http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
21:53
PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe this week used a meeting in Namibia to
brief
regional leaders on the progress of the inclusive government in a
pre-emptive strategy to defuse tension on the non-resolution of outstanding
issues.
Mugabe's strategy, government sources said, was
meant to prevent Sadc
from taking a hard stance when it meets in Kinshasa
to, among other issues,
review the global political agreement (GPA) signed
last September by the
veteran leader, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and
his deputy Arthur
Mutambara.
The GPA culminated in the
formation of the inclusive government in
February. Relations between the
three parties were last week strained over
outstanding issues of the pact
after Mugabe's party announced that it would
not make any further
concessions.
It is against this background that Mugabe seized
the Namibia visit to
brief regional leaders on the sidelines of the
Boundless Southern African
Expedition (BSAE) launch in Oranjemund on his
commitment to full
consummation of the GPA.
The leaders who
attended the BSAE were Hifikepunye Pohamba of Namibia,
Botswana's
Lieutenant-General Seretse Ian Khama, Lesotho Prime Minister
Pakalitha
Mosisili and his Swazi counterpart Prime Minister Sibusiso
Dlamini.
Mugabe reportedly told the leaders that the
inclusive government was
working smoothly and assured them that despite the
Zanu PF politburo's
stance on the sticking points of the GPA, he was
determined to resolve the
issues with Tsvangirai and
Mutambara.
This, the sources said, was meant to render as a
non-event the review
of the GPA by Sadc in the DRC next
month.
The sources said South African President and Sadc
chairman Jacob Zuma's
visit to Harare on Thursday was not expected to yield
any major breakthrough
in resolving the current stalement between Zanu PF
and Tsvangirai's MDC.
Senior officials in the inclusive
government told the Zimbabwe
Independent that the country should not expect
anything to come out of the
visit by Zuma, who will be in the country to
officially open the Harare
Agricultural Show next Friday.
A
Zanu PF official said: "This hype about Zuma's visit is a creation
of the
media. Nothing is going to come out of that meeting. This issue about
outstanding issues and rising tensions is not like that. Zuma is here for
the agricultural show and that will be that. I wish we could continue for
the next 10 years with this inclusive government to get the country out of
the mess it is in."
Tsvangirai met with Zuma in South
Africa two weeks ago about Zimbabwe's
widening cracks in the GPA.
It was at that meeting that Zuma reportedly promised to address the
outstanding issues during his Harare visit.
An official
from one of the MDC formations said the GNU was "working
well
together".
"The inclusive government is the best thing that has
happened for
Zimbabwe," said the official. "If the stories about it
collapsing were true,
why has it not happened? We are working very well
together both in cabinet
and in our committees."
Such
statements contradict recent statements from the two main
political parties
over outstanding issues.
Zanu PF's politburo last week claimed that the
party had fulfilled all
outstanding issues and that it was the MDC
formations which had not met its
obligations outlined in the
GPA.
The sticking points the MDC formations were raising, the
politburo
said, were non-issues because the appointments of the Governor of
the
Reserve Bank Gideon Gono and Attorney-General Johannes Tomana were done
in
accordance with the constitution and so was the appointments of
provincial
governors. The Zanu PF organ insisted Mugabe used his
constitutional
prerogative to make the appointments.
In
what Zanu PF sources are describing as a defensive mechanism, the
politburo
said it was the MDC which had in fact not fulfilled key elements
agreed to
under the GPA.
The politburo accused MDC of not doing anything
to address the removal
of sanctions against Zimbabwe and Zanu PF and to stop
the beaming of
anti-Zimbabwe messages by what it called pirate radio
stations.
This, analysts say, was designed to prolong the
negotiating process,
making it impossible for the MDC to continue demanding
the reversal of
contentious appointments.
In response, the
MDC issued a statement attributed to its spokesperson
Nelson Chamisa saying
Zanu PF's statement was "nonsense" and that they were
not responsible for
correcting Zanu PF's "barbaric" image.
"The world is clear that
the so-called sanctions are a result of Zanu
PF's past sins of omission and
commission. The onus is on Zanu PF to morph
into a civilised political party
that does not believe in the primitive and
feudal coercive politics of
machetes and knobkerries," the statement read.
When quizzed at
a recent meeting by colleagues in the inclusive
government, Chamisa
reportedly denied that he was the author of that
statement, saying it was a
junior officer at the party offices who released
it without his
authority.
This prompted Mugabe to remind ministers from all
political parties
that they should be careful what they say because such
statements might give
a wrong perception about the GPA and they may also
overshadow achievements
made by the inclusive government.
The MDC was accused of grandstanding to give an impression to their
supporters that they were still fighting Mugabe and Zanu PF, when they were
working well with them behind closed doors.
One such front
on which they might appear to be at loggerheads is the
constitution-making
process, pertaining to the Kariba draft, which in the
GPA is recognised as
the basis for that process.
At the same meeting MDC-T's chief
negotiator Tendai Biti was said to
have fumed at his colleague,
Parliamentary and Constitutional Affairs
Minister Eric Matinenga for
"misleading" the nation that the Kariba draft
was not a factor in the
process.
He asked Matinenga why he had not consulted him first
as he was one of
the co-authors of that draft.
The three principals
and the negotiators from the three parties met
briefly on Monday to find
ways to reclaim the constitution-making process,
which they felt they could
lose control of if not careful.
The meeting had been due to
define the process and direction of the
constitution- making
process.
One of the chief negotiators told the Zimbabwe Independent
that they
felt that there was need to rein in the parliamentary select
committee on
the constitution, co-chaired by the parties. The 25-member
committee feels
it needs autonomy as envisaged in the GPA.
Paul Mangwana has been accused by Zanu PF senior officials of forming
an
"unholy" alliance with MDC T.
In an effort to reach out to his
former allies - Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions, National Constitutional
Assembly and Zimbabwe National
Students Union - Tsvangirai last Saturday met
with their executive
committees to try to seek their support in the
constitution-making process.
At that meeting Tsvangirai, in
contrast to his position with
colleagues in the inclusive government, agreed
that the process was flawed
and that using the Kariba draft was a
mistake.
Faith Zaba
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009 21:40
THE
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe will soon surrender its shareholding in
private
companies and four of its six subsidiaries if parliament passes a
Bill to
clip the central bank's wings and those of its governor Gideon
Gono.
The Bill - Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Amendment - was
gazetted last week
and is meant to streamline operations of the bank in a
bid to halt
quasi-fiscal operations.
Finance minister Tendai
Biti and multinational financiers blame the
supra-ministerial activities of
the bank for accelerating the decade-long
economic decline.
Information gathered by the Zimbabwe Independent shows that the
central bank
would give up shareholdings in a number of companies which
include Carslone
Enterprises (mining); Fiscorp (Pvt) Ltd, Homelink (Pvt) Ltd
(property
development) and the Export Credit and Guarantee Company.
Apart
from these the central bank also has shareholdings in three
listed companies
- Tractive Power Holdings, Astra Industries, and Cairns
Holdings, all
controlled by the Finance Trust of Zimbabwe, an investment
vehicle linked to
the Reserve Bank.
The central bank would however retain control
of jewelry concern Aurex
(Pvt) Ltd and money-printing Fidelity Printers and
Refineries, amid a push
by Gono for the return of the Zimbabwe
dollar.
"Subject to Subsection 2, all the shares held by the
Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe in any company incorporated in Zimbabwe in which it
has a majority
shareholding are hereby transferred to and vested in the
state, and the
shares shall be held on behalf of the state, notwithstanding
anything
contained in the memorandum and articles of association of the
company in
question, by the head of the ministry to whom the company in
question is
assigned," reads the Bill.
The reforms would
also see one of the three deputy governors to Gono,
Charity Dhliwayo, Edward
Mashiringwani and Nick Ncube, facing the axe after
the Bill proposed to
reduce the deputies to two.
Currently the Reserve Bank Act states that
there shall be a governor
of the bank and not more than four deputy
governors.
The cash-strapped central bank, the Bill further
reads, would be
prohibited from lending or advancing any foreign currency to
the state.
"The bank shall not lend or advance money to the
state or any fund
established by the state unless the money is denominated
in Zimbabwe
currency and the loan or advance is either repayable within
twelve months
after the end of the financial year in which it was made, or
convertible at
the end of the financial year in which it was made into
negotiable bearer
securities issued by the state," the Bill
reads.
The new Bill also proposes the establishment of a
Monetary Policy
Committee, independent of the board of directors, which
would be in charge
of formulating monetary policy. The committee would be
chaired by the
governor.
On the oversight of bank
operations, the Bill proposes the setting up
of a committee of the central
bank board chaired by the permanent secretary
of Finance and all members of
the board, "which shall meet twice in each
financial year and shall review
the operations of the Reserve Bank to ensure
that they are conducted in
compliance with the Act and in accordance with
best corporate
practice".
Bernard Mpofu
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
21:21
THE three political parties in the inclusive government want to
extend
the one-year moratorium on by-elections by three years, government
sources
have revealed.
In the global political agreement (GPA)
signed by Zanu PF and the two
MDC formations last September, the parties
agreed not to field candidates
against each other for a year stipulating
that only the party that
previously held the seat could field a candidate.
But this does not stop
other parties or independent candidates from
contesting the seat.
The parties identified elections as
the main cause of violence in the
country, hence the agreement on the
moratorium not to contest against each
other in by-elections for a
year.
The moratorium lapses on September 15, hence the talks to
extend it.
Authoritative government sources told the Zimbabwe
Independent this
week that the three political parties were now working on
extending the
moratorium by three years.
"There are
negotiations within the inclusive government to extend the
moratorium on the
holding of by-elections and none of the parties are eager
to go for pending
by-elections now as the situation is not conducive for all
of them," one of
the sources said. "There is fear that violence might raise
its head at a
time when the inclusive government still has pending issues of
the
GPA."
With the success of the inclusive government on the
economic front,
the sources said Zanu-PF was afraid of a backlash from the
electorate in the
constituencies where by-elections are due while the MDC-T
was not certain if
its popularity has grown in the so-called Zanu PF
strongholds.
The sources said the Arthur Mutambara-led MDC was
against the holding
of the by-elections and preferred an extension of the
inclusive government
to five years, as it feared losing the only remaining
seven parliamentary
seats under its control.
However, the
Minister of State in the Prime Minister's Office, Gorden
Moyo, said it was
not the intention of the inclusive government to extend
the moratorium on
elections and said everything was moving towards the
holding of the
by-elections.
"There are no intentions to amend the GPA as we
are implementing it as
it is. We do not believe that the by-elections will
be violent and we are
putting in guarantees to ensure that any electoral
competition will be
fair," Moyo said.
He, however, said he
did not know if the three principals had
discussed the possible extension of
the one-year agreement.
Zanu PF chief negotiator Patrick
Chinamasa said the extension of the
one-year moratorium depended on the
three political parties.
"The political parties can extend the
moratorium depending on what
they agree on but I do not know whether the
principals have initiated
discussions on that matter, so far I am not aware
of any listing of that
matter," Chinamasa said.
There are
close to 15 by-elections due in the senate and the House of
Assembly but
President Mugabe has yet not called for the holding of
by-elections.
Several MDC-T members have pending cases in
the courts and if they are
all prosecuted, convicted and sentenced to more
than six months
imprisonment, the number of by-lections due could rise to
more than 30
throughout the country.
Loughty
Dube
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August
2009 21:16
ZIMBABWE'S summer cropping season could be under threat as
farmers do
not have the money to procure agro-inputs.
Already
expecting a disastrous winter season harvest due to poor
planning and
financial constraints, Zimbabwe's food security could continue
to be dire in
the countryside.
Presenting oral evidence before the
Parliamentary Portfolio Committee
on Agriculture on Tuesday, the Zimbabwe
Seed Trade Association (ZSTA) which
represents 12 seed companies said
government requires 18 081 tonnes of
hybrid and open pollinated maize seed
from the Sadc region to meet the
projected annual consumption for the
season.
"Farmers require up to 40 000 tonnes of seed but seed
companies
currently have about 22 000 tonnes," said ZSTA chairman Temba
Nkatazo. "The
country is short of 18 000 tonnes which can be imported from
the region."
Government, Nkatazo said, needs to outsource 1 000
tonnes of sorghum
seed during the same season to meet the 3 000-tonne demand
for the small
grain.
The seed producers blamed low
production on government payment delays
for seed procured during aborted
agricultural programmes such as the
army-coordinated Operation Maguta.
Government, according to the ZSTA, owes
seed companies more than US$10
million.
Nkatazo, managing director for Paanar Seed, said the
association was
also planning to revive rural distribution shops that were
closed during the
2007 price blitz which paralysed many
companies.
"We are trying to revive these rural shops destroyed
during price
controls because they accounted for up to 70% of seed sold in
rural areas,"
Nkatazo said.
He attributed subdued demand
for imports to cash shortages on the
market adding that local prices for
fertiliser are currently pegged below
the regional average of US$2 500 per
tonne.
On fertilisers, ZFC marketing executive Amos Vengere
told the same
committee that local demand for common fertilisers - Ammonium
nitrate and
Compound D - essential for maize production would fall short of
the
estimated peak demand of 600 000 tonnes due to "funding constraints" by
farmers.
He said there were sufficient stocks for the
country.
"The industry is currently operating below capacity
due to limited
working capital as a result of weak domestic demand," he
said.
Meanwhile, Finance minister Tendai Biti told the
parliamentary
committee on Budget Finance and Investment promotion that
government would
use US$73 million secured by the World Bank and deposited
with the Multi
Donor Trust Fund to finance the cropping
season.
"Under the Programmatic Multi Donor Trust Fund,
coordinated by the
World Bank, US$300 million was mobilised for
humanitarian-plus assistance
targeting agriculture, water and sanitation,
health, education and social
protection" Biti said.
"US$73,75 million is earmarked for agriculture in the 2009/2010
season. The
health sector is set to benefit to the tune of US$20 million for
the
procurement of drugs and equipment for rural health centres."
Water and sanitation sector, Biti said is expected to benefit US$36
million
for the maintenance and rehabilitation of water points and sanitary
facilities in both urban and rural areas.
"The local
fertiliser industry has secured a line of credit worth
US$30 million from
Afrexim Bank for local production of 170 000 tonnes of
the commodity in
support of the summer cropping programme," Biti said.
Bernard
Mpofu
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August
2009 21:12
IT'S a cold August night and the long winding queue at
Beitbridge
border post, which links Zimbabwe and its neighbour South Africa,
barely
moves.
Women and children, some of whom are as young as
six months strapped
tightly on their mothers back, wait patiently to be
served by South African
immigration officers.
It is so
cold that the older children try to keep warm by running
around close to
their mothers, excited about their journey to Mzansi - the
country of bright
lights, where they will be treated to goodies like sweets,
ice cream, yogurt
and pizza. After nearly six hours of playing, the cold
starts biting and the
children are now hungry and exhausted and they start
crying.
The mothers try to comfort their children by
telling them that they
will soon be on their way.
However,
this is just the beginning of the ordeal that Zimbabweans
have to go through
on the South African side of the border post.
Despite the
situation almost normalising in the country with most
basic commodities now
available on the shelves in the supermarkets,
thousands of Zimbabweans still
flock to South Africa each day and continue
to endure the humiliating and
degrading experiences at the South African
border post.
Some travel to seek treatment and medication, jobs and quality
education.
In May this year, South Africa scrapped visas
for Zimbabwean
travellers to that country. Zimbabwean citizens can now apply
for a 90-day
visitor's permit and can also do casual jobs while in South
Africa. This
only applies to travellers with valid passports or emergency
travel
documents.
While this is viewed as positive to
relations between Zimbabwe and
South Africa, the situation at the border
post tells a different story with
Zimbabweans, including children, being
subjected to degrading and
humiliating conditions by the South African
immigration and police officers.
The queues stretch for
hundreds of metres meandering to as far as the
bridge and it can take more
than 12 hours to have a passport stamped.
At first sight, one
might be forgiven to think that the people were
desperately queuing for free
food rations in a poverty-stricken country.
It was
heartbreaking for the Zimbabwe Independent last Wednesday and
Thursday to
watch Zimbabweans, particularly women and children, being pushed
around by
South African police and immigration officers.
It was even more
painful to watch a once proud people beg for passage
into South
Africa.
At Beitbridge border post the nights are bitterly cold
and late
mornings and afternoons are scorching hot. Despite the heat, people
in the
queue are not allowed by the South African officials to stand in the
shade,
worse still to sit down.
"You did not come here
to sit, you Zimbabweans. This is not a sitting
area," a policeman bellowed
and people quickly stood up to avoid assault.
A few minutes
later there is commotion in the queue, with
terror-stricken women trying to
duck a sjambok from a policeman who was
trying to straighten the
queue.
A middle-aged woman is not so fortunate - she is beaten
up and her
young children start weeping as they cannot understand why this
man was
hitting their mother continuously. She was accused of jumping the
queue.
Her explanations fell on deaf ears as the policeman
continues to beat
her. She eventually succumbed and moves to the back of the
queue, further
delaying her passage by another 12 hours.
No
one questions or challenges the policeman for the inhuman treatment
but
instead try to please him.
Tapiwa from Mbare claims she stood in the
queue for more than eight
hours, without the queue moving an
inch.
It is alleged that the immigration officers are on a
go-slow.
"When we got here, very few people were in front of
us, such that if
they wanted to move faster they could have stamped our
passports way back.
But the other buses started arriving and the crowd
became larger, now people
are going in front of us causing a lot of chaos,"
she said.
Like an abused wife or child, a mother visiting her
husband with three
children the youngest being seven months, has come to
accept the humiliation
and degradation.
The woman lamented:
"I am used to this. This is not the first time
that we are made to wait for
so long.
Sometimes they are fast in stamping them and when they
want to be slow
it's up to them. They can do it and we will wait patiently.
They will
eventually clear us all. We have been patient for a change in our
country
for so many years - so what is a few hours at the border. This is
actually
even better, there are times when they fail to control the crowd
that they
have to spray cold water on people."
Zimbabweans
argued that the removal of visas was not a licence for
South Africans to
degrade them.
"I think if they can't stand the removal of the visas
they should just
put them back because the way they are treating us right
now is so unfair,"
a disgruntled man said. "Why are they even on a go-slow
at a border like
this? If they don't want us they should just tell us rather
than beating us
and calling us all sorts of names."
However, with between R30 and R50, one can jump the queue. The money
is
given to one of the officers controlling the queue at the
front.
While Zimbabweans are excited about the relaxation of
the visa
requirements, the South African immigration officers are
complaining that
the volume of people crossing into South Africa has
increased dramatically
and their staff can no longer cope with the
numbers.
The scrapping of the stringent visa requirements was a
culmination of
talks between Zimbabwe and South Africa under the Joint
Permanent Commission
on Defence and Security that began in November 2007.
The relaxation is the
first step towards the eventual removal of the
visa.
Wongai Zhangazha
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
21:09
POLITICIANS are proverbially known to stoop very low in achieving
their own goals the world over. They believe that the means justifies the
ends.
But could Zimbabwean politicians use water or the absence
of it to
gain political mileage?
Political observers
reckon there could be a plot to use water as an
electoral drawing card
judging by the fiasco that has ensued since the
signing of the global
political agreement between rivals President Robert
Mugabe, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and his deputy Arthur Mutambara.
The
observers believe that Zanu PF and the two MDC formations could
use water as
an electoral gimmick to win the hearts of a disgruntled
electorate bearing
the brunt of water shortages daily.
For instance, residents of
Harare's Greendale, Mabvuku and Tafara have
gone for years without
water.
Should water supplies be restored in such a
constituency, it could
pacify a restive electorate, observers
believe.
If the water situation is not resolved come election
time, the
analysts said the two MDC formations would have played into the
hands of
their political foe, Zanu PF, which is waiting patiently for the
opposition's
failure in this area and simply highlights their ineptitude to
the urban
voters.
Zanu PF lost the support of urban
Zimbabweans owing to an economic
crisis and general
misrule.
Analysts say that the battle for control of the city's
water could get
messy as more parties seek to gain credit or to discredit
rivals for any
water situation by election time.
Water
Resources Minister Sam Sipepa Nkomo also reckons there is a
looming
political battle for water. He told Bulawayo residents recently that
there
could be a war for the precious liquid.
"What I said was that
water is a precious liquid as much as the petrol
or diesel or oil is a
precious liquid and I said that if there was going to
be another world war
it would not be fought on the basis of oil - such as
the Iraqi war - the war
would be fought over water," Nkomo said. "The water
resource is getting
scarcer and scarcer in the world, and as you might know,
only about 2,5% of
the world's water is usable for human consumption.
Ninety-six percent is
salt so it cannot be used and so it is a scarce
resource that we need to
manage for mutual benefit of all citizens of the
world and if it is
mismanaged, the next war will be about water."
Nkomo has
already clashed with Harare Mayor Muchadeyi Masunda over his
decision to cut
off water supplies to non-paying residents. He ordered
Masunda not to cut
off supplies saying it would be a violation of the people's
rights.
But analysts say the clash could be just a tip of
the iceberg saying
Nkomo exercised his powers to score political points and
seek relevance.
Masunda argues that residents should settle
bills whether they get
water supplies or not. He says he has not personally
defaulted on water
bills although he has not received supplies for
years.
Harare residents are angry with the city for exorbitant
bills.
Observers say since the Zimbabwe National Water
Authority (Zinwa) -
who had until recently been given extra judicial powers
to provide
Zimbabweans with water ran the services into the sewers - the
city
practically inherited a host of stinky problems.
Under
Zinwa management 4 000 Zimbabweans succumbed to a waterborne and
preventable
cholera disease, a scary number in modern times, further
evidence proponents
of the school of thought say shows how important the
commodity
is.
After firing Harare Mayor Elias Mudzuri and transferring
water
management and household distribution to Zinwa, Local Government,
Urban and
Rural Development Minister Ignatius Chombo has taken a back seat,
but still
meets with Nkomo and Zinwa for what the government official
describes as
"very good meetings" to create a rapport with all
players.
According to Nkomo, Zinwa overstepped its
mandate.
He says Zinwa's responsibility is not delivering water
to households
particularly in the major urban areas, cities and
towns.
Rather Zinwa's job is to deliver bulk raw water to the
urban
authorities and take a back seat while municipalities will then take
the raw
water, purify it and distribute it to households.
"Now that's its core business - except in the other smaller towns,
growth
points where Zinwa does deliver clear water," Sipepa says.
Nkomo - appointed into office on an MDC-T ticket - says his ministry
administers the Water Act as well as the Zinwa Act. Basically that means
Nkomo is the only government official empowered by two long Acts to demand
attention on water matters.
He says: "The Water Act is
required to make sure that there is water
for every citizen in Zimbabwe and
uses Zinwa as its arm for achieving that
objective."
"Zinwa
can now revert to doing what it knows best, what the Zinwa Act
actually
requires it to do - that's to deliver bulk raw water to local
authorities
and that's what they will continue to do. And they will continue
to deliver
clear water to growth points and to rural areas and so forth,
that's what it
is going to do."
The city or urban authorities, according to
Nkomo, are the ones who
call the shots under his supervision.
Harare's water problems will persist until government constructs
Kunzvi Dam
and raise financial resources to repair plant and treatment
facilities.
According to a paper compiled recently by
Nkomo, the water crisis was
a result of years of absence of funding to
recapitalise and failure to
expand capacity despite evidence that the urban
population was growing at
what he described as an "alarming
state."
Harare needs 1 200 megalitres of water daily, the
Morton Jaffrey plant
has a maximum capacity of up to 614 megalitres daily,
50% less of the
capital's requirements.
The plant is also
not operating in full capacity and currently
produces 400-500 megalitres per
day, less than half of Harare's demands.
Nkomo said over 40% of
the city's gross clear water produced does not
find its way to the consumers
limiting volumes supplied.
Water from Chivero and Manyame dams
is not helping, Nkomo said, adding
that the water is either of poor quality
or is "heavily polluted with
sewerage and industrial waste".
Chris Muronzi
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August
2009 17:04
SOUTH African President Jacob Zuma who is expected in Harare
on
Thursday will have an uphill task to nudge leaders of the inclusive
government to fully implement the global political agreement (GPA) they
signed last September as differences on the outstanding issues of the pact
have widened.
Zuma, who is the current chairperson of Sadc
which facilitated the GPA
between President Robert Mugabe, Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and his
deputy Arthur Mutambara, wants the full
consummation of the deal before his
term as head of the regional bloc ends
at its annual summit in the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) next month.
DRC President Joseph Kabila
will takeover the Sadc
chairmanship.
Relations in the unity government have been
tense after Zanu PF's
politburo last Thursday met in the capital and
declared that the party would
not be pushed into making further concessions
in the implementation of the
GPA.
This was in apparent
reference to the outstanding issues of the deal,
among them, the rehiring of
central bank governor Gideon Gono, the
appointment of Attorney-General
Johannes Tomana and provincial governors and
the refusal by Mugabe to swear
in MDC-T treasurer Roy Bennett as deputy
Agriculture
minister.
Zanu PF said the only sticking issues were the
failure by the two MDC
formations to call for the lifting of sanctions and
an end to "pirate" radio
broadcasts.
A meeting on Monday
between Mugabe and Tsvangirai to try and iron out
the differences was
inconclusive amid reports of deepening tension.
It is against
this background that Zuma will visit Zimbabwe next week
amid calls by the
United States for South Africa to use its economic
leverage to force Mugabe
to play ball.
Besides the US, Britain and its Western allies,
some Sadc member
states like Botswana and Angola also want an immediate
resolution to the
sticking points before the regional bloc's summit next
month, which is
expected to review the GPA.
US Secretary of
State, Hillary Clinton -- during her 11-day tour of
Africa a fortnight ago
-- met Zuma in South Africa and impressed upon him
the need to take a strong
position on Zimbabwe and ensure that the GPA is
fully
implemented.
The meeting took place a few days after Tsvangirai
had met with Zuma
in South Africa where the premier lamented Mugabe and Zanu
PF's
unwillingness to resolve the outstanding issues.
Zuma
made a commitment that he would consult regional leaders before
meeting
Mugabe in Harare next week.
Political analysts this week said
the leverage that South Africa
enjoys over Zimbabwe was often
overstated.
The leverage, the analysts argued, considered South
Africa's economic
strength over Zimbabwe, but fails to take cognisance of
the dynamics of the
relationships between the key players within the
historical context.
"While South Africa may be a big country
with great might over its
counterparts, from an historical perspective the
South African government is
younger than its continental peers," Alex
Magaisa, a Zimbabwean lawyer based
in the UK, said. "There is more that
unites South African leaders and their
African counterparts than those
things that divide them. They have more in
common than is often
admitted."
Magaisa said it was unthinkable that South Africa
can take a tough
stance on Zimbabwe to force the full implementation of the
GPA.
"South Africa knows that it has far more challenging
circumstances
than its neighbours -- especially when it comes to the
concerns of its black
population which remains impoverished and on the
margins of the economy," he
argued. "South African leaders know that their
people are impatient and want
some change.
They cannot adopt an
approach that upsets their people by remaining
conservative but
simultaneously, they cannot upset the current system too
abruptly lest they
go the Zimbabwe way.
At heart, South African leaders know that
despite their economic
power, they are still very much an African country,
with the similar
challenges, problems and concerns and it will be a long
time before they can
have the guts and standing to rise and chide their
counterparts."
Political scientist Michael Mhike said the other
problem was that the
US and its Western allies sometimes appear as Big
Brothers giving
instructions to South Africa.
"No
self-respecting country, let alone the US itself, will take
instructions
from anyone. In fact the biggest mistake is for the US and
others to
grandstand and say they have told this and that to South Africa
and African
countries because frankly, that is only going to meet with
resistance from
those people," Mhike said. "They will not want to be seen as
puppets of the
US. Even if South Africa wanted to take a tough stance, they
would find it
humiliating when such 'instructions' are shared publicly."
The
analysts said Zuma would have a Herculean task to break the
impasse between
the principals of the GPA on the outstanding issues,
especially if Mugabe
insists that he will make further concessions only
after sanctions are
lifted and pirate radios stop broadcasting.
The issue of
sanctions, the analysts said, was problematic given the
assumption that the
MDC formations had the capacity to have them lifted.
"The cold
fact is that they (MDCs) don't have that capacity. Even if
it is= said that
the MDC may have called for some form of sanctions, they
can scream and howl
for their removal but they have absolutely no power to
lift the sanctions,"
Magaisa said. In any event, the removal of sanctions
such as those under the
Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act in the
US has to follow a
fairly complicated process, influenced by US politics
more than by the MDC.
This will take time."
He said those under targeted sanctions
have to first demonstrate to
their protagonists that they have reformed to
have them lifted.
"It's a matter that requires tact, diplomacy
and ultimately
negotiations not the exacerbation of hostility and hate
speech between the
parties," Magaisa added.
In a statement
reacting to Zanu PF's new position on the outstanding
issues, the MDC-T said
it had done all it could to have the sanctions lifted
and adamantly denied
responsibility for the punitive measures on the
country.
The MDC-T said Zanu PF was to blame for the sanctions.
"The
world is clear that the so-called sanctions are a result of Zanu
PF's past
sins of omission and commission," the party said. "The onus is on
Zanu PF
itself to morph into a civilised political party that does not
believe in
the primitive and feudal coercive politics of machetes and
knobkerries. The
MDC cannot be held accountable for Zanu PF's political
misfortunes and the
barbaric image it has carved out for itself in the eyes
of Africa and the
world."
The MDC-T accused Zanu PF of violating the GPA by
standing in the way
of constitutional reform and by delaying media reforms
while maintaining a
stranglehold on the public media.
It
accused Zanu-PF of persecuting political opponents, reneging on
agreed
reform processes and refusing to swear-in officials legally seconded
to the
inclusive government by their political parties.
Constantine
Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
20:34
THE National Oil Company of Zimbabwe (Noczim) on Wednesday
proposed a
new cost build-up for fuel which would result in a litre of
petrol being
sold for US$1,16 while diesel will cost US$1,01 per
litre.
Jet A1 fuel would cost US82c per litre.
While the latest cost build-up would result in the price of both
petrol and
diesel declining, industry players said the price of fuel
remained high when
compared to other countries in the region.
The Indigenous
Petroleum Group of Zimbabwe (IPGZ) yesterday proposed a
further reduction of
Carbon Tax and scrapping of debt redemption to ensure
fuel prices in
Zimbabwe were in line with regional prices.
IPGZ yesterday said
government should reduce carbon tax from $0,024
per litre for petrol
$0,001.
"Carbon tax on petrol is still too high at $0,024 it
should be reduced
to the $0,001 and debt redemption should be scrapped. Let
Noczim deal with
its own problems," IPGZ said.
IPGZ said
the proposed levels of excise duty at the current levels
were reasonable
"for now".
The new build-up has scrapped the strategic reserve
levy. The margin
of 7% realised by oil companies is said to be low which
requires a company
to handle large volumes to make a
profit.
"Our target (IPGZ) is to have the final pump price for
petrol to be
$0,97 per litre, and diesel $0,90 per litre then Zimbabwe can
work again,"
said IPGZ.
Commenting on their proposal to
scrap debt redemption, IPGZ said they
"strongly feel it is a Noczim
liability and sovereign debt" and questioned
how it came
about.
"Why should oil companies and consumers bear the brunt
of historical
Noczim mismanagement?" IPGZ questioned.
IPGZ
said the Zimbabwe National Road Authority (Zinara) road levy
needed to be
"scrapped since there are now toll gates, and let Zinara make
their money
from there".
"Sadly we do not see where these funds have been
applied and our roads
are in a sorry state to say the least, this fund needs
to be audited, to
establish where the funds are," said
IPGZ.
Before 1999, Zimbabwe was using an average of 155 million
litres of
fuel per month, but the figure are down to below 30 million litres
per
month.
Despite some concessions by the government in
reducing excise duty on
diesel and petrol, fuel prices in Zimbabwe still
remain high compared to
other countries in the region.
Petrol prices had gone up to US$1,50 per litre last month while diesel
averaged at US$1,20 way ahead of regional averages. The National Procurement
Committee that is responsible for fuel imports, last month recommended a
pump price of US$1,30 for petrol and US$1,06 for diesel.
Paul
Nyakazeya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
20:19
ZIMBABWE Electricity Supply Authority (Zesa) said it was eager to
enter into private-public partnerships to boost power- generation to
mitigate the effects of load shedding.
Speaking to businessdigest
yesterday, Zesa chief executive, Engineer
Ben Rafemoyo said the Munyati and
Bulawayo power station were not working
and entering into partnerships with
local or foreign partners would assist
both parties.
"Only the
Harare power station is functioning. I cannot say the same
for Munyati and
Bulawayo. For Zimbabwe, (partnerships) will increase
capacity to generate
electricity," Rafemoyo said.
He said Zesa had entered into one such
arrangement with an iron and
steel smelting company for the refurbishment of
Hwange Power Station but the
deal failed to go through as the company was
hit by the financial crisis.
Rafemoyo said that: "If a company comes on
board to partner us by
advancing us cash for the work needed, Zesa
guarantees uninterrupted supply
while discounting the bills from the
advanced loan".
Rafemoyo said if properly constituted, the partnerships
could lead to
improved power generation, adding that this was one of the
quickest
solutions to power shortages than letting Zesa go at it
alone.
In 2007 Zimbabwe entered into a deal with Nampower of Namibia
following an advancement of US$40 million for the refurbishment of two units
at Hwange Power Station.
A delegation from the Development Bank of
Southern Africa (DBSA) was
said to be currently negotiating with Zesa
Holdings and the government on a
US$80 million loan.
Rafemoyo said
he was "positive" the loan would be secured, although
there were still "some
issues" to discuss.
The DBSA board representatives are set to meet
financial technocrats
from Zesa Holdings and government to discuss the finer
details of the loan.
Zesa is currently facing serious cashflow
problems, limiting its
capacity to pay for coal from Hwange Colliery
Company, prompting the latter
to withhold supplies.
With limited
coal supplies, Zesa is failing to generate power at
consistent levels. Zesa
has often resorted to indiscriminate rolling power
cuts to domestic and
industrial consumers. - Staff Writer.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
20:17
ON a recent visit down south -- across the Limpopo -- it was hard
to
miss the anxiety the citizens there seem to be under. For starters, the
swine flu virus has gotten everyone in somewhat of a panic.
While the traditional flu season is coming to a close, this global
phenomenon seems to be picking up momentum in South Africa. With the first
few cases of fatalities already recorded, anyone would start fearing for
their lives, their future and that of those around them.
Tragic as
it has been, the threat posed by the flu is not the only
thing the people of
Mzansi are worried about. A few months ago the country
went through an
election in which the ruling party easily cruised to an
almost two thirds
majority victory. With that came the uncertainty of a new
administration.
Was it going to be extreme and radical in its attempts to
achieve some of
its election promises? Prior to the election, a lot of hope
existed
especially among the poor that significant changes would be brought
about to
immediately lift them out of the ruthless cycle of poverty. It is
probably
too early to tell if this will occur as some expected.
Ironically, some
of the new administration's most vehement critics in
the run up to the
election are beginning to warm to it and those who
supported it are becoming
somewhat impatient with it. Critics have been
impressed by, for example,
President Jacob Zuma's surprise visit to one of
the country's municipalities
only to find the mayor "away sick". Generally,
this has been viewed as a
step in the right direction to improve service
delivery.
On the
other hand, the unions are taking turns to take to the streets
demanding
better pay and working conditions. Workers from the
municipalities, the
construction sector, the national broadcaster and more
recently from Eskom
-- the Zesa equivalent -- have either taken part in
strikes or at least
threatened to do so. Even kombi drivers felt they could
not be left out.
Reasons often include trying to force the government's hand
to deliver on
prior promises made.
Again, it is too early to tell but could this
suggest that utterances
made by public officials must generally be taken
with a pinch of salt?
By now, the general populace in Zimbabwe should
be used to it. This
week alone we had one authority hinting at the
reintroduction of the
Zimbabwe dollar and another suggesting otherwise. If
press reports are
anything to go by then the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe would
like to see the
use of the national currency restored but this time with its
value backed by
gold or any other such measure. Then, at the other end of
the spectrum, the
Ministry of Finance is considering the feasibility of
joining the Rand
monetary area.
These inconsistent statements only
fuel the uncertainty investors
already face. Contradictory pronouncements,
especially from such high
authorities simply mean that whatever decisions
they reach they can just as
easily be changed and without warning or
consideration of their impact. It
is no wonder then that the billions of
American dollars which were expected
to pour in after the formation of the
national unity government are yet to
make their appearance. This column has
oftentimes commented that it will
take more than just the signing of a piece
of paper to get the economy up
and running again. Consistent and sound
policies are what is required.
While unlikely, the reintroduction of
the Zimbabwe dollar in the near
future is possible. However, it is hard to
see what that would achieve.
Given the events of the last few years who
would quickly gain confidence
from it? Despite promises of pegging it to the
value of either another
currency or gold, it is its management and more
importantly the
inconsistencies in policy application that an investor would
be worried
about. Regaining confidence in a local currency will have to be a
long and
patient process. If it is a matter of providing loose change for
easier
transactions then the authorities can look at limiting the
reintroduction to
just that of coins. Some countries that have dollarised
have used this
alternative.
Adopting the rand does not necessarily
present a foolproof alternative
either. Issues around the volatility of the
rand against other major
currencies are of concern to some degree.
Relinquishing control of the
monetary framework to a foreign authority also
presents a few challenges.
While investigations can be done into the
ideal monetary structure
this country can take, the first step should at
least involve uniformity on
the part of the relevant authorities. Mixed
signals hardly spell confidence
for anyone. Given the supposed
disillusionment of the South African masses
with the status quo, perhaps it
should just be accepted that public
utterances will not necessarily reflect
the reality on the ground. After all
everyone is entitled to their own
opinion.
By Tich Pasi
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
20:08
HAS Nicholas Van Hoogstraten given up on Rainbow Tourism Group
(RTG)?
It appears the RTG majority shareholder has re-organised his
shareholding in the group, packaging it ready for disposal.
Van
Hoogstraten held 463 million shares in RTG, representing 34% of
the total
issued share capital of the company through Banhams Investments,
Messina
Investments and Willoughby's Finance.
He has re-registered the shares
from Messina to Les Nominees - now
with 18,23% and EFE Security Nominees
10,91%.
This is the route that Van Hoogstraten - the single largest
investor
of the stock exchange - often takes when he is about dispose his
shares in
companies.
Some analysts contend that Van Hoogstraten has
restructured his
investments in such a way that he can dispose of the actual
vehicles owning
the shares and not the actual shares themselves.
That way, he would be selling the company and not the shares and thus
enjoys
the full value of the proceeds of the sale.
The local bourse has a
higher transaction cost at 4,5% on selling
rather compared to a regional
average of about 2%.
Using the current price of US$2,50, he would get
US$11,6 million less
costs of US$520,875.
"The re-branding of his
investments is a much smarter way of doing
it," an analyst said
yesterday.
But the question is why would he be selling after fighting
so hard to
control the company? He has expended so much energy and resources
on the
company.
Investors are curious as to why he would want to
sell, particularly
after a large parcel, which is rumoured to have been
under the control of
Herbert Nkala and which amounted to 7,34%, had changed
hands.
Speculation was that it had been snapped up by Econet boss
Strive
Masiyiwa and Afre executive chairman Patterson Timba
alliance.
"Has Nick made a deal with the axis, or he is not willing to
take on
the Strive and Patterson alliance head on? Is Nick saying he cannot
go into
bed with Timba, as a co-investor? What does this say about Patterson
and
Strive?" questioned an analyst this week.
Sources said Van
Hoogstraten was monitoring the company's shares and
was prepared to sell
when it surpasses US$4. RTG's share is trading between
US$2 and
US$2,80.
Following the latest changes on RTG's shareholding, the top 10
shareholders by account names are Les Nominees 18,23%, National Social
Securities Authority (NSSA) 11,92%, EFE Securities 10,91%, Krumlov Estate
0,72% and Kingdom Nominees 7,32%.
Afre however holds about 13,83%
in RTG when shares owned by companies
linked to the group are
combined.
Insiders said Van Hoogstraten's decision to sell his shares
emanates
from his failure to control the group the way he wanted due to
differences
with other board members.
In a letter to RTG dated
March 11 2009, he proposed that Grace
Muradzikwa be removed as non-executive
chairperson of RTG. He also proposed
that seven directors be removed for
"alleged incompetence". The seven are
Paschal Changunda (group finance
director), Canaan Dube, Charmaine Rose
Daniels, Godfrey Manhambara, Yarden
Mariuma, Elliot Nyoni and Chipo Mtasa,
the chief executive officer.
Muradzikwa has since been replaced by Timba after she did not offer
herself
for re-election.
RTG, a former 100% government owned company, has gone
through major
changes in shareholding over the past decade, beginning with
privatisation
and listing on the Zimbabwe Stock Exchange in November
1999.
At that stage the major shareholders to emerge were Accor
Afrique, a
French hospitality group (35%); the government of Zimbabwe
through the
Ministry of Mines, Environment and Tourism (30%); the National
Investment
Trust (10%); RTG Employee Share Ownership Scheme (5%); NSSA (18%)
and the
public (18%).
In 2002, in an effort to raise finance for
the procurement of fuel
from Libya, government sold 14% of its stake in RTG
to the Libya Arab
Investment Company (LAAICO), reducing its shareholding to
16%.
In 2004, RTG found itself saddled with a heavy foreign currency
debt
and bleak prospects of short-term recovery due to the prevailing
business
environment.
It went to the shareholders to raise funds
through a rights issue. At
this point two significant shareholders, Accor
(35%) and LAAICO (14%) were
not in a position to support the rights
issue.
Government got NSSA to support the rights issue through a
warehousing
arrangement.
The rights issue brought in a new dominant
shareholder, Van
Hoogstraten, who since then has been in dispute with the
RTG board demanding
control of more than the 34% he managed to acquire of
the RTG shareholding.
As RTG searched in its shareholder register for
shareholders who could
provide it with a confirmation in support of its
rights issue as part of the
underwriting requirement by the bankers, the
name Messina Investments
cropped up.
The owner/director of Messina
Investments was Van Hoogstraten, with
extensive business interests in
Zimbabwe.
He was approached to give his written support for the rights
issue
whereupon he insisted that he would not do free work for the banks. He
said
he would support the rights issue to the tune of US$25 billion out of
the
US$80 billion required.
However, he could only give his support
through an underwriting
agreement where he could at least earn a fee for his
services.
When the US$25 billion was still not enough for the RTG
bankers (ZB
Bank) to grant the global underwriting, Van Hoogstraten was
persuaded to
increase his underwriting to $40 billion.
The new
agreement was then ceded to CBZ Bank who had by that time
agreed to be
co-underwriters.
The rights issue circular then had two underwriters,
namely CBZ
Holdings (which was backed by the Messina Investments agreement)
and ZB
Bank. The two banks shared the underwriting in equal
proportions.
At the close of the rights issue, the shares not taken up
were split
equally between CBZ Holdings for onward submission to Messina
Investments or
any other company under Van Hoogstraten, and Zimbank which
was then taken up
by Terra Partners through a Barclays Bank nominee
vehicle.
This resulted in the following shareholdings structure -
Messina and
Other Companies (Banhams, Edwards Nominees) (34%), Terra
Partners (a
UK-based investment fund) (28%), NSSA (12%), Accor Afrique -
South Africa
(10%), Ministry of Mines, Environment and Tourism (4%), LAAICO
(4%), RTG
Employee Share Ownership Scheme (2%) and the public (6%).
According to documents to hand it was the split of the rights issue
shares
that angered Van Hoogstraten.
He alleged massive fraud by RTG directors
and demanded that the board
step down en masse.
Since the
underwriting agreement entitled both parties to arbitration
in the event of
a dispute, the matter went for arbitration in 2006 before
retired Justice
McNally.
The arbitration ruled in favour of the RTG board.
In
2007 Van Hoogstraten attended the RTG AGM and demanded a poll vote
of all
the resolutions including the approval of accounts, appointment of
directors
and auditors.
Van Hoogstraten lost on this issue with 60% votes against
his 34%.
In 2008, the RTG issued the AGM notice with a special
resolution for
approval of a share option scheme. Van Hoogstraten was
against this motion
and wrote to express his disapproval and threatened to
sue the company if
the scheme was implemented.
The shareholders
present, voted unanimously in favour of the scheme.
However, management has
not implemented the scheme as it was hoped that Van
Hoogstraten could be
positively engaged on the issue.
Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009 19:48
IN an attempt to smoothen movement of goods in Southern and East
African
regions, members of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern
Africa
(Comesa) began talks to adopt Regional Customs Transit Guarantee
(RCTG)
system.
The scheme will result in a single bond recognisable in the
region
being issued to exporters from the country of origin.
Members of Comesa are meeting in Harare to discuss the adoption of the
guarantee system aimed at smoothening the movement of goods in the
region.
Road transit fees, combined with national bonds, have resulted
in the
transportation costs rising in Africa, taking up 14 to 17% of the
value of
exports compared to 8,6% for developed countries.
Transportation costs are even higher in many Comesa member. The
northern
corridor countries in the Comesa region that include Kenya, Uganda,
Rwanda
and Burundi have already finalised the preparations for the scheme
and would
fully implement the scheme by September.
Zimbabwe, Djibouti, Ethiopia,
Malawi and Sudan would come up with a
date by which they would also
implement it.
The scheme will result in a single bond recognisable in
the region
being issued to exporters from the country of origin.
Under the proposed scheme, insurance companies and banks will issue
bonds
that cover the rest of the Comesa region as opposed to the current
regime
where bonds for goods are paid in each and every country that the
goods pass
through.
Analysts said all means of facilitating trade were critical to
the
economic development of the region. The issue of trade facilitation is
an
important tool of economic development for developing countries, they
added.
The commencement of RCTG scheme is expected to reduce costs of
freight
and accelerate regional economic development through the expansion
of trade.
The current system of national bonds was impacting on the
viability of
businesses in the region as it had tied up colossal sums of
money belonging
to importers, clearing and forwarding agents and
transporters. -- Staff
Writer.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
19:01
I WAS dismayed by Education minister David Coltart's interview on
SW
Radio Africa.
When asked by reporter Violet Gonda whether
Arthur Mutambara was
invited to lead the MDC because "Welshman Ncube and
others had accepted that
no Ndebele person could ever lead Zimbabwe",
Coltart responded:
".One of the realities is that it would
be entirely inappropriate to
have a white person, so soon after
Independence, run for the presidency of
this country. Whilst that may seem a
racist statement, it is still too soon
after the end of colonialism for this
country to contemplate having a white
ruler. That is just a political
reality.
"And sadly, whilst it is not as strong a political
reality as for
example having a white leader, it remains a reality that the
vast majority
of Zimbabweans do not have Ndebele as their mother tongue and
will gravitate
towards a Shona speaking leader. That is a political reality
that we simply
cannot ignore and if that was the calculation, well it was a
reasonable
calculation but it wasn't as if anyone was
selected."
I find such a comment offensive. It is a sad reality
to know that an
elected public official 29 years after Independence still
harbours such
stereotypes that are not based on reality.
Zimbabwean people are politically mature and given the circumstances
they
find themselves in right now, they would not choose a leader solely
based on
what language he or she speaks. There is a lot to consider when
choosing a
leader besides language.
A stringent analysis would suggest
that the minister was endorsing a
stereotype that no Ndebele, Tonga, Venda
or Kalanga would ever rule
Zimbabwe. That's political nonsense at its
best.
Such an assertion coming from a publicly elected official
is not only
confused and confusing, but also seriously misleading and
dangerous. As
Minister of Education espousing such unfortunate statements,
Coltart does
not know that it kills the dreams of students from other
non-Shona speaking
ethnicities who might be thinking big to do something for
the country.
Zimbabwe is developing into a great democracy,
(because of the GPA, if
it works), and its leaders should not be selected or
elected based on the
tribe they come from or the language they speak. It
should be based on the
person's political maturity and ability to execute
the responsibilities
given to them. Leaders should be unifiers of the people
and be servants to
the population that elected them to
power.
There should be no immature distinction between a Shona,
Venda, Tonga,
Kalanga or Ndebele leader because we are essentially one
people, Zimbabweans
working together for the betterment of our
country.
Leaders are not judged by the language they speak but
by their ability
to improve people's lives. Such an assertion that leaders
from a certain
ethnic group cannot rule is really criminal.
Around the world, we have many presidents leading prosperous countries
who
come from minority groups within their countries. That proves that
anyone
can be a leader as long as they are given an opportunity to lead or
to
actualise their potential.
There is more to leadership that
someone's language and tribe, and the
honourable minister should the one
teaching us this.
I have seen a lot of good leaders from our
ethnicities - Shona,
Ndebele, Tonga, Kalanga, Venda - who have done great
things in the corporate
sector, in private small businesses,
non-governmental organisations etc.
Their success has not been due to the
language they speak. It has been due
to their ability to exercise their
God-given talents or gifts.
Anyone can lead Zimbabwe - even a
white Zimbabwean because they are
essentially Zimbabweans too, that's why
Coltart is a cabinet minister. We
are not a racist country and we should not
be seen to be clandestinely
promoting such divisive concepts that
marginalise fellow Zimbabweans.
We are living in the digital
age and we expect much more political
maturity from our leaders than what I
read in Coltart's comments. Coltart is
not a bad minister, but it is
disappointing that his choice of words was
poor enough to cement a
stereotype that is not based on objective reality.
If one
considers the example of the US in electing Barak Obama as
president, it
destroys the minister's theory about minorities. President
Obama is from a
minority (African American) ethnic group yet he was elected
to be
president, the highest office on earth, based on his God-given
abilities.
Obama was not elected simply because he is
black, but because he has
unique talents and abilities to bring change to
the US. The American people
chose him based on that, not any other
criteria.
If such a reality is possible in the USA, why should
some Zimbabweans
still think that leadership should be confined to one
ethnic group that
speaks a particular language, and ignore people from other
ethnic or tribal
groups who have unique talents and abilities who can also
be instrumental in
the development the country?
Ndebeles,
Shonas, Tongas, Vendas and Kalangas are all Zimbabweans.
There is no one
tribe inferior to the other. All have unique abilities and
God-given talents
that can be of help to our country. There is, therefore,
no room for
sectional prejudices.
With proper voter education and
empowerment, people won't gravitate
towards a Shona speaking leader as David
Coltart asserts but will gravitate
towards a Zimbabwean, a mature leader who
will listen to their needs and
guarantee their freedoms.
I
guess I have a dream for Zimbabwe, where leaders will not be judged
or
elected based on the language they speak but based on their ability to
deliver for our great nation.
Brighton Ncube is a political
analyst. He can be contacted on:
bncube@msn.comThis e-mail address is being
protected from spambots. You need
JavaScript enabled to view it
Brighton Ncube
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August
2009 17:46
ZIMBABWEANS have a remarkable knack of shooting themselves
in the foot
and, concurrently with injuring themselves, injuring the nation
as a whole.
Examples of their doing so are many, and in the last
fortnight there
have been numerous examples of that destructive
drive.
One of the many was the horrendous, inhumane strike
by government
doctors in hospitals throughout the country.
It
cannot be denied that they have been, and continue to be, the
victims of
untenable hardship, with their gross income being a very
niggardly US$ 170
per month.
However, their withholding of their critically needed
skills and
services not only cannot resolve their poverty stricken
circumstances and is
not only a contemptuous disregard for the Hippocratic
Oath sworn by the
medical profession, but is also economically
destructive.
The strike is an exercise in the near pointless,
for it is
incontrovertible that the doctors' employer, being the government
of
Zimbabwe, is bankrupt, as publicly admitted by Prime Minister
Tsvangirai.
It is striving to redress its insufficiency of funds to
meet its costs
(inclusive of those of the health services), but until it
succeeds in doing
so, it cannot meet the doctors' demands - as justifiable
as they are -
irrespective of whether or not the doctors withhold their
services by
resorting to strike action.
Therefore, the strike
action is wholly futile, but the consequences
are grievous. Zimbabweans in
critical need of medical attention are dying,
and others are being motivated
more and more to join the already immense
"brain drain" from
Zimbabwe.
More than four million Zimbabweans have sought new
pastures, driven by
the disastrous economic circumstances of 2000-2008, by
the collapsing
infrastructure and attendant discomforts and hardships, and
developments
such as the doctors' strike exacerbate and intensify intents to
do so.
In consequence, the economy is more and more deprived of
essential
skills, impeding its recovery, and could well revert into the
devastating
recession which has been an all-too-long characteristic.
Concurrently, the
on-going exodus further contracts the Zimbabwean consumer
base, diminishing
the market demand essential for the economy's viability
and growth.
The doctors, through their ill-considered, even if
understandably
motivated, actions are to all intents and purposes killing
their patients,
and possibly doing likewise to the economy. (And this is not
exclusive to
the doctors, but also to many hospitals - including some of
those in the
private sector espousing Christian standards - which are
denying patient
admissions in the absence of up-front payments of very
considerable
deposits, even in cases where the admissions are required into
intensive
care units, the patients being in critical, near-death
circumstances).
The recourse to strikes and like actions, with
irrational disregard
for practicalities and realities, is not exclusive to
the medical
profession.
Zimbabwe's trade unions are, with
very rare exception, becoming more
and more demanding, and even more
militant and confrontational.
It cannot be denied that most workers
are earning wages considerably
lower that the Poverty Datum Line (PDL), and
battle to meet absolutely basic
costs of survival for their families and
dependents.
Their incomes do not suffice to meet food costs for
themselves and
those reliant upon them, to pay rentals and for utilities,
education,
transport and health care, let alone anything else. It is little
wonder,
therefore, that the amount of pay packets is foremost in their minds
at
almost all times.
However, the tragic circumstances,
caused by excruciatingly high costs
of living created by years of
hyperinflation, should neither blind the
workers (and the trade unions that
represent them) to realities, nor to the
very negative consequences of
unrealistic wage demands, of recurrent
recourse to productively destructive
industrial actions, and to endless
confrontation with
employers.
Demanding wages beyond the means of employers can only
result in
business closures or, at best, downsizing of business operations,
adding
more to the vast pool of unemployed already exceeding 90% of the
employable
population.
That too is the result of wage
demands at levels which render
production costs in excess of those sustained
by competitors in other
countries, with resultant loss of product price
competitiveness and,
therefore, contraction of demand.
Whilst
living conditions are extraordinarily harsh for most workers
because of
income insufficiency, they become even harsher if unemployment
becomes their
lot. Trade unions and their members need, very belatedly, to
learn that
having too little income is still better than having none at
all.
Yet a third recurrent example of masochistic destruction
impairing the
greatly needed economic recovery occurred once again last week
when Zanu PF's
Politburo once again berated the so-called "illegal"
international sanctions
applied against Zimbabwe, with a spokesman giving a
prolonged,
television-transmitted diatribe against them, and demanding their
cessation
forthwith.
Admittedly, those applying economic
sanctions (or as the European
Union describes them, trade and finance
restrictions) should aid Zimbabwean
political and economic transformation by
terminating those sanctions.
The sanctions have little constraining
impacts upon Zimbabwe's
political hierarchy, but they do have very negative
repercussions upon an
economically embattled populace, being the very people
that the imposers of
the sanctions wish to protect and
assist.
However, the tirade against the sanctions did naught to
motivate their
cessation. On the one hand, any potential goodwill to reverse
the sanctions
is destroyed by the repeatedly fallacious contentions that the
sanctions are
"illegal".
Any country has a right to determine
whom it will finance, whom it
will trade with, and those with whom it will
not transact. Therefore,
contentions of illegality are specious, devoid of
foundation and merely
confrontational, with a potential result of
entrenching more solidly a
determination to continue the
sanctions.
Harmonious dialogues, and positive actions, are
more constructive
than confrontation, insults, contempt and
misrepresentation.
Moreover, the television-transmitted berating of
those applying the
sanctions placed primary emphasis upon the travel
barriers upon Zanu PF's
hierarchy, alleging injustice as like constraints
are not applied against
leaders of other political parties.
That was destructive naivety in the extreme, for the sanctioned are
the ones
who have perpetrated, supported, or condoned blatant abuses of the
fundamental principles of justice, law and order, such as engaging in, or
making no endeavour to contain and halt, farm invasions.
They
are the ones perceived by many of the international community as
initiators
or supporters of undue violence on the part of the so-called
guardians of
law and order, of unjustified arrests, prolonged detentions
without trial,
and of corrupt practices.
Suggestions that the constraints upon
travel are illegal, are unjust,
and are economically adverse, have no
credibility in the eyes of those of
the international community applying the
constraints. Such contentions only
motivate continuance of the constraints,
intensifying the divide between
Zimbabwe and the world at
large.
By the endlessly aggressive castigation of the
international
community, those engaged in that castigation are only
furthering
self-destruction, and the destruction of Zimbabwe and its people.
Attempts
at cordial, harmonious reconciliation, reinforced by dynamic and
just policy
changes, and implementation thereof, would aid the long awaited
Zimbabwean
metamorphosis.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20
August 2009 17:39
WE were delighted to hear of the "absolute anger and
frustration" of
the Zanu PF politburo over the "non-placard disposition of
the MDC regarding
outstanding issues".
This information comes
to us courtesy of George Charamba who has
evidently reverted to his old job
as party spokesman.
Key among the politburo's concerns, we
are told, are the MDC
formations' "inaction over Western-imposed sanctions
and the beaming of
anti-Zimbabwe messages by pirate radio
stations".
Did Zanu PF really think it could get away with farm
seizures and
vexatious prosecution of MPs while expecting the MDC to get it
off the
international hook? And what "anti-Zimbabwe messages"? Holding Zanu
PF
accountable for ongoing misrule?
As Nelson Chamisa
rather nicely put it last weekend: "Sanctions are a
matter between Zanu PF
and those who imposed them.Zanu PF should be grateful
that they are in power
despite the fact that they were rejected by the
people in March last
year."
As for the so-called "pirate" radio stations, why
doesn't ZBC fulfil
its role as a professional public broadcaster instead of
spewing partisan
venom every night, not to mention boring viewers to tears?
People would not
then be obliged to pursue their profession in
exile.
But we can see where all this is going. The politburo's
contrived
indignation is clearly designed to outflank MDC complaints about
outstanding
issues ahead of President Jacob Zuma's visit and the Kinshasa
Sadc meeting.
This tactic dates back to 2007 when government
produced "dossiers"
containing all sorts of invented charges against the MDC
which were
presented to sceptical heads of state in Dar es Salaam as
"evidence" of MDC
"terrorism".
Zanu PF is now behaving as
if it has genuine grievances. And the MDC
formations' grievances are being
made to disappear.
Did we miss something? Was Roy Bennett
appointed? Were the MDC
principals consulted over Tomana and Gono as per the
July 2008 MoU?
Was freedom of the media implemented as per the
GPA?
Zanu PF is in denial and nobody buys their silly stories
any more.
A good example of the unprofessional and partisan way in
which Zanu PF
is managing the media was evident on Sunday in the Sunday
Mail's report on
the Daily News. The story quickly became a weapon to bash
the Voluntary
Media Council of Zimbabwe which, we were told, is "being
accused of trying
to infiltrate the Zimbabwe Media
Council".
Accused by whom? The Sunday Mail?
The paper injected into the story its gratuitous views on many of the
individuals who are members of the council. For instance, Justice George
Smith was described as "a retired judge who also served in Ian Smith's
government".
He also served in Robert Mugabe's government.
In the cabinet office if
we remember correctly. And Mugabe recently praised
his record. Why wasn't
that mentioned?
Irene Petras was
listed as a member but her name was misspelt. So was
Father Oskar Wermter's.
Geoff Feltoe was described as "a consultant for
Western-sponsored media
lobbyists". Both of Cris Chinaka's names were
misspelt. His employer,
Reuters, was a British news agency, we had to be
reminded.
Angus Shaw was listed as a "stringer" for AP. Chris Mhike is described
as an
"activist lawyer". Bornwell Chakaodza was described as "an opposition
activist". Iden "Witherell", we were told, would be replacing "Jorum" Nyathi
on the council.
In fact Davison Maruziva will be replacing
Nyathi. A quick phone call
could have established that.
The
purpose of this heavily manipulated and tendentious roll-call soon
became
evident. A "media lecturer at the Midlands State University" was
pressed
into service to ask: "Who are all these whites in the council?
What
we are seeing is a worrisome misgovernance of the media through
racially
skewed institution-making. Zimbabwe in 2009 and you have this
all-white and
all-Rhodesian outfit. God bless the country's media."
We think
he meant "God save"! But it was useful to have this racist
hate speech on
the record the next time we are told the media has been
"reformed". And Fr
Wermter will be intrigued to know he is Rhodesian! Quite
how that happened
we are not sure. We always thought he was German. And
Chinaka, Chakaodza,
Edna Machirori, Bishop Sebastian Bakare, and Raphael
Khumalo have been
classified as white for the purposes of the Sunday Mail's
hatchet
job!
Every year the MSU begs the independent press to take their
students
on attachment. Next time we will ask them first to disclose the
names of
Zanu PF parrots on the media department staff masquerading as
lecturers.
The MSU media department by the way advertises its
membership of the
state-run Zimbabwe Association of
Editors.
Perhaps one of them could explain what a "click" is?
An "MDC click"
had emerged, we were told last Sunday, "which is believed to
be angling to
turn the country's national healing process into a retributive
pursuit".
Surely not. Giving them a taste of their own
medicine? What a shocking
thought. Now they are squealing like a stuck pig
as the day of reckoning
nears.
Michael Holman is a name
familiar to seasoned journalists. He was a
student activist in the mid-1960s
and was restricted to his parents'
Midlands farm under provisions of the Law
and Order (Maintenance) Act.
Upon his release he pursued a
career in journalism working in
Zimbabwe, South Africa and the UK on the
staff of the Financial Times,
ending up as Africa editor. His work was
always highly regarded. But sadly,
he now appears to have lost his
way.
In an article published by Baffour Ankomah's New African,
suggesting
he couldn't find a home for it elsewhere, Holman declared Robert
Mugabe the
winner in his campaign to retain power. Mugabe had won "the
battle for
Zimbabwe", Holman declared, saying it was time Western
governments swallowed
their pride and admitted defeat so they could "do
business" with Mugabe and
thus save his people from
starvation.
He had outwitted his enemies, defied democracy and
retained the
presidency, Holman wrote. Now the West should supply medicines
for clinics
and equipment for hospitals, he suggested - exactly what they
are in fact
doing!
They should also supply inputs for
Zimbabwe's farmers, he said.
Then came the bizarre proposal to
address the land issue by creating
an agricultural scheme in Mozambique with
the money Britain had pledged to
land reform. Donors should set up a land
bank to provide capital and
guarantees for Zimbabwe's exiled or jobless
commercial farmers, he said.
This is in many ways an admission of
defeat. But not one Zimbabweans
will share. Holman appears to have jetted in
from another planet. Yes,
Mugabe holds the nation in thrall. But is that
"victory" when by Holman's
own admission the country is a disaster
area?
Why should Zimbabweans surrender now when they have won
democratic
elections and exposed to the world the face of the beast they are
up
against? And why should they forego competent and stable economic
management
which at last seems tangible but will never survive an extension
of Mugabe's
reign.
Despite his credentials in financial
journalism, Holman skips that
point.
And why should
Zimbabweans ask their friends abroad to indulge Mugabe
after what he has
done to them? Holman admits the country has paid a high
price for Mugabe's
victory: "An economy ruined, human rights abused, a
generation without jobs,
opponents tortured, and many thousands perished."
And he
expects Western donors to cough up the cash - when the Chinese
and Russians
won't?
He misses the point: It is not pique that prevents
Britain and the US
from doing business with Mugabe. It is the British and US
public who would
never allow their governments to do a deal with Mugabe.
That's the trouble
with democratic societies. They get in the way of deals
of this sort.
Michael Holman will be remembered for his
integrity and truth in the
past. But his New African venture has sadly
yielded little insight.
While on the subject of deals with Mugabe,
we were pleased to see ANC
secretary-general Gwede Mantashe's remarks
recently, reported in the M&G. He
said the ANC was unhappy that the
process of change in Zimbabwe was not
moving fast enough. But he added that
the ANC was now more open and vocal in
its disagreements with Zimbabwe's
leaders.
"We think that is comradely," he said.
Finally, we were amused that the Herald could publish a glowing review
of
Ronald Suresh Roberts' biography of Thabo Mbeki, Fit to Govern, the
Native
Intelligence of Thabo Mbeki, when the book has been panned by critics
in
South Africa. Roberts took some of his critics to court and
lost.
He has subsequently become something of a joke in the
South African
media. His book was published over two years
ago.
What is striking is that the reviewer appeared blissfully
ignorant of
all this! And he made no reference to Mark Gevisser's biography
of Mbeki,
published last year, which provides far more detail and insight,
including
on the Zimbabwe dimension.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August
2009 17:19
IN the Zanu PF controlled Herald newspaper, Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe
(RBZ) Governor Gideon Gono is reported to have proposed the
reintroduction
of the Zimbabwe dollar anchored on gold. He said this last
Monday while
giving oral evidence before the Parliamentary Portfolio
Committee on Natural
Resources, Hospitality and Tourism.
The
committee had ill-advisedly invited the central bank governor for
it wanted
to know the financial sector's preparedness in terms of
introducing plastic
money ahead of 2010 World Soccer Cup Finals to be held
in South
Africa.
Also invited was the Bankers' Association of Zimbabwe
(BAZ), led by
its president John Mangudya. Imagine a committee full of
serious people
sitting down to discuss about plastic money, yet it was
reported more than
two months ago that the Minister of Finance Tendai Biti
has engaged the
bankers about the same issue amongst other
concerns.
Gono had adequately dealt with it in his latest, modestly
delivered
mid-year Monetary Policy Statement (MPS), paragraphs 85-92, which
is
available on the RBZ website.
Characteristic of himself
during the "Gonomics era" from 2004-2008,
Gono proffered an array of advice
beyond his call of duty that included the
need for political stability,
addressing infrastructural issues like
availability of electricity, water,
transport network, and the health
delivery system, among
others.
One wonders if he had nothing else to do within his mandate
when he
had the temerity to "proffer an array of advice." It is also
worrisome that
the parliamentarians failed to stop him in his tracks so that
he focused on
his mandate ONLY.
He called for gold to be
valued by an independent body comprising all
stakeholders. Recalling what he
referred to as "all stakeholders", this
would include his advisors in the
mould of hoodlums like Joseph Chinotimba
and his business acolyte Jonathan
Kadzura, who parades himself as an expert
in everything - politics,
economics, business and rural development.
On July 30 Gono,
without the usual pomp and ceremony and live
television coverage, delivered
his mid-year MPS. While facing the banking
chiefs and executives only, he
reasonably welcomed and applauded the
inclusive government's expression of
full faith in the multiple currency
system.
"The benefits
of this noble policy which was reconfirmed and fortified
in the Short Term
Emergency Recovery Programme (Sterp) have been phenomenal
to the economy as
a whole," he said. "Under this system, inflation
favourably responded very
drastically, falling from the painful
multi-million percentage levels into
the negative territories virtually
during the entire first half of
2009..."
He observed that capacity utilisation in companies
moved upwards from
trough levels of around 10%, to current levels in the
34-45% range.
He expressed the desire that "continued policy
consistency and better
institutional coordination should see the economy
registering even better
levels of capacity utilisation levels...The
hyperinflation that
characterised the economy over the past two years had
adversely affected and
indeed severely constrained economic
activity.
Against the background of widening parallel markets and
speculative
activities, economic activity rapidly contracted and
informalised. Capacity
utilisation across most sectors of the economy
declined to levels below 20%,
resulting in severe shortage of goods and
services.
"The cumulative effects of the hyperinflation led to
the relegation of
the Zimbabwe dollar as a medium of exchange and store of
value in the
economy. Subsequently and progressively economic transactions
were conducted
in foreign currencies. The migration to the use of multiple
currencies
adopted by government ended the hyperinflation immediately and
set the
platform for enhanced formalisation of economic activity and
recovery."
As a sign that Gono practises a well-grounded
Orwellian "doublethink",
one has to read through the following paragraphs of
the MPS:
"11. As Monetary Authorities, our views and advice on
this matter are
anchored on the following 2 key principles:
a) That the existence and stability of a country's national currency
is
defined and dictated by the barometer of real economic activity in the
economy. Accordingly, therefore, in as much as the loss of value of the
Zimbabwe dollar was a direct result of the near absolute stagnation in
Zimbabwe's productive systems, a quicker recovery and sustained growth in
the productive sectors of the economy will lay a solid foundation for the
return of the Zimbabwe dollar and this can be anytime depending on how
seriously we work as a nation to rebuild our economy.
To this end,
therefore, there are no calendar time limits favouring or
barring the return
of the Zimbabwe dollar, and as Monetary Authorities, we
will continue to
carefully gauge the overall performance of the economy to
inform us on the
appropriate decisions or courses of actions to take, in
close collaboration
with our Principals in the Inclusive Government.
b) Our strong
views and preference however are that as Zimbabweans we
must have our own
currency and autonomy in formulating our fiscal and
monetary
policies.
Whilst too much demand relative to supply has
traditionally been
pointed out as the mother of inflation and its noxious
spill-over effects to
society and the economy, too little demand can itself
be an equally
deleterious vampire that can bring down the economy amidst
plenty in
stockpiles and flooded stockrooms full of goods facing little or
no demand.
This is a sign that the above quoted views in the
MPS are in serious
conflict with his Zanu PF principals' desire to benefit
from a freefalling
economy. His statements could have been reviewed and a
notice was made that
he was seemingly becoming reasonable.
The statement made by Gono at the parliamentary committee deserves
condemnation by those most willing to see the economy recover. The Zimbabwe
local currency will be introduced when the economy has fully recovered. His
free hand on the tiller should never be allowed.
Gono has
made his pitch for the Zimbabwe dollar and the media,
economic analysts and
online chatrooms are mute! If ignored, Gono might
think that his bankrupt
pronouncement was reasonable enough to merit
attention. Nobody challenged or
critiqued the economically destructive
thinking during the Gonomics
era.
The only voices we heard were those who praised and agreed
with him.
Not surprising he called his views, as destructive as they are,
"outside the
box" so that he can benefit out of his own generated
chaos.
On a separate matter, much of what is in all his MPS is
of research
nature, not a Monetary Policy Statement in the technical sense.
The RBZ (not
the governor) should be publishing monthly, quarterly and
annual bulletins
that we last saw during his predecessor (Leonard Tsumba)'s
tenure. The
bulletins save us the pain of going through a "textbook" of the
governor's
quarterly presentations, full of nothing but fiscal issues beyond
his core
business.
Goodwill Mpofu writes from
Harare.
Goodwill Mpofu
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August 2009
18:18
PRESIDENT Mugabe this week took ministers and senior government
officials to Namibia to attend the launch of the Boundless Southern Africa
expedition, a regional initiative to promote tourism in transfrontier
conservation areas, and to talk about football in view of the upcoming two
major soccer tournaments - the 2010 African Cup of Nations in Angola, and
the 2010 Fifa World Cup in South Africa.
Zimbabwe is at the
core of this expedition route which stretches from
the Indian Ocean in the
East to the Atlantic in the West.
Zimbabwe is also a vital
component of the Trans-frontier conservation
initiative as its national
parks are integral to the fulfilment of forming
the Kavango-Zambezi with
Angola, Botswana, Namibia and Zambia, the
Limpopo-Shashe with Botswana and
South Africa, and the Greater Limpopo in
concert with Mozambique and South
Africa.
The expedition is expected to attract investment in the
transfrontier
parks and market the region as a tourist destination during
the World Cup.
President Mugabe has over the years led Zimbabwean
politicians and
businesspeople to religiously attend such regional shindigs
meant to attract
investment in this country.
In Namibia this
week he said "by creating the TFCAs we have moved a
step forward towards one
of our cherished goals, namely the integration of
our economies. This
progressive seamless movement is also supported by the
name of this
expedition team, Boundless Southern Africa Expedition, which is
appropriate
for our vision".
It is true that the region has indeed moved a
step forward in
integrating economies but in Zimbabwe people are not really
benefiting from
these initiatives because of the poor politics
here.
The trip to the Namibian desert resort for Mugabe could be
yet another
fulfillment of a diplomatic engagement with no tangible benefits
to the
country.
For a long time, our leaders have cherished
this romantic dream that
investment flows into the country are predicated on
attending conferences
and signing documents. After each so-called regional
investment meeting our
leader has often been quoted talking about empowering
people through
economic expansion.
In Namibia on Wednesday
Mugabe said the creation of transfrontier
conservation areas "is expected to
improve the standards of living of our
people, particularly those
communities living within and around them through
education, awareness and
employment opportunities".
We would want to know at this stage
what happened to the
much-advertised Campfire projects initiated 20 years
ago. The projects were
meant to empower communities through conserving flora
and fauna.
These have fallen away largely due to poor management
and politics
which allowed people to settle in game parks.
Until today when our rulers are talking about the transfrontier parks,
villagers have been urged to occupy game areas while private conservancies
have been plundered through poaching and destruction of vegetation. What
kind of empowerment is that?
Investment in the tourism
industry also to a large extent depends on
government's ability to safeguard
property rights and ensure there is the
rule of law. The GNU has failed in
this respect. There is now the shameful
dichotomy of government pushing for
foreign investment when it cannot
guarantee the protection of foreign
capital through bilateral agreements.
At a business investment
conference in South Africa this week, it
emerged that South African
companies are still not keen on Zimbabwe just
yet, given the country's
recent past.
The delay in finalising the Bilateral Investment
Promotion and
Protection Agreement between the two countries has not helped
matters
either. The agreement will safeguard South African businesses in
Zimbabwe
from government interference - especially nationalisation. South
African
farmers who lost their properties during the land reform programme
have not
been adequately compensated, nor have Dutch, German and French
farmers.
This is one sticking point that has a huge bearing on
our ability to
attract investment and raise finances to repair our crumbling
infrastructure.
Last week Zanu PF was in full voice
condemning the MDC formations for
failing to meet their side of the bargain
in the GNU; that is calling for
the removal of sanctions.
These
are now being blamed for the stagnation around us. The sanctions
issue has
nothing to do with the procrastination in the finalisation of
Bippas with
South Africa.
We do not know whether Mugabe needs to set foot in
London first before
there is a land audit and order is restored on the land
to guarantee
productivity. The same is true with reforms to media and
security laws.
These are critical to restoring investor confidence and
boosting tourism
arrivals and with it living standards of ordinary
Zimbabweans.
To improve living standards of Zimbabweans we need
to see real reform
here and not presidential delegations attending every
little indaba in the
region when nothing is happening to prepare for the
World Cup Finals which
are just nine months away.
What goals
did we score by going to Oranjemund in Namibia? Not many,
but the state
media tells us there was applause for Mugabe when he stood up
to speak. Was
that it?
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20 August
2009 18:03
DOES President Robert Mugabe regard President Jacob Zuma's
state visit
to Angola this week with satisfaction or concern?
It would be revealing to know. Angolan President José Eduardo dos
Santos and
Mugabe have so far been major allies in the same camp in the
Southern
African Development Community (Sadc).
Former South Africa
President Nelson Mandela fought bitterly with
Mugabe over the latter's
determination to maintain his pre-1994 supremacy in
the region, by clinging
on to control of Sadc's crucial security apparatus.
Mugabe was
evidently trying to maintain his old Frontline States (FLS)
dominance in
Sadc, which he was then losing to South Africa, especially to
Mandela. And
Angola was with him while South Africa became the informal
leader of a
progressive, democratic camp.
Meanwhile, South Africa and
Angola fell out separately over several
other issues, including the ruling
MPLA's feeling that the ANC had never
thanked it enough for its support
during the liberation struggle, South
Africa's anger at Angolan military
support to Laurent Kabila to help him
conquer President Mobutu Sese Seko
(when South Africa was trying to get the
two to make peace), and Luanda's
suspicions of South Africa's efforts to
persuade it to make peace with its
own rebel enemy, Jonas Savimbi.
Although former South African
President Thabo Mbeki warmed towards
Mugabe, South Africa's quarrel with
Luanda remained unhealed; the two
biggest powers in the region were
estranged.
This week Zuma will remedy that with his first state
visit. It is
possible to speculate freely, along the lines of the infamous
Browse Mole
Report by South African intelligence analysts that Zuma will be
repaying Dos
Santos for the help he received in defeating Mbeki for the ANC
leadership at
Polokwane.
But whether true or not, no such
dramatic motive is really necessary
to explain the visit. It can be seen as
merely rectifying a diplomatic
anomaly. And the visit is surely not mainly
about Zimbabwe.
As Ayanda Ntsaluba, Director-General of the
Department of
International Relations and Co-operation, has explained, it is
largely about
building economic ties, and Zuma will be taking the largest
business
delegation that South Africa has ever sent abroad. South Africa
hopes to get
some of the major post-war economic reconstruction business
under way in
Angola.
South Africa also hopes to persuade
Angola to harness its military
prowess to Pretoria's own peacekeeping
efforts on the continent (rather, it
remains unsaid, than Luanda using its
military muscle on freelance
adventures).
But if Zimbabwe is
not high on the agenda or even officially there at
all, it is hard to
imagine that it will not be discussed during the visit.
Early next month
Sadc will hold its annual summit, and reviewing the
progress of Zimbabwe's
unity government will be a major item on the agenda.
On the
face of it, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his Movement
for Democratic
Change might be alarmed by the rapprochement between South
Africa and
Mugabe's erstwhile close ally Angola.
But that assumes Zuma will
fall under Dos Santos's spell. What if the
opposite occurs? Zuma has made it
clear in private in the past that he
disapproves of much of Mugabe's
undemocratic behaviour, though he has so far
done nothing in office to
confirm that.
Yet two weeks ago he told Tsvangirai that he
would take up with Mugabe
Tsvangirai's complaints about Mugabe thwarting the
full implementation of
the unity government agreement.
Then US
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton indicated, after meeting
Zuma, her
satisfaction with the way the Zuma administration was handling
Zimbabwe,
having said before that she would urge Zuma to curb Mugabe's
"negative
influence" on the unity government.
This suggests that Zuma
told her he intended taking a tough line with
Mugabe. One presumes he would
not want to mess with Clinton by offering her
vague promises he did not
intend to keep. Meanwhile, the Angolan government
itself broke ranks with
Zimbabwe somewhat last year by criticising the way
Mugabe was re-elected.
Perhaps Mugabe is also a little anxious about this
week's
visit.
lPeter Fabricius is foreign editor of the Independent
Newspapers group
in SA.
Peter Fabricius
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Thursday, 20
August 2009 17:01
ZANU PF'S intransigence scaled new heights last
Friday when its
politburo deputy secretary of information Ephraim Masawi
told the world that
the party had been "compliant to the letter in
fulfilling the requirements"
of the global political agreement (GPA) and,
therefore, there was no longer
any outstanding issues besides the lifting of
sanctions and an end to
"pirate" radio broadcasts.
What was
laughable about this claim was that more than 50 politburo
members -- the
bigwigs -- had met the previous day at the party's
headquarters in the
capital and resolved to believe in their own lies that
Zanu PF had met its
side of the inclusive government pact.
Masawi boisterously told the
world that Zanu PF was baffled by the two
MDC formations' "constant
reference" to outstanding matters because the
party had fulfilled, among
other issues, the appointment of Prime Minister
Morgan Tsvangirai and his
deputies Arthur Mutambara and Thokozani Khupe,
ministers and deputies,
permanent secretaries and ambassadors; and
facilitated the constitution of
the National Security Council.
The party said the rehiring of central
bank governor Gideon Gono and
Attorney-General Johannes Tomana and the
appointment of provincial governors
were not outstanding issues because it
was President Robert Mugabe's
constitutional prerogative to make those
appointments.
"In appointing the governor of the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe and the
Attorney-General, the president exercised his
constitutional right to do so
and no consultation in terms of the
constitution was necessary," Masawi
said. With regard to the appointment of
provincial governors, it is the
exclusive constitutional prerogative of the
president to appoint 10
governors and resident ministers to represent him in
the 10 provinces .
Besides, at the time of their appointment there was no
prime minister and
deputy prime minister to consult."
This
demonstrates that as far as Zanu PF is concerned, there were
never any
outstanding issues. Zimbabweans must remember that Gono and Tomana
were
appointed during the impasse over the formation of the unity
government.
Zanu PF knew exactly what it was doing and they were
never going to
reverse these appointments.
I am quite convinced
that even the two MDC formations knew this but
they had to demonstrate to
their supporters that they would not accept the
appointments. It is a
question of power, just as Ian Smith retained the key
ministries and
positions during the period of the Internal Settlement in
1978-79, Mugabe
has also retained the powerful posts in this marriage of
convenience. This
is about power relations and showing who the top dog is.
By declaring
that there are no outstanding issues, Zanu PF was simply
telling Sadc to go
to hell because it was the regional bloc's extraordinary
summit held in
Pretoria on January 26 that outlined the sticking points of
the pact,
resulting in Tsvangirai agreeing to the formation of the inclusive
government in February. This summit set the timelines for the passing of
Constitutional Amendment No 19, which captured the GPA, the swearing in of
Tsvangirai, Mutambara and Khupe and cabinet ministers and their deputies and
the activation of the Joint Monitoring and Implementation
Committee.
A communiqué released on January 27 at the end of the summit
clearly
stated, among other issues, that "the appointments of the Reserve
Bank
governor and the Attorney-General will be dealt with by the inclusive
government after its formation" and that the negotiators of the parties
shall meet immediately to consider the National Security Bill submitted by
the MDCT-T as well as the formula for the distribution of
governors".
So it was Sadc -- the facilitators of the GPA -- which
outlined the
outstanding issues Zanu PF is saying do not exist. Mugabe has
spoken on many
occasions thanking Sadc and the African Union for bringing
peace to Zimbabwe
through the unity government and has lambasted the United
States, Britain
and its Western allies for not respecting regional and
continental bodies
for their stance on Zimbabwe. Is this not
duplicity?
Clearly, Zanu PF is in contempt of Sadc.
It is also
contemptuous for Zanu PF to claim that it has fulfilled its
commitment when
we know that it is using its structural power to stand in
the way of
constitutional reform, opening up of media space and legislative
reforms;
harassing political opponents; and refusing to swear in MDC-T's Roy
Bennett
as deputy Agriculture minister.
It is nonsense for Zanu PF to expect
the MDC formations to cause the
lifting of sanctions on the country and put
an end to "pirate" radio
broadcasts because the two parties did not impose
the embargoes and they do
not own the radio stations. In any case ZBC is
currently the main vector of
hate speech.
Sadc, the godfather of
the GPA, if it was serious it would have great
effect in making sure all
parties adhere to the GPA and fully implement it.
But this appearance
is far removed from reality.
Sadc feels that it has done enough to halt
the violence and turmoil in
Zimbabwe and quite frankly, even its chairperson
Jacob Zuma's visit to
Harare next week, should not be expected to come with
positive results. The
regional bloc succumbed to the political machinations
of Zanu PF in 2008,
when things were really intense and so embarrassing that
they had to do
something and I cannot see anything pushing them to do more
than what they
have done already. This is a body which says nothing when
judgments of its
own tribunal are ignored and dismissed with contempt by a
member state. What
more can you expect?
Constantine
Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com/
Replacement of Water Pipes Long Overdue
Thursday, 20 August 2009
17:54
HATS off to the responsible authorities who are replacing the
worn out
water and sewer pipes in the city of Harare.
It seems
that they have at last taken the issue of the city's
deteriorating health
conditions into their hands and are now trying to
solve the
problem.
Whilst the generality of the residents may
complain that roads are
being damaged through the trenches that are being
dug where water and sewer
pipes are laid, it is ultimately for the best. I
believe that the measures
they are now taking have been long
awaited.
A lot of lives have been lost, residents' health
deteriorated and the
"Sunshine city" status of Harare gone due to the ever
flowing water and
sewage.
I was amazed to discover that the
pipes that are being replaced were
laid way before Independence whilst the
city was relatively small and were
meant to cater for the infrastructure and
amount of people that were there
at the time.
New houses
and buildings were built as the years passed and these were
incorporated
into the old pipe system which was expected to absorb the extra
volume
without being upgraded.
The pipes that are now being replaced
are battered and worn out --
evidence that the pipes could no longer cope
with the demands of the growing
population. I wonder if the previous
administrations were serious when they
were overlooking this
problem.
It is true that when solving a problem another one is
created, such as
in this case roads are being damaged while changing the
pipes, and there are
now trenches all over which is a danger to
motorists.
Hopefully the roads will be repaved as soon as they
finish with the
refurbishment of the water and sewer pipes all around the
city.
L C,
Harare.
---------
Let's not
forget Zanu PF's handiwork
Thursday, 20 August 2009 16:57
THE
just-ended Heroes and Defence Forces days were very historic in
that for the
first time in 10 years, Robert Mugabe did not attack the MDC or
its
president Morgan Tsvangirai as the stooges of the West.
It was also
historic in that Tsvangirai attended both events as the
Prime Minister of
Zimbabwe and some of the military generals showed that
they were also human
and saluted him for attending the Defence Forces Day.
As we commemorate
the death of our gallant Zimbabwean sons and
daughters who fought hard for
the liberation of Zimbabwe, we should also
remember hundreds of other
innocent Zimbabweans who were unfortunate to be
killed under ruthless
circumstances by Zanu PF activists.
Some of the activists who come to
mind are Gift Tandare who was shot
by the police in March 2007, Tichaona
Chiminya and Talent Mabika who were
murdered by known state security agents
in April 2000.
As we commemorate the death of the freedom fighters, we
should also
remember the handiwork of Zanu PF, which has left thousands of
children
orphans as Zanu PF went on an orgy of violence killing its
opponents just to
keep its stranglehold on power.
Edna
Musarurwa,
Harare.
----------
Leaders Should Embrace
Servant Leadership
Thursday, 20 August 2009 16:35
I AM
dismayed that endemic and debilitating corruption has plagued the
effectual
and efficacious discharge of duties in our country.
It is no secret
that our beloved country is faced with leadership
problems of monolithic
proportions. It is equally true that poor people who
are no doubt the
majority of the electorate are rational beings. We all know
that public
officials are entrusted by the people to protect their
interests.
However, the majority of the people do not speak up or hold these
leaders to
account. Weak, powerless and isolated, they are often reluctant
to push
themselves forward. In Paul Devitt's words: "The poor are often
inconspicuous, inarticulate and unorganised. Their voices may not be heard
at public meetings in communities where it is customary for only the big men
to put their views.
It is rare to find a body or institution that
adequately represents
the poor in a certain community or area. Outsiders and
government officials
invariably find it more profitable and congenial to
converse with local
influentials than with the uncommunicative
poor".
The poor are residual, the last in the line, the most difficult
to
find, and the hardest to learn from.
It is therefore because of
this that I earnestly and sincerely ask our
leaders to embrace servant
leadership for the sake of the poor.
Let's serve one another and stop
thinking only about ourselves. True
fulfillment comes not through ego
satisfaction but through service to
others. I hold that each person has an
obligation to alleviate the pain of
other people.
The silent
majority have, as a result, become a compost heap upon
which criminal
tyranny flourishes. It is, therefore, my moral duty to Speak
up for people
who cannot speak for themselves. Protect the rights of all who
are helpless.
Speak for them and be a righteous judge. Protect the rights of
the poor and
needy.
Jesus Christ, the outstanding personality of all time came not
to be
served but to serve and to give His life as a ransom for many. "A man
who
was completely innocent offered himself as a sacrifice for the good of
others, including his enemies and became the ransom of the world. It was a
perfect act" (Mohandas K Gandhi, political and spiritual leader of
India).
Mutsa Murenje,
Nairobi,
Kenya.
----------
Doctors Strike Threatens Health System
Recovery
Thursday, 20 August 2009 16:32
THE Zimbabwe
Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) deplores
the ongoing strike
by junior doctors which threatens to damage efforts
underway to rebuild the
country's health system. The health system is still
struggling to emerge
from a crisis that left the country's major referral
hospitals unable to
deliver services at the end of 2008.
Health professionals are entitled
to adequate remuneration and
acceptable working conditions. However, this
must also be balanced against
the wellbeing of patients. Unavailability of
health services ultimately
results in increased morbidity and preventable
deaths.
At a time when all public service employees are struggling to
survive
on the salaries and allowances they are receiving, the Human
Resources for
Health taskforce is working to improve the salaries and
working conditions
of health professionals. These efforts should not be
undermined.
ZADHR calls for improved communication and cooperation
between the
Ministry of Health and Child Welfare, the Health Services Board
and the
health professionals concerned regarding efforts to retain and
improve the
working conditions of human resources for health.
While
it is the government's duty to ensure that Zimbabweans have
available,
accessible and quality health care, doctors also have a
responsibility to
contribute towards this realisation of the right to
health.
Zimbabwe Association of
Doctors for Human Rights,
zadhr@mweb.co.zw
-------------
Improve Sports Commission
Thursday, 20 August 2009 16:28
THE Sports and Recreational
Commission seems not to have the
capacity to run tennis in this country. At
the recently held youth games the
respective provinces were asked to provide
tennis balls and only a few of
them were able to meet that
requirement.
As a result all of the balls which were used for the
games were
second hand. In any tennis event the world over and even locally
participants are never asked to provide balls.
The way the
match officials were treated also leaves a lot to be
desired as they waited
for payment from morning until 1900hrs.
The person authorised to
release the money was nowhere to be
found but had told the officials to be
at the finance office in the morning.
They should set up proper
structures administered by competent
officials so as to keep the
commission's operational standards high.
Mutape,
Mutare.
-------------
Gono,
Tomana Must go
Thursday, 20 August 2009 16:22
MOST
Zimbabweans deem the issue of the continued stay of Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe
governor Gideon Gono and Attorney-General Johannes Tomana
to be critical
issues that require urgent attention to be dealt with.
To put
it simply Gono and Tomana must go! Their openly partisan
nature is
unacceptable to us. The sanctions imposed on Zanu PF officials
must stay
until there is true change. We do not see that yet.
Justice,
Harare.
----------
SMS
The Zimbabwe Independent
Thursday, 20 August 2009
16:58
WE demand justice first before reconciliation! MDC must not
forget all the killings and beatings committed along with the suffering
orphans who were left behind. We want justice now.
Magidiza
S.
THE challenge facing Zanu PF this year is that of renewal.
If
they fail to do so then the party will die soon. The current leaders are
past their sale by date.
Roy Mataya,
Harare.
ZBC can heap as many titles as they want on Robert
Mugabe whom
they project as the people's presidential choice. Sadly their
efforts will
not endear us to him and we will surely relieve him of them
come election
time and give them to the one who truly deserves
them.
Givvie.
AS long as we have people who
believe diesel can be produced by
a witch doctor still in government, there
is no development to talk about.
Furthermore we still have "leaders" and a
"public" media whose priority is
to insult anyone who does not agree with
their policies. No single country
in the world owes its success to insults.
It also does not help matters
either to have people such as Joseph
Chinotimba being advisors to the RBZ
governor. I am sure we can do
better.
Mr Abas.
GIDEON Gono should not worry
about the shortage of change for
the US dollars. We are managing well as it
is. He has done enough harm to
the economy and should not try to experiment
with the economy again. He
should never be allowed to print money
again.
Nyamasvisva.
IT is very
disappointing to see that the Harare City council and
the ZRP have totally
lost control of Harare's streets to the commuter
omnibus drivers. It is a
shocking disgrace to see how most of the streets in
the western CBD have
been taken over by this unruly bunch that have
absolutely no regard for the
law, other road users or ratepaying shop
owners. Are these drivers so
powerful that they are above the law? Or are
the police and the council too
afraid to enforce it.
Weary ratepayer.
IS it
not a case of misplaced priorities on the part of the city
fathers of Harare
to spend very scarce resources on the installation of
mayor Muchadeyi
Masunda when there is a cry for lack of resources to return
the city to its
former status of "Sunshine City"? God help this dear country
of my
birth.
Stanley Tapera, Highfield.
APPARENTLY it's
only in Zimbabwe where the H1n1 swine flu is not
prevalent. Let's hope that
is true. In South Africa we hear that there are
five confirmed deaths and
thousands of people infected with the flu. My
question is: What is the
Minister of Health doing to prevent it? Where are
the prevention campaigns
to combat this pandemic?
Adrian Miller,
Mutare.
DOCTORS and other civil servants deserve to be paid
better
salaries. MPs and other senior government officials are being given
US$30
000 loans.
S Mugidiza.
THEY earned
R50 and there was no food in the shops, but they
continued going to work.
You now earn nearly US$400 and there is a lot of
food in the shops, then
they go on strike. This is the warped mentality of
the junior
doctor.
Ngwenya, Bulawayo.
WHY is it that a
teacher who joined the civil service in 1986
and is now a supervisor gets
the same salary as the one who came in 2007 and
is under supervision? The
government should not expect any serious work from
us in the third
term.
Jaku.
THE article by Ranga Makwata "We
all need financial planners"
(Zimbabwe Independent August 14) makes a good
read. Keep up the good work!
We need more information on the Prime
Minister's deal with the army.
SGH.
ON
Saturday I sent three text messages to South Africa. The
messages were not
delivered but Econet went on to deduct US66 cents from my
account. Please
Econet I want my refund.
Unsatisfied customer.
WHY does Econet steal from us by billing messages that have not
been
delivered. They are now reducing their standards and sooner than later
they
will be the same as these parastatals. You don't get rich by
stealing.
UBA.
CAN cellphone network operators
explain why they cannot bill
per-second? Imagine paying a flat amount for a
full minute even if the call
lasts for a few seconds.
Wise
Manu.
THE name Stanbic sounds good when you come across it in
the
press. Go to its Gweru and Kwekwe branches and you will find that a
tuck-shop is much better. There is no quality service to talk
about.
Shayibu Chalamanda.
http://www.busrep.co.za
August 21, 2009
Zimbabwe's state-owned
airline is considering opening up to private
shareholders in exchange for a
huge cash injection needed to avert its
collapse, and it plans to cut up to
500 jobs, according to chairman Jonathan
Kadzura.
Air Zimbabwe, which
government officials say currently receives $2 million
(R16m) a week from
state coffers, is a perennial loss maker weighed down by
an ageing fleet,
debt and a severe economic crisis.
Kadzura said on Wednesday that Air
Zimbabwe and the government were in talks
to find ways of urgently
streamlining and recapitalising the business.
"It's either you adapt
or die," Kadzura said.
An investor's prospectus says Air Zimbabwe
requires $750m to renew its fleet
and to install a hangar fire protection
system. The government would give up
a 60 percent stake in the airline in
exchange for the funding. - Reuters
http://www.zimonline.co.za
by Hendricks Chizhanje Friday
21 August 2009
MUTARE - A four-member team from the
Kimberly Process Certification
Scheme (KPSC) is touring Zimbabwe's Chiadzwa
diamond field where the army
and state security agencies have been accused
of committing gross human
rights violations and other illegal
activities.
The visit by the Windhoek-based KPCS secretariat team
headed by its
chairman and Namibia's Deputy Mines Minister Bernhard Esau
follows another
visit by the KPSC last month to probe reports by human
rights groups that
the country's military used brutal force to control
access to Marange and to
take over unlicenced diamond mining and trading
following discovery of the
gemstones there in June 2006.
The
team that was headed by Liberian deputy mines minister Kpandel
Fiya issued a
damning report at the end of its visit calling for a temporary
ban on trade
in diamonds from Zimbabwe's Marange fields until effective
security,
internal control measures and resources were in place in a manner
that
indicates that Zimbabwe has control and authority of the fields.
The KPCS is a joint government, industry and civil society initiative
to
stop trade in conflict diamonds - rough diamonds used by rebel movements
and
other rouge groups to finance wars against legitimate governments.
On Thursday the KPCS secretariat team toured the Chiadzwa diamond
fields
where they visited the home of Newman Chiadzwa, whose houses were
reportedly
destroyed by soldiers who ransacked his home some few weeks ago.
The team also visited Chiadzwa Police Post, where Newman's confiscated
equipment which includes a water tank, a front-end loader and an excavator
is being held.
"We went to show them Newman Chiadzwa's
homestead and his equipment
which is at Chiadzwa Police Post," said Deputy
Mines Minister Murisi Zwizwai
confirming the KPCS secretariat
visit.
"We showed them everything that happened including to clear
the air in
respect of his harassment. His home was not destroyed. His
confiscated
mining equipment, which included diamond screening equipment was
in a
restricted area," said Zwizwai.
Zwizwai has previously
attracted criticism from his MDC party over his
denials of killings and
human rights abuses in the notorious Chiadzwa
diamond field.
Newman who had fled his home was arrested last week by police for
allegedly
contravening sections of the Precious Stones Trade Act. Newman,
who was
recently granted bail had told The Standard, a local weekly that he
had been
singled out for punishment for allegedly supplying the KPCS team
with
damning information on the extent of human rights abuses by soldiers
and
policemen.
Newman also alleged that he was being targeted for
resisting a planned
relocation of villagers from the diamond-rich area to
Transau, a farm owned
by the government-run Agricultural and Rural
Development Authority (ARDA).
Observers last night feared that the
government could be trying to
persuade and influence the KPCS secretariat to
issue a fresh report
absolving it of any wrong doing as initially alleged by
the KPCS.
Apart from the KPSC, the New York-based Human Rights
Watch has also
accused Zimbabwe's military of conscripting villagers both
adults and
children to mine diamonds at Marange.
However,
Harare denies allegations of human rights abuses at Marange
and says calls
to ban diamonds from the fields were unjustified because
Zimbabwe was not
involved in a war or armed conflict.- ZimOnline
August 21, 2009 SW Radio Africa – Broadcast: 07 August 2009 VIOLET Gonda: On the programme Hot Seat, we normally bring
serious guests on the show, but this week we decided to bring a taste of
political humour by having self-styled war veteran Joseph Chinotimba as our
guest. The Zanu-PF member is suing Thamsanqa Mahlangu, the MDC Deputy Youth
Minister for 19.5 million US dollars for loss of business. The Deputy Minister who is out on bail was arrested on allegations of
stealing a cell phone belonging to Chinotimba two weeks ago. Mahlangu’s lawyer,
Charles Kwaramba told us that his client was issued with summons while in his
prison cell and the lawyer confirmed that Chinotimba is claiming in excess of
19.5 million US dollars. He alleges that he lost business during the time that
he was without his cell phone. The war vet leader is credited with spearheading the violent invasions of
commercial farms in 2000 in collaboration with the late Dr Chenjerai Hunzvi. I
managed to get hold of Mr Chinotimba and first asked him to tell us about his
lost cell phone. Joseph Chinotimba: Haina kurashika asi yakabiva. It did not
get lost; it was stolen.) If you say I lost it, it means that I didn’t know
where. It was stolen. Bvunza wechiti wakabirwa here. (You should ask whether it
was stolen.) Gonda: So makabirwa nani? Can you tell us what happened? Chinotimba: Very good. Ndiri kuda kuti ubvunze mubvunzo
iweyo kuna Minister wangu – kuna Mahlangu. (You should put that question to my
minister, to Mahlangu.) I don’t have a comment because if I comment, I’m comment
against my Minister who will guide me in the Parliament. So I cannot have a
comment just right now before the court are settled. I’m waiting for the court
to settle the matter, then I’ll comment after that. If you want to ask you
better asked Mr Mahlangu who is my Minister and I cannot comment anything till
the court is settled. Gonda: Now I did ask Mr Mahlangu’s lawyer and he said his PA
had picked your phone which had been dropped, why do you think your phone was
actually stolen? Chinotimba: Right now I don’t know whether it was dropped
and it was stolen and I’m only going to know what happened exactly in the court
and right now I cannot empree (pre-empt) talk anything till the court is
paralysed and I cannot disturb my evidence in any way, in any type of talking.
So I’m waiting for the court so the court will decide whether the minister had
picked up or whether he had been stolen it or not. So I cannot comment. Gonda: OK. I hear you have served the deputy minister with a
summons and you want 19.5 US dollars, you are suing for 19.5 …. Chinotimba: You better ask him. If he is the one who told
you that Mr Chinotimba is claiming for 19.5 million, he’s the one who knows that
and how can I say something which is not in my heart? You better ask him. Asked
Mr Mahlangu and tell him why is Mr Chinotimba’s claiming that. I cannot
comment. Gonda: Are you saying you haven’t filed a civil suit? Chinotimba: You better ask Mr Mahlangu, not me! Gonda: But I’m asking you since… Chinotimba: No, why do you want, why do I want to talk
things in the UK where the UK people doesn’t want to see me there? I don’t have
a visa. If I was having a visa to come to the UK, the UK people banned me to
come to the UK and you want me to talk things which is needed to be broadcast in
the UK where the UK people doesn’t want to see me, why? Gonda: What do you mean the UK people don’t want to see you?
Did you apply for a visa to come to the UK? Chinotimba: Yes because they banned me to come to UK and
they want my voice to be broadcast in UK but they banned me to come to UK! Gonda: Why were you banned Mr Chinotimba? Chinotimba: Does it have a logic? You want someone’s voice
in UK and you don’t want him personal to come to UK? Gonda: Mr Chinotimba I can’t speak on behalf of the British
government, I’m a Zimbabwean and we report to Zimbabwe. Chinotimba: Yah, I hope if you are reporting while you are
in Harare not in UK. You cannot enjoy a life which I cannot enjoy in UK. Gonda: I spoke to Mahlangu’s … Chinotimba: Unfortunately I say I cannot comment on behalf
of Mr Mahlangu. Mr Mahlangu’s lawyer should comment everything and right now I
cannot comment anything. Gonda: I did speak to Mr Mahlangu’s lawyer and he confirmed
that you are suing for $19.5 million so that’s why I’m asking you, why? Chinotimba: If he is the one who says so what do you want me
to say? Gonda: Is it a lie? Chinotimba: Maybe. You better ask him. Gonda: But I’m asking you because you’re the one who’s
suing. Chinotimba: Why, why do you want to ask me? Why don’t you
want to ask the person who is being sued? Why do you want to ask me? Gonda: What sort of business are you doing that’s worth 19.5
million US dollars? Chinotimba: I don’t have any business, I’m a farmer, where I
take some land from your British people, I’m a farmer! I’m a farmer! Gonda: Is this one of the farms that you grabbed? Chinotimba: I’m a farmer! I am a farmer! What kind of
business which I can do in Zimbabwe unless only to farm? Where the British
people were there, eating, enjoying their life, a good life in our land. Gonda: What are you farming? Chinotimba: I’m farming people. Gonda: (Laughs) What do you mean by that – you’re farming
people? Chinotimba: Yah. Are you not understanding what I am
farming? I am farming people. Ndirikurima vanhu kana usingazivi pachirungu
chandataura. Gonda: Zvinoreveyi izvozvo? What does that mean? Chinotimba: Zvinorewa kuti zvandiri kurima vanhu kwete
mhunga kwete chibage. Ndiri kurima vanhu. (It means that I am farming people,
not millet or maize. I am farming people.) Gonda: Do you mean kuti (that) you are going around like
what you did in the last few years, beating up people and terrorising people in
the farming areas there? Chinotimba: That’s what you know, that’s what you are being
told, that’s what you go to Britain and learn. You learn to talk lies! Who was
beating people? When you run away from Zimbabwe have you ever been beaten by
Chinoz? Or either you went to go there and look for money to come and put your
people or your family to eat? Do what your family can do and what your family
can eat and I can do what my family can eat. Thank you. Gonda: Mr Chinotimba, did you not destroy Admore Chibutu’s
home and assaulted him on 11 May 2008? Chinotimba: What you mean? Gonda: Did you not destroy Admore Chibutu’s home and
assaulted him on 11 May 2008. Chinotimba: Who is Admore? Who is Admore? I don’t know that
person. Gonda: Didn’t you say that murikurima vanhu? (Didn’t you say
that you farm people.) Chinotimba: Ndati handizvizivi zvauri kutaura munhu anonzi
Chimhunu ndiani? (I said I don’t understand what you are saying. Who is
Chimunhu?) Gonda: Vanhu veMDC. Manga musikuenda here, especially around
2008 beating up… (The MDC people – did you not go around, especially around 2008
beating up…) Chinotimba: What do you mean beating up MDC? What do you
mean by MDC? We don’t have MDC here in Zimbabwe, we don’t have Zanu-PF; we have
now got inclusive government. What are you meaning about MDC?! You are talking
about people who are united here and you are talking rubbish while you are in
UK! Hey? We are having a very good government and you are talking nonsense! You
are talking about 20 years ago, which have been never. You are talking about
beating people, you are not talking about how people were killed by Smith. You
are just asking things which are not possible to be answered. Gonda: Because I am asking …(interrupted) Chinotimba: I said we are now in a inclusive government, we
are enjoying our country, it is all up to you to continue sitting there in
Britain, not enjoying your homeland. Gonda: But Mr Chinotimba, I’m asking about you and the
things that you’ve done. Chinotimba: Huh, what are you saying! Hey? Gonda: I’m asking about you and the things that you’ve done.
Granted there are a lot of things, a lot of bad things that happened during the
Smith …(interrupted) Chinotimba: No, no, no you were not in Zimbabwe, you cannot
talk something which you were not there. How can you ask things which you were
not there? Gonda: But the people you have attacked in the past have
complained. Chinotimba: The people, which people? Who complainant of
that? There’s no complainants. I’ve never been sued, I’ve never been taken to
the police, I’ve never, if a person had been beaten then he was supposed to
report that matter to the police. You want to be clever for nothing! Gonda: Mr Chinotimba, did you not lead a violent land
grab? Chinotimba: Ya, thank you, bye bye. Gonda: Hello Mr Chinotimba. Chinotimba: Huh, land what? Gonda: Did you not lead a violent land invasion campaign in
2000? Chinotimba: Iwe wakapusa handizivi kuti unotaura chirudziyi.
(You are very foolish. I don’t know what language you speak.) Invasion yakaitika
kumunda kwababa vako? (Was your father’s land invaded?) Iwe baba vako vanga
vaine munda here pakatorwa munda ipapo? (Did your father have any land when the
land was seized?) Baba ako akakubereka handiti aigara mugomo? (Did your own
father not live up in a mountain?) Hino zvikanzi baba vako vakatora munda
zvinonzi pakaitika invasion? (So If you father takes some land will that be an
invasion of land?) Haunyari? (Are you not ashamed of yourself?) Gonda: Saka muri kuti hapana mainvasions akaitika
kuZimbabwe? (Are you therefore suggesting that there were no land invasions in
Zimbabwe?) Chinotimba: Invasion yeyi? (What invasion?) Invasion
yekutora chinhu chako? (Is it an invasion to take back what belongs to you?) Iwe
ukarasa andapeni yako, iwe ukatorerwa andapeni yako nemunhu ukaenda kunoitora
kune umwe munhu unoti iwewe waita invasion yeandapeni yako? (If you lose your
underpant, if someone takes your underpant and you approach that person to
recover your underpant will you be guilty of an invasion of your underpant?) Gonda: Saka ndizvo zvamanga mechiita, manga murikutora…. (So
this is what you were doing, you were taking…) (interrupted) Chinotimba: Ndati unoti here iwewe vakatora andapeni yako
iinvasion? (I said is it an invasion if you take your underpant back?) Gonda: Mr Chinotimba, is this how things should be done? Chinotimba: Ndataura nyaya yeandapeni kuti unyatso
kunzwisisa handiti. (I referred to the underpant so that you would
understand.) Gonda: Is this how things should be done, that you just go
and grab peoples’ properties without following the law? Chinotimba: Is this how the people can do when they go to
Iraq and invade Iraq, taking oyiris (oils) and fuwero (fuel) of the peoples of
Iraq, going with it to the London-based people. Is this the way we can do? You
are not talking about Iraq people! Gonda: Mr Chinotimba…(interrupted) Chinotimba: Hey, shut up. You can answer, don’t continue
talking, can you answer my question? Gonda: I do not speak on behalf of the British government.
Handisi (I am not) British, I do not speak on behalf of their policies and we
are talking about what is happening in Zimbabwe not what is happening in
Iraq. Chinotimba: I’m very, very, very glad if you can answer me
because you are not in Zimbabwe, you are in UK, where you are always talking to
the UK people or talking to the white people. Have you ever asked them why you
go to Iraq and fight? Gonda: Mr Chinotimba, why did you disrupt the constitution
conference early this month? Chinotimba: No, you are now talking about things to which I
am not asking. I think you want me to provoke you? Ah, ah you are a mistaken
lady. Thank you very much. See you in Zimbabwe. Gonda: Do you think it’s mature for an adult to stand on a
table and start singing and dancing while the Speaker of Parliament is trying to
address delegates at a constitutional conference? Chinotimba: Which Speaker of Parliament are you talking
about hey? Have you ever seen me in the television talking about such things?
Have you ever seen me pictures, no man, have you ever seen me, my pictures? Gonda: You were seen by delegates, you were seen by
delegates, even officials like Trudy Stevenson say they saw you dancing, leading
the disruption at the constitutional conference. Chinotimba: You heard by Stevenson? Gonda: And many other delegates who were there. Chinotimba: Where were she when I was dancing? Maybe we were
dancing together because it’s a lady. If I was dancing, I cannot dance without a
music then. If there was a music so we were dancing together with Stevenson. It
is better if she was a good lady, maybe I was going to marry her because she was
dancing also. Iko zvinoizvi takungoona mapounds ne maUS ari kuno. (Now we lots
of British Pounds and US dollars here.) Takungodya zvakanaka eating together with Tsvangirai and iwewe
unongopembereka uri ikoko. (Now we are eating well, eating with Tsvangirai while
you are in the wilderness there.) Why didn’t you ask kuti Tsvangirai why are you
eating alongside Chinotimba? If I have done something bad, I’m eating together,
drinking tea together, chatting together but you are still talking nonsense
while you are in UK. Gonda: That’s why muri kuwasuwa vanhu vacho vekwaTsvangirai
$19.5m nekuti muri kufarirana? (So is that why are suing Tsvangirai’s people;
because you are happy together?) Chinotimba: Iwo havana kusuwa, zvevaka suwa nenyaya yejeri
yaJestina Mukoko tirikudawo 19.5, yakadini kuvabvunza kuti munovasuwireyi vanhu
veZanu-PF? Zvarwadza iwewe nhasi? (Haven’t they also sued? When they sued for
19.5 over the detention of Jestina Mukoko why did you not ask why they were
suing Zanu-PF. But today it is painful to you?) Gonda: Saka ndizvo zvemurikuzviitira here kuti just because
Jestina Mukoko ari kuita sue, mukati regayi muretaliate? (So is that why you are
doing it? Just because Jestina is suing so you are now retaliating?) Chinotimba: Aiwa kubvunza. (I am just asking.) Ndino bvunza
iwe uri kongo taura nezveMDC kusisina zveMDC kune inclusive government. (I must
ask why you keep on asking about the MDC when the MDC is no more; now we have
the inclusive government.) Hameno hako urikubvudza ani. (I don’t know to whom
your questions are directed.) Gonda: Imimi ndimi mati did I ask them when Jestina Mukoko …
(interrupted) (It is you who said did I ask when Jestina
Mukoko…(Interrupted)) Chinotimba: Iwe ndiwe wati muri kusuwa vanhu ma$19.5 ndikati
iyazve vakushamisika ne19.5 ko yemarimwe zuro wakambovabvunzawo here? (It is you
who said we are suing people for $19.5 and I said, hold on, you are surprised by
this 19.5, how about the 19.5 two days ago, did you ever ask them?) Gonda: Ipi yacho? (Which one?) Is Jestina Mukoko
…(interrupted) Chinotimba: Ma19.5 yaslogan hausikuzviziya here? (Meaning
not clear.) Gonda: Is Jestina Mukoko MDC? Chinotimba: Ya slogan ma19.5, ya slogan! (Meaning not
clear.) Gonda: You brought in issue yaJestina Mukoko, is she from
the MDC? Chinotimba: I slogan! I slogan! (It is a slogan. It is a
slogan.( Yakangofanana nekuti Chinotimba mudenga mudenga bwaaa – mechisumudza
Chinotimba muAIR whether Chinotimba is not there. (It is the same as throwing
Chinotimba into the air, whether Chinotimba is not there.) It’s a slogan! Gonda: Iyo icell-phone yepi inoita $19.5m? (What kind of
cellphone would be valued at &19.5 million?) Chinotimba: Serefoni ipi? Yaka kurwadzaka? Murume vako here
aka suwiwa? Iwo vakasuwiwa igirlfriend yako, iboyfriend yako? (What cellphone?
You are really upset over this cellphone, aren’t you? Is it your husband who was
sued? Is he your girlfriend, is he your boyfriend?) Gonda: Aiwaka, ndiri kubvunza kuti realistically do you
think 19.5…(interrupted) (No, but I am asking realistically; do you think….) Chinotimba: Aiwa ndiri kubvunza kuti iboyfriend yako here?
(I am also asking whether he is your boyfriend.) Zvakakurwadza here? (It must
have been painful to you.) Gonda: Kutaura kwenyu kurinormal here? Zvekuti boyfriend
zvabva nepi? (Is your language normal. How come you are now talking about
boyfriends?) How can you say that? Chinotimba: Aiwa, inini ndiri kubvunza kuti zvakakurwadza
here. Asi iboyfriend yako here? (No, I am only merely asking whether you are
upset. Is he your boyfriend?) I’m not saying it’s your boyfriend. Gonda: Mr Chinotimba, I’m a journalist. Chinotimba: Matiyi? (Come again.) Gonda: …this is my job, I ask such questions so you can’t
say because I’m asking these questions then ‘is he my boyfriend?’ Chinotimba: You are asking me nonsense things. Ende iwewo
futi ka…(And you…) Gonda: Can I finish? Chinotimba: Terera uoneka. Hauna rudo. Instead yekuti
nemadambudziko ikoko kuZimbabwe Vice President Msika ashaya, you are talking
nonsense. Hey? Indava usina kukwana iwewe usikazivi kubata maoko vanhu vekumusha
kwako? (inaudible) (You listen. You have no love in your heart. Instead of
paying condolences to us here back in Zimbabwe over the death of Vice President
Msika, you are talking nonsense. There is something wrong with you, you don’t
send a message of condolences to you people back at home.) Gonda: VaChinotimba nematambudziko Vice President akashaika.
(Mr Chinotimba, please accept on the passing away of the Vice President.) Chinotimba: Ha, ha, ha. Thank you very much. Gonda: OK, thank you very much Mr Chinotimba. Chinotimba: Thank you Sisi, by the way, who am I speaking
to, journalist who? Gonda: Ah, after talking for 20 minutes, now you want to
know my name? Why didn’t you ask that at the beginning? Chinotimba: Definitely, because you know my name and you are
laughing, you are also very happy to talk of me. Maybe you’d never talked with
me? Gonda: No. we’ve talked before. Chinotimba: We’ve talked before? Gonda: Yes. Chinotimba: And you told me your name? Gonda: Yes and even at the beginning of the interview I told
you my name. Chinotimba: (chuckles) Ha, ha, ha, ha, I forget anyway. Can
you tell me? Gonda: ( Laughs)I don’t think you’ve forgotten vaChinotimba
munozviziwa. (You know that, Mr Chinotimba.) Chinotimba: (laughing) Handizvizivi ,nditaurirewo kani. (I
don’t know, please tell me.) Feedback can be sent to violet@swradioafrica.com