recognised as essential components of
any fair electoral process.
Since the voters’ roll records who can vote, it may ultimately have a
determining effect on who wins the poll. Therefore, it is imperative that
the voters’ roll, which is the administrative cornerstone of democratic
elections, is as accurate and up-to-date as possible.

While an incomplete voters’ roll may disenfranchise some citizens who would
otherwise be entitled to vote, a roll that is inflated with duplicate
entries, the deceased or those who have emigrated lends itself to electoral
fraud.

If the roll is inflated, the count can be falsified (through ballot box
stuffing, multiple voting or manipulation of the figures on returns) without
appearing to be too blatantly implausible in relation to the number of
registered voters.

Inaccurate voters’ rolls also have a knock-on effect on the delimitation of
constituencies, portraying an inaccurate number of voters for each area. In
the same way, an inflated roll acts as the justification for printing an
excessive number of ballot papers, further expanding possibilities for
electoral fraud.

The question of the accuracy — or inaccuracy — of the voters’ roll is a
contentious issue and has been used as a basis for the allegation that
successive elections in Zimbabwe did not meet the basic requirement of being
“air” in accordance with internationally accepted democratic standards.

All elections from 1985 onwards have been conducted under the auspices of
successive electoral supervisory bodies but the same Registrar-General
(Tobaiwa Mudede), who is perceived by some observers and opposition parties
to be partisan. As a result, many people have little faith in the voters’
roll which is under the control of this body, believing that it has been
deliberately tampered with and that the number of voters has been inflated
to facilitate manipulation of the election results.

Considering the critical importance of a credible voters’ roll, the Zimbabwe
Election Support Network (Zesn) conducted a study of the roll to test its
accuracy, currency and completeness. Zesn employed a double-barrelled
method, including both desk and field research. The research took almost six
months to complete and the results were shocking.

According to Zesn, almost a third (27%) of the registered voters were dead,
less than a fifth (18%) of the country’s eligible young people were
registered, and two-fifths (41%) of voters had not changed their details
after changing their residential addresses. The findings indicated that no
serious efforts had been taken for ages to update and cleanse the national
voters’ roll. While it is mandatory for the government to continuously
update the voters’ roll, such a crucial exercise has not been meticulously
undertaken in Zimbabwe.

While the survey pinpointed some massive concerns, the state of the voters’
roll is still largely veiled in secrecy. The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission
(ZEC) has admitted that the voters’ roll is a shambles, but the commission
says it needs US$20 million to embark on a new voter registration drive.

While the Registrar-General — who is in charge of compiling the voters’
roll — said that his office was updating the register, he did not indicate
whether this exercise would be completed ahead of the next elections.
However, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai has made it clear that a chaotic
voters’ roll is unacceptable and that he would prefer the country to adopt a
totally new, biometric voters’ roll.

The impact of the research cannot be underestimated. Based on empirical
evidence rather than anecdotal evidence, the report provided the public with
credible information about the alarming state of the voters’ roll. The
report has also been used as an advocacy tool by various organisations
calling for the roll to be cleansed and sparked interest among
parliamentarians, with requests from MPs for training on the voters’ roll.

The research unearthed a number of irregularities in the country’s voters’
roll, a finding that is entirely consistent with previous studies conducted
by independent researchers. Given the cumulative evidence, one major and
incontrovertible conclusion can be drawn — Zimbabwe urgently needs a new
voters’ roll.

Conducting the next general election using a flawed voters’ roll that does
not inspire confidence in any of the stakeholders — from voters to political
parties — would compromise the legitimacy and credibility of the entire
electoral process.

Sufficient time and resources are required to create a new roll. An
appropriate registration methodology must also be agreed and adopted by
relevant stakeholders, who must ensure that there is a conducive environment
for the registration process. There should be incentives for citizens to go
and delete their dead relatives from the roll, as was the case in
Mozambique. The international community would also need to offer assistance,
especially with funding, technology and technical assistance.

A new, clean voters’ roll will go a long way towards increasing the
credibility of electoral processes in Zimbabwe — and ensure that all
eligible Zimbabweans are able to exercise their democratic right to vote in
future.

    Rindai Chipfunde-Vava is a political scientist currently working as
Director of the Zimbabwe Elections Support Network.—OpenSpace.

CandidComment: Sadc’s obsession with politics detrimental

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:41

Itai Masuku

SADC’S preoccupation with political issues is really detrimental to the
region it seeks to develop. We have raised this issue before, why is Sadc,
which is primarily a vehicle to promote economic development, overly focus
on political issues?
One would like to think that perhaps it was better off the grouping had
remained the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference, which it
was until 1992 when the Sadc treaty was signed in Namibia whose objective,
according to Sadc and itself,  shifted to include economic integration.

Both Sadc and Sadcc’s predecessor, the Frontline States, was clearly a
political platform. But as all the member countries of the frontline states
had attained political independence, there was now need to focus on Economic
independence, which must be the main focus. with the political issues having
thei9r due attention.  Economic or more precisely development issues
continue to take the backburner at all the summits.

The key issues of the Luanda summit that anyone has constantly been reminded
of were the political unrest in Madagascar, Malawi, the DRC and Zimbabwe.
What about the long delay in implementing the Sadc trade protocol? What
about addressing the infrastructural challenges in the region that are
hindering development? What about the debate on currency convertibility,
convergence or adopting a common currency as partof the goal of regional
integration? What about the Millennium Development Goals?

These can’t achieved by mere statements of intent, there must be pragmatic
steps taken in improving the economies in order to realize these goals.

Really, these summits have merely become hot air. If, as we are led to
understand, Sadc’s role in the mediation process in Zimbabwe is that the
political parties should find homegrown solutions, isn’t that stating the
obvious? Why spend all that money and time so that people can be told the
obvious?

This reminds one of an old video clip that used to be run on ZTV in support
of Zanu PF. In it, a spokesperson for a group of women stated that the women
had run into serious problems when they couldn’t obtain bread.

Zanu PF, the woman proudly boasted, gave them a solution: They had to bake
the bread themselves! Not a revolutionary solution I would say, but perhaps
better than Marie Antoinette’s statement: “If they can’t afford bread, let
them eat cake.”  It is time economic issues took centre stage at Sadc.

As one always says, if you were to ask the proverbial man on the street what
Sadc is all about, they would clearly tell you that it’s a political
organization.

And yet before the formation of the Sadc Organ on Politics, Defence and
Security, there was more focus on economic issues.

That organ has now become like an octopus in Sadc, spawning various
political offshoots such as the troika on this and the troika on the troika
on that; typical political gobbledygook.

Well, man doesn’t live on political gobbledygook at all but on bread and
butter. Sadc is losing focus.

Editor's Memo: Polls: Putting the cart before the horse

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:39

Constantine Chimakure

NEWS that the three political parties to the GPA have converged on the issue
of the date for the constitution review referendum and the elections should
ordinarily be good; but in our case it is a worrying development. Talking of
elections without exorcising the demon of June 2008 sends shivers down the
spines of many. Had meaningful and tangible efforts been made to turn over a
new leaf in how elections are conducted in Zimbabwe, most would welcome the
opportunity to express their political choice or vote.

While elections could serve as the solution to the political logjam
obtaining in the country, they would be fallacious without concrete and
tangible reforms.

The last elections, the presidential run-off of June 2008, were
characterised by an orgy of violence. The spectre thereof is still being
felt in communities across the country.

In their wisdom the three political parties agreed to institute an organ of
national healing.

Their agreement on when to hold elections begs the question of whether they
deem the nation “healed” enough to put them through another rollercoaster.

If anything, the prevailing peace is only superficial and the reality is
that the nation is haemorrhaging, crying out for recourse. Incidents of
violence and intimidation are still reported and these have to be eliminated
or at least minimised before we start talking of the next elections.

The Standard reported this week that war veterans’ leader Jabulani Sibanda
allegedly warned Masvingo villagers that the former liberation war fighters
would be “roasting livers of sellouts” in the next election. Such blatant
acts of intimidation must be nipped in the bud before any talk of elections.

It is also important to see how the political parties are going to expedite
the implementation of stalled reforms. For example, media reforms have been
put on ice pending the conclusion of the constitution-making process. There
is a plethora of problems here.

One is whether there will be enough time to effect all the necessary changes
between the referendum and the next elections -- which could be a space of
six months.

It makes no sense putting the reforms on hold pending the outcome of the
referendum. The issue of the referendum to accept or reject a new
constitution was crafted at a time of high political temperatures, after the
signing of the GPA, and there are certain grey areas such as what would
happen if the new document is rejected.

In the same breath, if the constitution is rejected and we revert to the
Lancaster House constitution as amended 19 times, how would the reforms be
effected? This brings to the fore the problems we have with agreeing to
dates and not benchmarks.

The adherence to timelines and not significant and acceptable reforms is a
waste of time. It has to be made clear to the three political parties that
we are a nation that is still bleeding and needs healing. Merely
constituting an organ of national healing is not enough to bring healing to
a nation.

One can use the media as a dip stick to see how much the nation is
suffering, calling out for real healing, not these cosmetics changes.

As such, it is disturbing to hear that the political leaders are focusing
more on elections. This is the wrong approach to the problems obtaining in
the country.

This approach is what bred violence and the thuggery that has come to
characterise the fight for political office. What is important is to agree
on reforms first and then hold elections later. A rush for elections will
definitely be another recipe for chaos and disaster.

Comment: Mujuru’s death: echoes of the past

http://www.theindependent.co.zw/

Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:37

THE untimely death of retired army commander General Solomon Mujuru in the
early hours of Tuesday morning in a blaze which burnt his body to a crisp
has echoes of the assassination of Herbert Chitepo and the killing of Josiah
Tongogara in a car accident.
Chitepo, the Zanu chairman and leader in exile key in the formation of Dare
reChimurenga (War Council), died on March 18 1975 in a car bomb blast in
Lusaka, Zambia.

Although to this day we still do not know the truth about who actually
killed Chitepo, many theories and accounts have been advanced and written on
it.

Former Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda set up a Special International
Commission on the Assassination of Herbert Wiltshire Chitepo which concluded
that he was killed due to internal strife in Zanu. It blamed infighting,
characterised by intimidation, abductions, torture and killings, for Chitepo’s
murder. Frontline states leaders believed Chitepo was a victim of Zanu
struggles within the struggle.

While the Zanu faction led by Ndabaningi Sithole believed the findings of
the Special Commission, the camp led by Robert Mugabe was unconvinced. In
fact, it denounced the Zambian government and blamed imperialists,
counter-revolutionaries and saboteurs for Chitepo’s death.

CIO founding director Ken Flower in his book Serving Secretly linked Chitepo’s
death to Rhodesian intelligence operations but did not say exactly who
killed him. Peter Stiff in See You in November: Rhodesia’s No-Holds-Barred
Intelligence War says a former British SAS soldier Hugh Hind was
responsible.

In his biographical account, The Legend of the Selous Scouts, Lt Col
Reid-Daly, says the CIO was behind it but forged documents to lay blame on
Zanu members.

In their book, The Chitepo Assassination, David Martin and Phyllis Johnson
try very hard but in vain to prove CIO culpability.

There are many theories and versions of Chitepo’s death. Academics and
researchers have entered the debate but no one has been able to prove beyond
reasonable doubt who killed Chitepo.

The same applies to Tongogara’s death.  Not all of these mysterious deaths
are by definition assassinations but there seems to be a history and pattern
of high-profile politically-motivated killings in this country by different
methods. Although no one as yet knows the truth about Mujuru’s death, the
incident reeks of foul play. It has all the hallmarks of murder, whether for
political or other reasons.

Mujuru’s mysterious burning to ashes has once again highlighted the spectre
of death that accompanies politics, especially in a situation where there is
vicious infighting linked to succession. While we don’t know the truth about
Mujuru’s demise, wherever there are succession fights, particularly in
authoritarian regimes, assassinations are used as a political tool to
eliminate rivals.

Many politicians and their agents seem to subscribe to the political
doctrine of Machiavelli which denies the relevance of morality in political
affairs and holds that craft, deceit and brutality are justified in pursuing
and maintaining political power.  Mujuru might be a victim of this
philosophy.

From Julius Caesar to Mahatma Gandhi, political leaders seem to be born with
death following them like their own shadows. Although Gandhi lived up to 78,
many others like Martin Luther King, John F Kennedy died too young and could
have contributed a lot more to their countries and humanity.

The list of assassinated people in positions of power suggests that while
politics is almost like a game, the stark reality of sudden death makes it a
dangerous adventure.

We sincerely hope Mujuru was not caught up in the evil designs of
politicians involved in Zanu PF’s power struggles. The truth is that most
people out there, including Mujuru’s relatives and political allies, don’t
believe he died in a fire accident, let alone caused by a candle! They think
it was murder.

So in order to lay the matter to rest there is need for a professional,
independent and through inquiry into events and circumstances leading to the
death of Mujuru. Otherwise, this will remain a mystery like the Chitepo and
Tongogara deaths, further poisoning the already toxic and cutthroat
political environment.

Hunger spreading in south

http://www.irinnews.org/

 

Photo: Jaspreet Kindra/IRIN

Maize is Zimbabwe's staple crop

HARARE, 18 August 2011 (IRIN) - Tedius Bere, 31, from Chivi District in Zimbabwe’s southeastern Masvingo Province, recently travelled to the capital Harare to ask for his brother’s help to buy food for his family, whom he had left in Chivi with only enough maize meal for two days.

“I had no choice but to ask my brother for money… because we are facing real starvation,” Bere told IRIN as he laboured to load two 50kg bags of maize meal onto the roof of the bus he would use to return home.

His 3.2 hectare plot of maize was severely affected by a prolonged dry spell that hit the district in late January. “I did not manage to harvest a single cob,” he said, adding that most of his neighbours and many families in surrounding communities failed to harvest much this year and were facing a similar predicament.

Bere’s brother, who is employed as a driver by an NGO, has a wife and four children of his own to look after, as well as other dependants from the extended family, but he has pledged to make sure his sibling’s family has enough to eat until the next harvest, which is still about eight months away.

Those families in Chivi who cannot rely on cash handouts from relatives to get them through the region’s perennial dry spells and poor harvests are often forced to sell off their livestock to buy basic commodities.

An informal survey by IRIN revealed that many households from the country’s drought-prone southern provinces are in urgent need of food aid following the failure of their crops during the 2010-11 farming season.

Fungai Mabachi, 35, from the populous suburb of Highfield in Harare, recently received a distress call from her mother who is caring for her two school-going daughters in her home district of Mwenezi, also in Masvingo Province.

“My mother sent a relative with a letter saying she will be needing food in the next few weeks because the maize she managed to get from her meagre harvest was running out. I told her that I would do my best, but as a vegetable vendor going through a hard time, I doubt that I will manage,” Mabachi told IRIN.

She said she had heard that many areas in the district were facing hunger, adding that only those with irrigation schemes appeared to be safe.

Tariro Mutsvanga, 42, a single mother of two from Shurugwi, about 120km east of Gweru, capital of Midlands Province, told IRIN that only a handful of households in her village of more than 800 homesteads had enough food to see them through to the next harvest.

“You can count the number of people who will have enough food on your fingers. These are the people who planted early enough and were therefore not severely affected by the dry spell,” she said.

WFP waits for assessment results

The World Food Programme (WFP), which helps food insecure communities during lean periods through a targeted assistance programme, told IRIN it was awaiting the findings of the Zimbabwe Vulnerability Assessment Committee (ZIMVAC) report to determine which areas required food aid.

“At this stage, we do not have the beneficiary numbers since we do not have the ZIMVAC results,” said Robert Makasi, WFP senior programme assistant.

The ZIMVAC report is usually based on inter-agency assessments by WFP, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), NGOs and government, but this year the government excluded traditional partners on the basis of “national security” and the report, which was expected to be released in July, has yet to be published.

However, other government survey results indicate that Masvingo, Matabeleland North and South, Manicaland and pockets of the Midlands and Mashonaland provinces were affected by poor rainfall, and a recent WFP exercise revealed that extensive crop failure in some districts would make food assistance necessary for nine instead of the usual four months. Makasi estimated that WFP would need about US$59 million for the programme for the period between November 2011 and March 2012.

The Agriculture Ministry has estimated a total cereal harvest of 1.6 million tons which represents an increase of 6 percent from the 2009-10 farming season. However, some NGOs argue that food insecurity is more severe than the government’s food and crop assessments suggest.

Appeal

Read more

UN agencies barred from food assessment for 'political reasons'

Dry spell ends prospect of good harvest

More food production, but not enough

Asking for more humanitarian money

In early August, international humanitarian agencies launched an appeal for US$488 million to meet Zimbabwe’s immediate needs through the Consolidated Appeal Process, the humanitarian community's most important fundraising instrument. The amount is $73 million more than the original request made in December last year, partly because of concerns about food security.

The US-based Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) said in its July 2011 report that most urban and rural households had stable food stocks but warned that food insecurity would affect many areas in the coming months as cereal stocks dwindled.

According to FEWS NET, this year’s cereal harvest leaves a deficit of 70,000 tons which would need to be offset through imports, local purchases and humanitarian aid.

FEWS NET warned, however, that the reinstatement of duties on basic commodities such as cooking oil and maize, which had been lifted more than two years ago to encourage imports, might adversely affect the price and availability of food, especially between October and December 2011 when many districts in drought-prone provinces are expected to have exhausted their household cereal stocks.

[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations]

DOCUMENTARY: Will the real Mugabe please stand up?

http://www.businessday.co.za

Zimbabwean documentary filmmaker tries to understand how a man he once
admired became a tyrant, writes Chris Thurman
Published: 2011/08/18 09:13:55 AM

EVERY South African has a "Zim story". They range from "I have
family/friends in Zimbabwe who lost their farm" to "Zimbabweans get all the
piecework because they’re cheaper to hire".

But too often, behind the Zim stories told by South Africans — black and
white, rich and poor — there lurks the spectre of another claim: "SA is
heading the way of Zimbabwe."

In the past, this invocation demonstrated a reactionary misunderstanding of
the major differences between countries. As the political commentator
Stephen Grootes noted after the recent African National Congress Youth
League conference, however, "Until now our view has been that we are
different from ‘that p lace a cross the Limpopo’ because there will always
be a strong tempering voice, a civil society, a business lobby, a middle
class to keep the extremists at bay. This congress makes us wonder if that
mechanism is still working in the case of Julius Malema."

It is not surprising that Malema’s fiery rhetoric about nationalisation of
resources and expropriation of land has brought the figure of Robert Mugabe
and his Zanu (PF) party into the forefront once again.

Yet while Malema has, if nothing else, been consistent during his short
career, Mugabe didn’t start out as a maniacal demagogue — or did he?

Robert Mugabe ... What Happened? It’s a question asked over and over in
recent years.

It’s now the title of a documentary film in which the director, Simon
Bright, presents a narrative that, as he describes it, "mirrors my own
changing perception of Mugabe".

Bright, whose family had been strongly opposed to Ian Smith’s vision of a
white-ruled "independent" Rhodesia, candidly admits he spent the early part
of his career applying his talents as a propagandist for the Zimbabwean
agriculture ministry in the 1980s.

His films, Corridors of Freedom (1987) and Limpopo Line (1990), both
recounted and contributed to the combined resistance of southern African
countries to the apartheid state.

A slow process of disillusionment can be tracked through Bright’s role as
co- producer in Ingrid Sinclair’s Flame (1996), which reveals abuses against
the women who fought for Zimbabwe’s freedom, to his imprisonment by Mugabe’s
henchmen in 2003.

So the film is "a journey for my own understanding, unpicking my Mugabe
hero- worship". In doing so, Bright has compiled some remarkable footage in
addition to reconfiguring his own material: "In some ways, the film is an
archival tribute — a montage of southern African documentary cinema from the
1930s to 2010."

There are rare images of Mugabe as a young man, as well as of the country in
which he grew up and which he left to study at various African universities
in the 1950s. There are indicators of the broader context for Zimbabwe’s
independence and civil war in the 1970s, including the pan- African
influence of Zambian president Kenneth Kaunda, Mozambique’s Samora Machel
and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania (none of whom, it should be mentioned,
entirely trusted the young Mugabe). The film also reminds us of the various
alternatives to the absolute rule of Mugabe and Zanu (PF) that have been
successively and successfully quashed. Before Morgan Tsvangirai’s MDC there
was Joshua Nkomo’s Zapu. The late Edgar Tekere, a critic of Mugabe from
within the Zanu ranks, was also effectively sidelined; likewise, Simba
Makoni. Tekere and Makoni are among the wise "talking heads" who provide
insight into Mugabe’s rise and reign as tyrant. Bright also shares extensive
interviews with newspaperman Trevor Ncube, as well as with ministers of
Mugabe’s first cabinet in the halcyon days after the elections in 1980 and
with other significant figures in subsequent Zimbabwean politics (one of
whom, Michael Auret, is the film’s producer).

So where did it all go wrong? Were the seeds of hatred sown during Mugabe’s
11-year incarceration ? Did his appetite for violence develop during the
"bush war"? ("People are a product of their environment — that’s the problem
with revolutionaries and liberators as leaders," says Brigh t. "W ars of
liberation are never glamorous.") What roles were played by the apartheid
government, the instruction in brutality of North Korea, or the failure of
the British to keep to the Lancaster House agreement? What about the death
of Mugabe’s first wife, who had been a strong (and beneficial) influence on
him ?

Or was it something much earlier in Mugabe’s life? Bright admits he’s often
heard the theory that Mugabe’s pro-Shona ethnic bigotry stems from the
childhood trauma of his father abandoning his mother and "running off with
an Ndebele woman". But he is reluctant to psychologise Mugabe too much. "I
have a problem with the idea that Mugabe is essentially evil and cruel —
that he pulled wings off flies as a boy."

But w e do get an insight into his disciplinarian Jesuit schooling and
glimpses of an unsociable, lonely child.

Ultimately, of all the possibilities mooted in Robert Mugabe ... What
Happened?, the most convincing answer is voiced by Wilfred Mhanda: nothing —
"Mugabe hasn’t changed. There is nobody in the world more consistent than
Robert Mugabe. It’s just that the circumstances surrounding him have
changed."

In other words, Mugabe’s desire for power has manifested itself in different
ways over the years, and the post-2000 madness of election-rigging, farm
invasions and citizen brutalisation has merely been a continuation of this.
"As my knowledge of Mugabe deepens," says Bright , "that is more and more my
opinion." International goodwill in the 1980s notwithstanding, Mugabe would
never be — could never be — a reconciliatory and inspirational icon like
Nelson Mandela; Bright’s film makes it clear that Mugabe knew this, and
would come to resent his inferiority to SA ’s saviour. He had manipulated
the internecine Zanu-Zapu conflict to his advantage, and has remained a
canny self-preserver ever since.

The question is, where does Zimbabwe go from here? Bright is encouraged by
"the stronger position taken by President Zuma and the Southern African
Development Community (which should have been taken years ago). Mugabe’s
power has until now been backed by a so-called ‘critique’ of western
imperialism — one of the aims of the film is to burst that balloon — and he
will now be increasingly isolated. When he dies, Zanu (PF) will, I expect,
implode; dictators can’t have heirs apparent."

South Africans, meanwhile, are left to ponder the paradox of a man whose
bearing, tastes and mannerisms are more English than the Queen — yet who
professes detestation of Britain. Still, perhaps that’s not entirely
dissimilar to a man who claims to be opposed to capitalist exploitation but
lives a life of conspicuous brand-oriented consumption ... and we’ve
swallowed that myth without even blinking.

• Robert Mugabe ... What Happened? will be screened at the Tri-Continental
Film Festival in Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town on September 9-25 ,
followed by theatrical release at Cape Town’s Labia Theatre.

Tapestries of fear