http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=2983
August 21, 2008
By Allister
Sparks
WHILE everyone is surely anxious to see the Zimbabwe negotiations
succeed in
bringing relief to the long-suffering people of that country, it
is
nonetheless galling that the process should be taking place at all. For
it
is sending a terrible message to tyrants everywhere.
It is telling
them that when you face defeat in an election, the thing to do
is to launch
mayhem in your country, beating and butchering and bludgeoning
your own
people until horrified peace-keepers come hurrying to the scene to
stop the
carnage and you can then negotiate a continuing role for yourself
in the
power structure.
It is a form of blackmail. The moral equivalent of the
hostage-taker who
threatens to go on shooting his hostages unless his
demands are met.
The sane world always faces a dilemma in such
situations. To yield to the
hostage-taker's demands is to encourage their
replication, and so there has
been a growing reluctance to do so and the
painful decision has been taken
to leave hostages to their fate. But when
whole communities are involved it
is a quantitatively different
matter.
Still, I believe the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) and the
African Union (AU) could be doing better in the case of
hostage-taker Robert
Mugabe. As this column has noted repeatedly for more
than a year, those two
bodies are committed by their own charters not to
recognise any regime that
takes power by unconstitutional means. So they
should have warned Mugabe in
advance that if he rigged this year's election
again, as he did in 2002 and
2005, they would not recognise his
government.
It would be an illegitimate regime and Zimbabwe would be
suspended from both
bodies and isolated.
That, I believe, would have
stopped him. Mugabe may thumb his nose at
Britain and the US, but he would
not dare do so at the rest of Africa.
Indeed, SADC should be acting in
that way right now. Instead of trying to
negotiate a power-sharing deal,
they should be telling Mugabe collectively
and bluntly that he lost the
March 29 election, that he extended the run-off
illegally, that his campaign
of violence and intimidation was unacceptable,
and that he cannot therefore
be recognised as head of the Zimbabwe
government.
They should tell
him he must step down, and that if he does not step down
SADC will withdraw
all support from him and his government. He will be
isolated on his own
continent.
Sadly, President Thabo Mbeki, as SADC's appointed negotiator,
has not had
the strength of character to do that. He is in awe of Mugabe's
reputation as
a liberation icon, and perhaps in fear of being denounced as a
tool of the
west, which is Mugabe's stock-in-trade response to his African
critics.
And so the timidity has become pervasive. Nobody has been
prepared to stand
up to the old tyrant except Levy Mwanawasa of Zambia, who
died yesterday in
France (though he had been sedated following a stroke, he
still managed to
send a message of admonition to the leaders in Sandton) and
Botswana's gutsy
new president, Ian Khama, who boycotted the meeting to
protest at Mugabe's
presence there as Zimbabwe's unelected
president.
Even some of our media and professorial analysts seem stricken
by
obtuseness. The other day I heard an SABC commentator say, as the SADC
leaders headed for Sandton, that "the ball is now in (Morgan) Tsvangirai's
court".
How preposterous! Here is a man who has been robbed of an
election victory,
had his organisation smashed and his supporters beaten,
tortured and killed,
being told that the onus is on him to make concessions
so that peace can be
restored.
The point is that Mugabe's insistence
that he be the head of the so-called
"power-sharing" government, with the
power to appoint - and thus also to
dismiss - members of that government,
including Tsvangirai as prime
minister, is so obviously unacceptable to
Tsvangirai that I cannot
understand why it was not instantly dismissed as a
negotiating position.
Tsvangirai is not a fool. He and everybody else in
southern Africa know how
Mugabe swallowed up Joshua Nkomo and his Zapu party
without a trace in what
purported to be a power-sharing deal in the 1980s.
It is as plain as a
pikestaff that this is what Mugabe is trying to do with
Tsvangirai now - and
that Tsvangirai would be crazy to fall for
it.
Yet we keep getting reports saying there is only one obstacle
remaining in
the negotiations - even though that obstacle is the size of
Everest.
The problem with SADC is that too many of its leaders have too
much in
common with Mugabe. They are imbued with the notion that their
parties of
liberation have a historic right to rule indefinitely; that as
"vanguard
parties" only they have the wisdom and ideological insight to
chart the
course of the unending "national democratic revolution". They form
a kind of
freemasonry that closes ranks with fellow members of that
self-righteous but
shrinking club.
One can imagine, for example, that
Jose Eduardo dos Santos, who has been
president of Angola for 29 years,
feels somewhat reluctant to tell Mugabe
that after 28 years it is past time
for him to go.
The AU, too, has some less than enthusiastic champions of
free and fair
elections. There is Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, who has ruled for
27 years, who
habitually locks up his opposition at election time and
appears now to be
preparing to hand over to his son, Gamal. And of course
Muammar Gaddafi, who
has held power in Libya for 39 years and
counting.
What needs to happen is for the SADC leaders to cast off their
craven
obsession with the egotistical needs of one stubborn old man and
focus
instead on the increasingly desperate needs of the Zimbabwean
people.
Zimbabwe's economy is disintegrating. The currency is devaluing
at the rate
of 1000 percent a week. Inflation is reckoned to be in the
vicinity of
50-million percent. This means that the money is worthless. It
can't buy
anything, and in any case there is nothing in the shops to buy.
The maize
crop this year is one-third of what is needed to feed the nation
with its
most basic staple.
The people are facing starvation. A human
catastrophe is looming. Africa
itself does not have the resources to save
the 10-million or so people still
left in Zimbabwe. Only the western donor
countries can do that. They have
pledged $4bn over two years, which is about
half Zimbabwe's gross domestic
product, to kick-start a recovery.
But
the donor countries won't give the aid if Mugabe remains head of the
government. This is understandable, because he squandered the wealth of what
was once a prosperous country and would surely do so again to keep his
cronies happy while the ordinary people continue to suffer in
penury.
In any case, how can any donor country justify asking its
taxpayers to bale
out a tyrant and subsidise an illegitimate
regime?
No, the onus is on the SADC leaders to do the right thing. They
must tell
Mugabe to go, now, so that the people of Zimbabwe can start living
again.
(Sparks is a former editor of the Rand Daily Mail and a veteran
political
analyst.)
http://www.independent.co.uk
By Basildon Peta in
Johannesburg
Friday, 22 August 2008
Robert Mugabe has
abandoned a negotiated solution to the Zimbabwean crisis
at the behest of
the generals who prop him up, sources have told The
Independent.
The
embattled President, 84, has set himself on a collision course with the
opposition and international community after declaring he will open
parliament next Tuesday despite his failure to agree a power-sharing deal.
Zimbabwe's military chiefs, led by Constantine Chiwengwa, the head of the
army, believe Mr Mugabe has already offered to cede "too much power" to the
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai in a deal now on the table, which Mr
Tsvangirai has refused to sign.
Other senior figures in Mr Mugabe's
inner circle, including the leader of
the feared war veterans' militia, have
demanded that the President makes no
further concessions to Mr Tsvangirai
and his Movement for Democratic Change,
even it means the dialogue collapses
completely.
Instead, they are pushing Mr Mugabe to dissolve parliament
shortly after it
resumes sitting next week. He could then order fresh
elections in which the
ruling Zanu-PF party could overturn the MDC's narrow
majority through a
campaign of terror similar to that deployed between the
first and second
round of presidential voting.
It is unlikely that Mr
Mugabe would resort to that drastic a step. The MDC
instead fears a campaign
of targeted assassinations of its MPs, several of
whom are said to be in
hiding. This would force by-elections which the
Zanu-PF regime would win
through violence to regain Mr Mugabe's majority.
The ruling party
controls 99 seats, Mr Tsvangirai 100, while a smaller
faction of the MDC,
led by the erratic Arthur Mutambara, controls 10. The
remaining seat is held
by an independent. Mr Mugabe only needs to regain
seven seats to control
parliament. He is already trying to woo opposition
MPs with
bribes.
In the deal now on offer, Mr Mugabe would retain executive
control of the
security services, while Mr Tsvangirai would be handed the
task of repairing
the economy and facing the humanitarian disaster created
by the current
regime.
"If President Mugabe goes ahead to convene
parliament and appoint a new
cabinet, it means he is proceeding to violate
the conditions of the
[memorandum of understanding] which means he may have
abandoned the basis
for the talks. But we don't know what his intentions
are," Mr Tsvangirai
said in Nairobi yesterday. "A violation of the MOU will
have to be dealt
with by the mediator," he added.
South Africa's
President Thabo Mbeki, the official mediator, also appears to
have given up
on a settlement. Instead, he has joined the Mugabe camp in
trying to bully
the opposition into accepting the deal.
The MDC leader told The
Independent that a situation in which the prime
minister was asked to take
responsibility for certain ministries while other
ministers reported
directly to the president was untenable.
He described as "non-negotiable"
his position that he should become
executive head of government in charge of
appointing the cabinet, chairing
it and formulating and implementing
government policy.
August 22, 2008 Morgan Tsvangirai at press conference in Nairobi. NAIROBI (AFP) - Zimbabwe’s Movement for Democratic Change said Thursday it
will attend the swearing in of new MPs next week but opposes the convening of
Parliament.MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai said any
parliamentary session would be “a violation, repudiation of some of the
conditions on the Memorandum of Understanding” signed with President Robert
Mugabe last month on power sharing talks. “President Mugabe would not proceed to do anything unilaterally. Any step
that we take has to be by consensus,” he told reporters in Nairobi where he came
to seek advice on the workings of a power-sharing government. “We are going to Parliament to defend our mandate. Our problem is with the
convening of Parliament not the swearing in of members,” MDC secretary general
Tendai Biti also said earlier. The MDC has said it did not consent to the re-convening of Parliament after
controversial elections, claiming it could endanger talks aimed at resolving the
country’s devastating political crisis. In Harare Edwin Mushoriwa, a spokesman of the breakaway faction of the MDC
which is led by Prof Arthur Mutambara, said its elected MPs would not boycott
the swearing-in ceremony, which is scheduled for Monday. “If we don’t attend, Mugabe’s MPs would choose the speaker and deputy. We
cannot boycott the sitting of Parliament”, he told AFP. “We are opposed to the rule of Mugabe”, he added. “We may vote on a
particular issue (with Zanu–PF or MDC-Tsvangirai), but we’re not getting in
partnership with one or the other.” He denied his party had entered into an informal agreement with the Mugabe
regime. “We are a distinct political party,” he stated. “It is untrue that there was
an informal agreement with Zanu-PF.” Tsvangirai held talks with Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga who in February
signed a power-sharing agreement with President Mwai Kibaki to end deadly
post-election violence that resulted in the death of some 1,500 people. Tsvangirai called for a sharing of executive authority with Mugabe in a final
coalition government agreement. “We want cooperation and sharing of power not sharing of positions, but
sharing of power. Executive authority should be shared between the president’s
office and the prime minister’s office,” he said. The MDC president said the talks adjourned last week deadlocked on the issue
of the roles envisioned for the prime minister post and the president. “There is one stumbling issue that we have been grappling with which is the
framework (of) powers and roles of the president and the new position of prime
minister for the duration of transition leading up to two and a half years,”
Tsvngirai said. “”That has been the crux and fundamental basis of this agreement. That’s why
I think the Kenyan experience becomes very important lesson to learn from.” Under the Kenyan peace agreement, the prime minister - who has two deputies —
supervises the functions and affairs of the government while the president
retains executive powers. Violence in Kenya erupted in the wake of presidential elections held on
December’s 27, which then opposition candidate and pre-poll frontrunner Odinga
said were rigged by Kibaki. The dispute ignited a wave of protests which were fiercely put down by the
police and soon led to ethnically-driven clashes and a cycle of revenge
killings, mainly in Nairobi and the western Rift Valley region. Former UN chief Kofi Annan led an internationally-backed mediation that
eventually yielded a power-sharing agreement. Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu-PF party both suffered
historic defeats in parliamentary and presidential elections held in March. The
veteran leader was re-elected in a June one-man presidential run-off which was
boycotted by Tsvangirai, who had defeated Mugabe in the first round. Tsvangirai cited violence against his supporters.
http://www.thetimes.co.za/
The Editor, The Times
Newspaper
Published:Aug 22,
2008
It
might sound unfair, but this is how parliamentary democracy works'
EDITORIAL:
ZIMBABWE's parliament will finally be convened on Monday, almost
three
months after its members were elected. The delay in swearing in the
210
members was due to the losses suffered by the ruling Zanu-PF in the
March 29
elections.
a.. Zimbabwe Special Report
For the first time
since independence in 1980, Zanu-PF will go to parliament
with fewer seats
than its rivals.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change won 100
seats at the polls -
one more than Zanu-PF - making it the largest party in
the new parliament.
But the MDC does not have enough seats to boast a
majority in the
legislature, and the balance of power hinges on the
breakaway MDC faction
led by Arthur Mutambara.
Because the main MDC,
led by Morgan Tsvangirai, and Zanu-PF have failed to
agree on terms for a
unity government, it now seems certain that Zimbabwe's
political fate will
be decided by Mutambara's group.
If his faction, which has 10 seats in
the legislature, throws its lot in
with Tsvangirai, Zanu-PF's Robert Mugabe
would find it difficult to form a
new government that excluded the
opposition.
Such a government would have little hope of international
recognition,
especially because even the African Union has said it will
accept nothing
less than a unity government in Zimbabwe.
But if
Mutambara joins forces with Mugabe, Tsvangirai's party could find
itself on
the back foot. It would be forced into the opposition role even
though it
garnered the largest number of votes at the polls.
It might sound unfair,
but this is how parliamentary democracy works.
Tsvangirai has insisted
all along that a unity government will have to
recognise the outcome of the
March 29 presidential poll. That election also
produced a hung legislature,
and a deal by two of the parties would be
recognised as legitimate.
http://www.zimonline.co.za/Article.aspx?ArticleId=3578
by Patricia
Mpofu Friday 22 August 2008
HARARE - President Robert
Mugabe's ZANU PF party resolved this week not to
give in to opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai's demand for full executive
power, a development
that probably puts the last nail in the coffin of
stalled power-sharing
talks between the two rivals.
Sources in ZANU PF told ZimOnline that the
ruling party's inner politburo
cabinet met in Harare on Wednesday to receive
a report from Mugabe on last
weekend's summit of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC)
leaders.
ZANU PF's chief negotiator in
talks with Tsvangirai's MDC party Patrick
Chinamasa briefed politburo
members on progress in the dialogue and
obstacles to a political
settlement.
"We resolved that no further executive powers will be given
to Tsvangirai,"
said a member of the communist-style politburo, speaking
strictly on
condition he was not named.
"Members were adamant that
what he has been offered is enough and the issue
of President Mugabe
maintaining his present executive powers is
non-negotiable," the politburo
member said.
The ZANU PF official added that if Tsvangirai did not sign
by Monday the
power-sharing proposal that is on the table and that was
endorsed by SADC
leaders, then Mugabe and his party would "proceed with our
Plan B".
The ruling party official declined to go into the details of
Plan B.
However, there is widespread speculation in Harare political circles
that
Mugabe could turn to a breakaway faction of the MDC led by Arthur
Mutambara
in a desperate attempt to form a government that includes
opposition
elements.
Mutambara's faction that is also a participant
in power-sharing talks
insists it has not entered any deal with Mugabe. But
the faction says it is
agreeable to the deal on the table that proposes
Mugabe retains his
executive powers while Tsvangirai becomes virtually a
ceremonial a prime
minister without power to hire or fire ministers or to
chair Cabinet.
Tsvangirai would be officially designated deputy chairman
of Cabinet under
the proposed deal that however is silent on who between the
MDC leader and
an acting president would chair Cabinet in the absence of
Mugabe.
Mugabe has two deputies who take turns to perform presidential
duties
including chairing Cabinet when he is on leave or out of the
country.
ZANU PF deputy spokesman Ephraim Masawi confirmed the politburo
received
reports on the Johannesburg SADC summit and the power-sharing talks
but
refused to disclose details because politburo discussions are
confidential.
Masawi said: "We were informed the SADC supports us in the
deal, including
Botswana. I can't give you full details on the talks but we
were fully
briefed."
Disagreement between Mugabe and Tsvangirai over
who between them should
control the power-sharing government has stalled a
political settlement that
only a few weeks ago seemed within reach after the
two rivals agreed for the
first time in nearly 10 years to sit at the same
table to negotiate.
Mugabe insists on keeping his wide-ranging powers
mostly intact while
Tsvangirai says he will take up the position of prime
minister only if it
comes with full executive authority.
In a sign he
may be losing patience with the stalled talks, Mugabe plans to
convene
Parliament on Monday and officially open the House the following
day. He has
not indicated whether he would proceed to name a new Cabinet to
run the
country.
The Zimbabwean leader had delayed convening Parliament or
forming a new
Cabinet to give talks a chance.
Tsvangirai told
journalists in Nairobi on Thursday that plans to open
Parliament would
violate a memorandum of understating (MOU) on talks,
labeling the move a
"repudiation" of the MOU.
Tsvangirai's secretary general Tendai Biti was
more direct, telling
journalists in Harare: "If you convene Parliament, you
are closing the door
to negotiations."
However Biti said the MDC,
which holds 100 seats against ZANU PF's 99 in the
key lower chamber of
Parliament, would attend the swearing-in of new members
of parliament on
Monday.
"We are going to parliament to defend our mandate. Our problem is
with the
convening of parliament - not the swearing-in of members," he
said.
Mutambara's faction with 10 seats holds the balance of power in the
House of
Assembly enabling whoever it backs to enjoy controlling majority in
the
important chamber.
A government of national unity is seen as the
best way to end Zimbabwe's
crisis that is marked by the world's highest
inflation of more than 11
million percent, severe shortages of food, jobs,
foreign currency and
deepening poverty.
Western nations, whose
financial aid is vital to any effort to revive
Zimbabwe's economy, have said
they will support such a unity government only
if its executive head is
Tsvangirai. - ZimOnline
East African Standard
Published on 22/08/2008
By Martin Mutua
Prime
Minister Raila Odinga on Thursday held a private meeting with Zimbabwe's
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai at his Karen
residence in Nairobi.
Tsvangirai was in Nairobi for a one-day visit
to consult with top Kenyan
Government officials over the Zimbabwe stalemate.
He met Raila early in the
morning, and said MDC would not get into
government with President Robert
Mugabe unless there was "real power
sharing".
Tsvangira was interested in knowing more about the Kenyan
negotiations that
led to the signing of the national peace Accord and
formation of the Grand
Coalition Government.
The Kenyan mediation
talks was spearheaded by a Panel of Eminent Persons and
chaired by former UN
Chief Koffi Annan.
"Tsvangirai's coming to Kenya would mean that there
are real problems facing
the negotiations between him and Mugabe," said a
political analyst.
Tsvangirai said plans by Mugabe to convene Parliament
would violate and
repudiate the African Union memorandum of
understanding.
He said by opening Parliament next week, Mugabe may have
decided to abandon
power-sharing talks aimed at ending Zimbabwe's deepening
crisis.
The MDC leader later told a press conference at the
Intercontinental Hotel,
Nairobi, that his party's position was that if the
position of Prime
Minister was to be created, then it must have not only
responsibilities but
the "necessary authority" to run government.
"It
has to be accountable authority necessary and that the Prime minister
and
the President must have shared responsibilities," he added.
VOA
By
Blessing Zulu
Washington
21 August
2008
With Zimbabwe's parliament called to convene on
Tuesday, the main political
parties including President Robert Mugabe's
ZANU-PF and both formations of
the Movement for Democratic Change are
positioning them for the first
critical vote for speaker of the lower
house.
The outcome of that vote by the 210 members of the house of
assembly could
set the tone for a parliament in which the combined
opposition Movement for
Democratic Change holds a majority - but may not
exercise it as many
anticipated after the March general
election.
Political sources said the MDC formation of Arthur Mutambara
will put
forward Paul Themba Nyathi as its own candidate for speaker when
parliament
is recalled next week.
The MDC grouping led by Morgan
Tsvangirai is expected to nominate its
national chairman, Lovemore Moyo.
Division between the two MDC camps could
open the door wider for a deal
between Mutambara's MDC and ZANU-PF, which
might seek to secure the post of
deputy speaker - and court the MDC faction
as a coalition partner by backing
Themba Nyathi
The ZANU-PF central committee was to meet Saturday to
choose its own
candidate. But party sources said the short list includes
National Chairman
John Nkomo and ministers defeated in the general election
on March 29,
including Oppah Muchinguri and Sikhanyiso
Ndlovu.
Compromise candidates include former ZANU-PF politburo member
Dumiso
Dabengwa, who broke with the ruling party in 2005 over its forced
eviction
and demolition drive, former speaker Cyril Ndebele and Mutambara
faction
Vice President Gibson Sibanda.
While the opening of
parliament seems a sure thing, there are many questions
regarding the
cabinet. Some lawyers say Mr. Mugabe can name ministers who
lost their
parliamentary seats for an additional three months, while others
say they
must step down.
National Constitutional Assembly Chairman Lovemore
Madhuku, a constitutional
expert, told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
there is no constitutional impediment to
recalling parliament even though
Tsvangirai and other MDC officials have
warned that it breaches the July 21
memorandum setting power-sharing
talks.
http://www.mg.co.za
JASON MOYO AND MANDY ROSSOUW - Aug 22 2008
00:00
"The MDC is the Trojan horse of British interests
... Why do you think after
every little thing that is put on the table
(Movement for Democratic Change
leader Morgan) Tsvangirai has time for
reflection? It gives him time to
consult with the white people."
In
an interview with the Mail & Guardian this week Robert Mugabe
spokesperson George Charamba's comment underscored the intense underlying
hostilities that have left the Zimbabwean settlement talks in ruins.
Charamba indicated Zanu-PF's intention of swallowing up the MDC, much as it
did Zapu after the 1987 agreement, saying that the talks had to be concluded
speedily because this would shift the MDC "out of the way".
"Only
when the talks are over will the MDC become the national party with a
national consciousness," he said. "We need the MDC out of the way so that
Zimbabweans are on the same side. Then we can begin to discuss who owns what
in Zimbabwe."
Charamba also denied any economic crisis in Zimbabwe,
saying: "I don't know
what you are terming as economic decline. In terms of
the stats, Barclays is
declaring a dividend every year; so does Stanbic and
Zimplats.
"All the real players are sticking it out and doing brisk
business ... The
condition of the Zimbabwean black will remain the same for
years from now."
Despite the weekend summit of the Southern African
Development Community,
which focused on the Zimbabwean crisis, there was no
further movement
towards settlement this week. Zanu-PF leader Mugabe and
Tsvangirai are
digging in their heels, insisting they will not move from
their closing
positions in last week's talks.
Mugabe's insistence on
reopening Parliament has escalated tensions and made
a settlement look even
more unlikely.
The Memorandum of Understanding, which set the agenda for
the talks last
month, barred him from convening Parliament without the
consent of the other
parties to the negotiations. But the SADC undermined
this by giving its
blessing to the reopening of the legislature. It also
bought President Thabo
Mbeki's view that the MDC is the principal obstacle
to settlement and urged
Tsvangirai to soften his stance.
Although
Tsvangirai said he would not oppose the opening of Parliament, MDC
general
secretary Tendai Biti said in a statement that "convening Parliament
decapitates the dialogue".
MPs have been out of work since
the March 29 elections and want their
salaries and parliamentary perks
restored.
Zanu-PF believes reconvening parliament will heighten pressure
on Tsvangirai
to sign the proposed deal in its current form. Zimbabwean law
requires the
appointment of a new Cabinet as soon as Parliament is sworn
in.
Mbeki was hoping for a settlement by last Sunday. "Together with the
rest of
our region, the leaders of the people of Zimbabwe hope that by this
day,
SADC Day [August 17], they will have concluded their negotiations,
creating
the possibility for them to act together to resolve the political
and
socio-economic challenges this sister country faces," he wrote in a
message
printed in an SADC booklet distributed in Sandton.
The main
logjam in the talks remains the division of powers between Mugabe
and
Tsvangirai in a new government, with the MDC insisting that this should
reflect its superior showing in the first presidential election in
March.
Zanu-PF argues that as Tsvangirai did not participate in the June
27
elections, he cannot lead the government. The June elections were widely
condemned as neither free nor fair.
The MDC is now looking to Mbeki
to pressure Mugabe into making concessions.
"We're not moving from this
point. Our position will not change," an MDC
insider told the
M&G.
Tsvangirai's strongest bargaining chip is Zimbabwe's continuing
economic
implosion and the fact that he holds the key to the international
economic
aid the country desperately needs. He also calculates that without
his
participation, the government will face the same crisis of legitimacy as
it
did immediately after the presidential run-off.
However, MDC
officials worry that he has overplayed his hand, as Mugabe is
indifferent to
the state of the economy and solely preoccupied with
retaining
power.
Said one: "For him and the people around him things are just fine.
The worse
the economy does the better for them. They can buy foreign
currency at the
Reserve Bank at low rates and sell it for much more. They
are making a lot
of money out of the crisis."
Patrick Chinamasa,
Zanu-PF's chief mediator, also indicated this week that
his party will make
no further concessions. Parliament must now convene, he
said, "and we must
carry on with the business of running the country".
"There is no basis
whatsoever to justify Tsvangirai's demands," Chinamasa
said. "He wants
President Mugabe to become (former titular president Canaan)
Banana. But
judging by the March 29 election, there can be no basis for
these demands.
What he is asking for is a transfer of power, not a sharing
of power," said
Chinamasa.
Mugabe, who insists on appointing and chairing Cabinet, has
offered
Tsvangirai the deputy chair. Zanu-PF officials claim the prime
minister's
proposed powers exceed those of Kenya's Prime Minister, Raila
Odinga.
The MDC countered by offering Mugabe the position of army commander,
which
he refused.
Tsvangirai wants to appoint his party deputy
Thokozani Kupe as deputy prime
minister, with the other deputy post held by
Zanu-PF.
The MDC says it will continue negotiating and that the
reconvening of
Parliament will not affect its stance. "The economy will
implode within
three to four months," said one MDC official. "If he [Mugabe]
wants to go
ahead and deal with inflation of 11-million percent with an
imitation
government, he can do so."
However, the official conceded
that the SADC summit at the weekend was a
disappointment, as the MDC had
hoped the region would ratchet up the
pressure on Mugabe.
An African
diplomat sympathetic to Mugabe said that member states had told
Tsvangirai
to "stop being a stumbling block and sign the agreement" after
receiving
information and documents about the Zimbabwe talks.
VOA
By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington
21 August 2008
Despite formal condemnations
of political violence by all parties to
Zimbabwe's power-sharing
negotiations, such violence remains a daily
occurrence in Manicaland
province.
Sources there said war veterans and ruling ZANU-PF militia on
Wednesday
visited Cidimu farm near Old Mutare Mission and threatened the
owner with
forceful eviction if he did not vacate by the end of the month.
The owner
confirmed to VOA the account of that visit.
Last week,
ZANU-PF militia members invaded another farm in Rusape,
Manicaland.
In Buhera South constituency, war veterans have continued
to abduct and beat
opposition members as such violence has tapered off
elsewhere.
Much the same has been happening in the Makoni South and
Chimanimani
constituencies.
In Bikita opposition members are being
denied food assistance, sources said.
War veteran leader Joseph
Chinotimba, defeated in March in a bid for the
Buhera South seat, is said to
be directing much of the violence.
VOA was unable to reach Chinotimba for
comment on the allegations.
Political analyst John Makumbe, a professor
at the University of Zimbabwe in
Harare, told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of
VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
Manicaland has rejected ZANU-PF rule, and
the local leadership of the ruling
party is still venting anger.
$105m goes walkabout in misty Zimbabwe platinum deal; Andrew Groves and Phillipe Edmonds rush to the rescue, capes flapping.
Barry SergeantOn April 11, when London-listed resources stock Camec announced a platinum mining deal in Zimbabwe that appeared to be the sweetest thing since finding El Dorado in your backyard, few outsiders had insight into what was really going on. Fast forward to this week, and the panic bottom has been hit as north of $100m remains walkabouts.
Camec, skippered by Phillipe Edmonds, who once apparently played cricket for England, and Andrew Groves, son of a Harare policeman, has spent the past few years accumulating vulnerable mining assets in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, working hand-in-glove with Conrad Muller "Billy" Rautenbach, a Zimbabwean who ranks as a fugitive from justice in South Africa.
Back in April, Camec described how it had acquired a choice duo of platinum deposits on Zimbabwe's Grand Dyke. Camec bought 100% of dodgy-sounding Lefever, a (no surprise) British Virgin Islands company, from Meryweather Investments, a misnomer of note. Lefever owns 60% of Todal, a Zimbabwean company, which has the rights to the Bougai and Kironde platinum concessions, owned until then by Anglo Platinum, in which Anglo American holds a near-80% stake. Everything points to the two concessions suffering zero-payment confiscation from Anglo Platinum.
For Lefever, Camec agreed to pay Meryweather $ 5m cash, plus 215m new Camec shares. Camec also agreed to loan $100m in cash to Lefever. This is to be repaid by Zimbabwean state-owned mining company ZMDC, which owns the other 40% of Todal. This thinly disguised donation is nothing less than an unsecured cash loan to the Zimbabwe government; for that, read "the president Robert Mugabe regime".
Now the thing is this: back on April 11, the 215m Camec shares were worth a princely GPB 118m, a King's ransom. Since then, all kinds of nasty things have happened, not least the cooling of the world's economy, along with carnage in commodity prices, and a severe hammering of listed resources stocks. One of Camec's key claimed products, cobalt, has seen a halving in dollar prices over the past six months. Today, the 215m Camec shares are worth just GBP 62m; an amount of GPB 56m, equal to $105m, has gone walkabouts.If this sounds like a rotten story, it only gets worse. Back in April, the various virtuous parties to the transparently wonderful platinum deal agreed that half the 215m Camec shares would be locked up for six months, and the balance for a year. Camec's stock price is already down 53% from its highs, and given the characterisation of those waiting impatiently with their grubby paws on the 215m shares, there's no question that cash is going to be preferred to Camec paper.
In October, more than 100m Camec shares are scheduled to hit markets like an enraged monsoon ripped to the tits. In April 2009, ditto the action. Today, August 21 2008, Camec announced that it is calling a general meeting "to seek shareholder approval to purchase its own shares and thereafter to commence a share repurchase programme". In a statement, Groves is quoted as saying that "We believe that Camec's shares are currently significantly undervalued. We intend to enter the market to repurchase shares and will continue to do so until we believe that the shares are more appropriately valued".
Zimbabwe's political opposition have vowed to reverse Camec's cool platinum deal, but that is another story. For the meantime, Camec's trusty partners in Harare are in panic mode, and so is Camec. If Camec was serious about buying back shares - it has 2,6bn in issue - it would quietly start with the 215m in the hands of its ravenous Zimbabwean partners. Sometimes, just sometimes, a plan does indeed come together.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
18:35
POWER-SHARING talks between Zanu PF and the MDC factions now
hang in
the balance, with the opposition saying Zanu PF's plans to convene
parliament next Tuesday would be a "clear repudiation" of the framework for
dialogue.
The controversial move to swear in MPs and
senators on Monday before
convening parliament on Tuesday has left the three
political parties in the
talks, Zanu PF and the two MDC factions, in
disarray. The latest shift in
events threatens to sabotage the negotiations
that have been rambling on
since July.
MPs will be sworn in by
the Clerk of Parliament Austin Zvoma at 10am
on Monday. This will be
followed by the election of Speaker and deputy
Speaker of
parliament.
Negotiating parties have been frantically lobbying for
the positions.
Zanu PF and the MDC faction led by Morgan Tsvangirai have
been locked in a
bitter struggle for the posts, leaving Arthur Mutambara's
smaller MDC group
well placed to tilt the scales, with a good chance of
producing a compromise
candidate.
None of the three parties has
a majority in parliament. Zanu PF won 99
seats, Tsvangirai's MDC 100 and the
Mutambara faction 10 seats in the House
of Assembly. To control parliament a
party needs 106 seats.
After the MPs, senators will be sworn in at
2:30pm and subsequently
there would be an election of president and deputy
president of the senate.
Zanu PF is expected to easily win the
posts if President Robert Mugabe
chooses the five appointed senators and 10
provincial governors who are due
to be sworn in on Monday as
well.
Appointed senators and the governors, bolstered by 18 chiefs,
would
give Zanu PF an unassailable 63 senators in the 93-member Upper House.
Tsvangirai's party has 24 and the Mutambara faction six
senators.
The issue of cabinet - which Mugabe might move to appoint
if he
secures a deal with some opposition MPs - appointment of senators,
governors
and the Speaker of parliament, are part of the talks. The process
which
might follow next week's events could disrupt the already stalled
negotiations.
Mugabe will officially open parliament on
Tuesday. Sources said that
Tsvangirai's MPs are likely to boycott the
opening session after they are
sworn in on Monday.
Mugabe is
unable to form a functioning government on his own after his
party lost
control of parliament in the March elections. This has created an
unprecedented dilemma for him since he came to power in 1980 as he has to
rely on the MDC to extend his rule, particularly after signing a Memorandum
of Understanding (MoU) on July 21 to guide the talks.
The MoU
prohibits such measures as the convening of parliament without
mutual
consent by the negotiating parties. Mugabe's decision to assemble
parliament
has sparked off an uproar with Tsvangirai's party which has
warned this
might scuttle the talks.
Sadc leaders at their summit last weekend
in South Africa sanctioned
the assembling of parliament "to give effect to
the will of the people as
expressed in the parliamentary elections held on
29 March 2008".
It is said that Mugabe lobbied Sadc for approval to
avoid violating
the MoU and find a convenient cover for his actions. Mugabe
also came out of
the Sadc summit with a façade of legitimacy after his
counterparts tacitly
acknowledged him.
Tsvangirai's
secretary-general Tendai Biti said this week the
assembling of parliament
would ruin the talks.
"Any decision to convene parliament will be a
clear repudiation of the
Memorandum of Understanding, and an indication
beyond reasonable doubt of
Zanu PF's unwillingness to continue to be part of
the talks. In short
convening parliament decapitates the dialogue," Biti
said.
"Article 9 of the MoU signed on 21 July 2008 makes it
clear that no
party, during the subsistence of the dialogue, shall take any
decision or
measure that has a bearing on the dialogue, save by consensus.
Such a
decision or measure includes, but is not restricted to, the
convening of
parliament or formation of a new government. In the present
case, the MDC
has not consented to the convening of
parliament."
Tsvangirai initially said that "let parliament be
reconvened" - before
he tried yesterday to shift his position to align
himself with his
secretary-general while in Kenya by stating that the
convening of parliament
would undermine the talks.
Tsvangirai told a news conference in Nairobi Mugabe's intention to
open
parliament next Tuesday was a "repudiation" of the MoU.
"A
violation of the MoU will have to be dealt with by the mediator,"
he said.
South African President Thabo Mbeki is the mediator.
"If
President Mugabe goes ahead to convene parliament, appoint a new
cabinet, it
means he is proceeding to violate the conditions of the MoU
which means he
may have abandoned the basis for the talks but we don't know
what his
intentions are."
Sources said Mugabe is manoeuvring in a bid to
outflank the opposition
by luring some of their MPs through promises of
government positions and
other inducements to secure a parliamentary
majority and form a new cabinet.
It is said Mutambara, who would be
deputy prime minister if the talks
succeed, could be amenable to a deal with
Mugabe although he has denied it.
A number of Tsvangirai's MPs
have also been targeted by Zanu PF and
this prompted the party last week to
go public about it in an effort to keep
Mugabe at bay.
The
convening of parliament would come amid growing criticism that the
current
government - run by an old cabinet dissolved on March 27 - may not
only be
illegitimate, but also unconstitutional.
A group of lawyers
monitoring parliamentary affairs said government
was running without
parliament for six months and this was unlawful.
"The Constitution
stipulates that the country should not be governed
without a parliament for
more than 180 days (Section 62). We are well past
this (the 180 days
expired in mid-July)," the lawyers said.
They also said the clause
in the MoU which says parliament should not
be convened before the
negotiations are concluded "is merely a contract
between the political
parties, which cannot contradict the supreme law of
the land".
Mugabe dissolved parliament on January 24 ahead of March elections.
However, constitutional lawyer Lovemore Madhuku said the 180 days
apply to
the period between two sessions of the same parliament, not
different ones
as is the case now.
Madhuku said the real issue presently was that
Mugabe did not follow
the constitution when he took the oath of office on
June 29, while
parliament was not sworn in.
By Dumisani
Muleya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
18:32
THE country's main political parties have been wrong-footed
by
President Robert Mugabe's decision to convene parliament next Tuesday,
with
policy differences emerging in the MDC while hardliners in Zanu PF are
uncertain of their future in government.
Sadc leaders
approved the convening of parliament during their summit
at the weekend in
Johannesburg prompting President Mugabe to gazette the
swearing in of MPs on
Monday and the opening of the House on Tuesday. The
move has caused problems
in Zanu PF and both factions of the MDC.
The Morgan Tsvangirai-led
MDC has since issued contradictory
statements on the assembling of
parliament with the party leader giving it a
thumbs-up, while
secretary-general Tendai Biti said it would "decapitate the
dialogue"
process and show that Zanu PF was unwilling to continue with the
Sadc-initiated talks.
"Any decision to convene parliament will
be a clear repudiation of the
memorandum of understanding (MoU) and an
indication beyond reasonable doubt
of Zanu PF's unwillingness to continue to
be part of the talks. In short,
convening parliament decapitates the
dialogue," Biti said in a statement on
Wednesday.
His stance
contradicted that of Tsvangirai who initially said they had
no problem with
the convening of parliament as this was "an expression of
the will of the
people".
Yesterday, however Tsvangirai made a U-turn in Nairobi,
Kenya, saying
the convening of parliament would violate the MoU, an issue
that would have
to be dealt with by the mediator, South Africa's president
Thabo Mbeki.
In the other faction of the MDC there are fears among
the MPs that
Mutambara might have struck a deal with Zanu PF that would see
the robotics
professor landing the deputy premiership if the talks
succeed.
But Mutambara and his chief negotiator Welshman Ncube have
denied any
such deal, saying they would only sign a tripartite deal
involving
Tsvangirai.
Yesterday, Edwin Mushoriwa, the Mutambara
faction spokesperson, also
denied they had done a deal with Zanu
PF.
"We are a distinct political party," Mushoriwa said. "It is
untrue
that there was an informal agreement with Zanu PF."
Sources in Zanu PF said hardliners and ministers in the party who lost
in
the March 29 elections were opposed to the convening of parliament, as
they
feared losing their ministerial positions if Mugabe appoints a new
cabinet.
The hardliners, the sources said, also want a
permanent stay of the
talks and hoped that Mugabe would appoint them
non-constituency senators so
they remain in cabinet.
"The
hardliners do not want a power-sharing government with MDC, one
of the
sources said. "They are afraid that they would lose out."
The
sources said apart from the hardliners, the army, police and
intelligence
chiefs who meet under the Joint Operations Command were also
opposed to the
talks, especially after it emerged that if a deal is sealed
Tsvangirai would
attend their meetings as prime minister.
By Constantine
Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
18:24
THE Zimbabwe People's Party president Justine Chiota is seeking
to
stop the swearing-in of legislators and opening of parliament next
week.
Chiota's demand is contained in an urgent Supreme
Court application in
which he wants the nullification of President Robert
Mugabe's re-election
after recently securing a judgement which invalidated
his exclusion from the
presidential election in March. The nomination court
in February rejected
Chiota and the United People's Party leader Daniel
Shumba's papers to enter
the race saying they were filed late.
However, a recent Supreme Court ruling said the nomination court's
decision
to reject the papers was invalid.
Chiota has demanded that if his
application is successful, fresh
presidential elections be held within 90
days.
In his application, Chiota said Mugabe should be interdicted
from
swearing-in MPs and Senators on Monday and also from constituting a new
government.
But Chiota appears to have cited an incorrect
respondent on the
swearing-in of legislators because the ceremony is
officiated by the Clerk
of Parliament, not the president.
In
the same application he also demanded that the power-sharing talks
between
Zanu PF and MDC be stopped.
Chiota, a controversial former Central
Intelligence Organisation
officer, stated in his application that the
political future of Zimbabwe
would be shaped by negotiations predicated on
an election conducted
regardless of the fact that his rights were
violated.
"I also submit that the settlement talks based on the
results of the
election impugned herein are equally an infringement upon my
rights as
already declared by this court, and the constitution of the
government of
the Republic of Zimbabwe based on such talks will be in itself
an
infringement on my rights aforesaid," he said.
A fortnight
ago Chiota lost his legal bid to join the Sadc-initiated
talks between Zanu
PF and the two formations of the MDC in the South African
High
Court.
Justice Ephraim Makgoba of the Pretoria High Court dismissed
with
costs the urgent application saying the court did not have the power to
pronounce on a matter outside its territorial jurisdiction.
Meanwhile, Shumba recently approached the Sadc Tribunal seeking to
have his
party included in the power-sharing talks being mediated by South
African
President Thabo Mbeki.
By Lucia Makamure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008 18:16
BOTSWANA has reacted sharply to claims carried in the state media that
it
had softened its stance on Zimbabwe after it was initially "misled" by
MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai on the political crisis in the
country.
State media reported this week that some Sadc
leaders apologised to
President Robert Mugabe during the regional bloc's
summit at the weekend in
Sandton for their stance against his
government.
The Herald claimed that leaders from Zambia, Botswana
and Tanzania
expressed "embarrassment" at having "blindly supported"
Tsvangirai on the
political situation in the country.
The
leaders reportedly said a briefing they got on Zimbabwe from South
African
President Thabo Mbeki during the summit had enlightened them.
The
newspaper quoted Botswana's Foreign Minister, Phandu Skelemani, as
saying
that Tsvangirai had lied to his country.
But the Botswana Foreign
ministry on Wednesday dismissed the reports
and insisted it did not
recognise Mugabe as the legitimate president of
Zimbabwe.
"The
Botswana government has not altered its position on Zimbabwe and
the reports
from the Harare Herald are misleading," the Foreign ministry
said in a
statement.
The Herald in its report claimed that African countries
were warming
up to Mugabe after realising that they had been lied to by
Tsvangirai.
"The biggest surprise, however, came from Nigeria,
which sent a high
profile emissary to South Africa on Sunday to seek a
meeting with President
Mugabe and offer apologies for taking an uninformed
position on Zimbabwe's
electoral processes during the last AU summit in
Egypt," the story claimed.
The newspaper further said that Botswana
-- whose leader Ian Khama
boycotted the Sadc summit protesting against
Mugabe's presence -- had
softened its position after being lied to by
Tsvangirai.
"He (Skelemani) said his analysis of the situation was
that Tsvangirai
had misled them on Zimbabwe's political processes," the
Herald claimed. But
Botswana says there has been no change in its position
on Zimbabwe.
Botswana is among countries that include Nigeria,
Liberia, Tanzania,
Kenya and Zambia, which have not endorsed Mugabe's
re-election, seeing the
process as flawed.
By Loughty
Dube
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
17:56
THABO Mbeki's briefing to the media after the Sadc summit held in
Johannesburg on August 17.
Questions and
answers
Question: Mr President I would like to know if you have
any sense of
when we can expect to see a final agreement signed by the
negotiating
parties in Zimbabwe? Can you also give us a sense of the
concerns around the
outstanding agreements?
Answer: It is
clearly not possible to say when the negotiations would
be concluded. It is
a matter of the negotiating parties convening to look at
whatever matter
might be outstanding. One cannot allocate a date to this and
the Sadc Organ
did not indicate a date by which this matter should be
concluded with regard
to the completion of this process, except to indicate
the urgency of the
matter. So, it is not possible to say when the
negotiations would be
concluded.
Q: Mr President, you said that the Organ agreed that the
documents
provided form a good basis on which to conclude the negotiations.
Does that
mean that you feel that there is no need to negotiate over the
documents?
A: I am not aware if this communiqué has been
distributed. You will
see that that particular paragraph expresses the
strong opinion of the
Extraordinary Summit of the Sadc Organ having studied
the documents to which
I referred earlier, came to that conclusion looking
at those documents
relative to the decisions/resolutions of Sadc and the
African Union on the
matter, expressed that opinion but said that
negotiations should continue
and that would include concluding negotiations
and signing any outstanding
agreements as a matter of urgency.
So essentially, what the Extraordinary Summit was saying was that
negotiations should continue but of course, having had the possibility for
the first time of looking at the entirety of the documentation, the Organ
felt it should express its own view about this because bearing in mind,
these two resolutions - Sadc and the African Union - so, it says that
negotiations need to continue but it is of that view with regard to the
quality and extent of the work that has already been done by the Zimbabwean
negotiators that they have produced a set of documents that in the view of
the Organ do indeed address the issues that were raised in these two
resolutions and to that extent, they believe form a good basis for a speedy
resolution of outstanding matters but that the negotiations must of course,
continue.
Q: Mr President, what are the outstanding issues in
the agreement?
A: Let me explain something before we get more
questions. I am
speaking here not as the facilitator but as the chair of
Sadc. Now you are
asking me to get involved in a discussion that deals with
the facilitation
and I must say that I cannot answer questions posed to the
facilitator.
I can answer questions posed to the chair of Sadc but
bear in mind
that there is an agreement in the facilitation process arrived
at by all the
parties that we would not handle the process of negotiations
through the
media and indeed I am sure you will remember this because it is
also
included in the Memorandum of Understanding so to that extent, there is
a
limitation that is imposed with regard to how much detail we can express
but
that is a matter that belongs to the facilitation process.
But with regard to what the Organ discussed I think it is properly and
fully
reflected in the communiqué of the Extraordinary Summit of the
Organ.
Q: Mr President, yesterday, when you were speaking as the
chair of
Sadc, you said that the negotiations needed to be concluded to
extricate the
Zimbabwean people from the dire situation in which they find
themselves.
Could you give us an impression of what you see as the
humanitarian urgency
for a deal?
A: What drove Sadc in the
first place to last year convene an
extraordinary Summit of the Organ in
Dar-es-Salaam in March to discuss
Zimbabwe - there were other matters on the
agenda like the DRC and so on -
was driven by very serious concerns about
the matter you have referred to,
the humanitarian situation in
Zimbabwe.
And the discussions that have taken place over the last
three days
focused us on really trying to assist to speed up the process of
the
conclusion of the negotiations and the implementation of the agreements
that
would come from these negotiations. It is driven precisely by these
very
deep seated concerns in the region that the political concerns must be
created so that with the greatest urgency this humanitarian, economic and
social condition in Zimbabwe can be addressed as a matter of urgency by an
inclusive government.
So it is a matter of fundamental concern
to the region - this
socio-economic and humanitarian condition of the people
of Zimbabwe. But we
believe that we need this inclusive government to drive
this process of
addressing these challenges but this consideration of the
humanitarian
situation of the people of Zimbabwe is fundamental to all of
the statements
that are made and this decision of Sadc emphasising the
urgency of this
matter. It is not just to address the political stability
but also to create
the conditions so that you have an inclusive government
that would then
address these other urgent issues.
Q: Mr
President, as the chair of Sadc, do you believe that any deal
that leaves
President Mugabe with any power is going to be acceptable to the
international donor community and is it going to be a long-term solution to
the crisis in Zimbabwe?
A: The two resolutions that bind the
facilitation - the first one said
specifically that could the facilitator
please get the ruling party and the
opposition to meet and discuss in order
to resolve the political challenges
facing Zimbabwe.
The
African Union resolution said the same thing. And so, we have
indeed been
working over this period with the ruling party and the MDC led
by Mr
Tsvangirai and the MDC led by Professor Mutambara and the decision
that will
be reached about what needs to happen will come from the
Zimbabwean
parties.
It certainly would not be correct for the facilitator to
hand down any
prescriptions to say that the person or group that should be
part of the
inclusive government to which these parties have agreed so it
would be a
matter really that the Zimbabwean parties would agree to - who is
in that
inclusive government and the role that they would play in that
inclusive
government.
That must truly come from the Zimbabwe
parties because I think of all
of us, they know best what is good for
Zimbabwe and the thing is that
everybody - the facilitator, Sadc, the
international community - would have
to respect what the Zimbabwe political
leadership says about Zimbabwe and I
am quite certain that the Zimbabwe
political parties would answer the
question you have posed on the basis of
what they think is right for
Zimbabwe, what they think is required in
Zimbabwe.
It is not any determination that can, nor indeed should,
be made by
anybody. Let's really allow the people of Zimbabwe to determine
their
future. This is critically important because any solution that is
imposed
from outside will not last, it will not last, unless it is a common
product
that is owned by this entire collective of the leadership of
Zimbabwe. I
think if the facilitation tried to impose any solution we would
be creating
a situation that actually would amount to creating conditions
for the
failure of whatever might be incorrectly described as a
solution.
*The South African Department of Foreign Affairs recorded
the
briefing.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
17:42
AS if the current frequent power-cuts were not enough,
long-suffering
Zimbabweans are set to spend even more on candles and
firewood as Zesa
increases power-cuts.
The power
utility needs to export the power saved through
load-shedding to Namibia as
re-payment for the US$50 million loan Zimbabwe
received in a Power
Purchasing Agreement from NamPower earlier this year.
Information
gathered from Namibia and Zesa this week shows that
power-cuts will be a
long-term feature until Hwange Thermal Power station is
fully
refurbished.
Under the deal signed between the two countries when
President Robert
Mugabe visited Namibia in March last year, Nambia would
receive 180
Megawatts for a minimum of five years as part of a power
purchasing
agreement with Zimbabwe Electricity and Transmission Company
(Zetco)'s
holding company, Zesa.
The US$50 million would then
be used to refurbish and expand Hwange
power stations to levels that would
eventually result in a "significant"
reduction in power-cuts throughout
energy-crisis hit Zimbabwe.
The plan was to have the last of the
four generators fully repaired by
August this year. The four generators at
Hwange are capable of generating a
total of 480MW, but have operated
erratically as Hwange struggles to cope
with frequent equipment breakdowns
and coal shortages. In fact, Zimbabwe has
failed to refurbish Hwange power
station with the loan so that it can
increase electricity generation to
serve the country and Namibia.
Up to US$2 billion is required to
install new equipment and expand
production at the country's two main power
plants in Hwange and Kariba to
meet increased industrial and domestic
demand.
Zimbabwe has been experiencing debilitating power-cuts due
to the
declining capacity of its aging power plants, which have been starved
of new
investment as the country battles severe foreign currency
shortages.
Businessdigest understands that the deal between
NamPower and Zimbabwe
states that Zimbabwe will "meet its other part of the
bargain" regardless of
the electricity generation in the
country.
"If they (Zesa) cannot generate the power to supply us,
they still
must find the power elsewhere to fulfil their part (of the
agreement),"
NamPower managing director Paulinus Shilamba told the media
recently.
Namibia started receiving power from Zimbabwe in January
this year, as
Hwange power station was hit by breakdowns. Cutting power to
Namibia was not
an option.
Regional power utilities have also
reportedly been progressively
reducing supplies to Zesa
Holdings.
The reduced supply from the region has also piled
pressure on Zesa
which has been unable to produce enough electricity for the
country due to
poor capitalisation and obsolete equipment.
Zesa
is said to getting about 100MW from Cahora Bassa in Mozambique
and 50MW from
Snel in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Initially Zesa was
getting 150MW from Cahora Bassa but the supplies
were reduced to due to
non-
payment.
Zesa is generating about 800MW monthly and
adding up imports of 150MW,
the country is getting 950MW against a demand of
1 850MW. An undisclosed
amount is sent to Namibia. This gives a shortfall of
about 900MW which means
at any given day half of the country will be in the
dark.
Industry has been particularly hard-hit by regular power
outages,
which have caused a decline in production and contributed to an
economic
crisis and escalating political tensions over Mugabe's 28-year
rule.
By Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21
August 2008 17:40
THE long uninterrupted hyperinflationary environment
in the country
has resulted in the soaring prices indexed to foreign
currencies ending up
at four times more than anywhere else in the
world.
With no immediate long-term economic plan or growth
on the ground,
Zimbabwe is said to have "devalued" its major trading
currencies, the US
dollar and South African rand.
While prices
in Zimbabwe are influenced by the US dollar because of
inflation, the
parallel market rate which happens to be the "acceptable" way
of pricing in
the country has left the country's products costing about four
times more
than in other parts of the world.
Most outlets are using the street
parallel market rate, which they say
is fair value as opposed to the
"controlled" inter-bank rate.
Some companies are appearing to be
using the transfer rate which is
nearly 20 times more than the interbank
rate.
A 10kg bag of parboiled rice, which cost about R100 in South
Africa,
or K75 000 (about R150) in Zambia is being sold for R500 or $5 500
in
Zimbabwe.
A loaf of bread in Zimbabwe cost $150 or US$1,50
using yesterday's
rate. In Europe the average cost of bread is US$0,75. In
South Africa the
average price for a loaf of bread is US$0,64.
A product which cost US$20 in Zimbabwe, will probably cost about US$8
in the
region or about US$5 in Europe and America.
Hotel accommodation and
catering charges in foreign exchange are now
threatening to drive away
foreign tourists to neighbouring countries.
A day's stay at a five
star hotel in Zimbabwe cost about $22 000 or
US$220 using the parallel
market rate without breakfast. The same facilities
cost less than US$150
with breakfast included elsewhere in the region.
"There is no way a
right thinking tourist would be attracted to a
country where hotels charge
about US$40 for a hamburger," said a tourism
expert.
"This is
ridiculous, yet most of our players charge this much. Zambia,
South Africa
and Botswana quite naturally will record an increase in
arrivals due to
these distortions." A burger costs less than US$5 in the US.
Independent economist, Erich Bloch attributed the price increases in
US
dollars to low production in industry and the resultant ballooning of
overhead costs.
"Business is selling smaller volumes at those
prices to recover
overheads which are much higher than foreign companies . .
. Secondly
people are tackling this issue based on projected value of the
local
currency. Inflation is now feeding on itself," Bloch
said.
A recent survey by the Confederation of Zimbabwe Industries
indicated
that business was now operating below 30% capacity utilisation
thereby
pointing towards an increase in imports from neighbouring countries
to meet
local demand.
Residential properties cost about five
times more in US dollar terms
than anywhere else in the world.
The property market, an erstwhile investment option for pension funds
and
large companies is now increasingly being steered by individual
investors.
Demand from Zimbabweans in the Diaspora has also
pushed the cost of
residential properties in United States dollar
terms.
"The attraction of property for investors is its ability to
outpace or
at worst keep pace with inflation as well as supposedly
maintenance of a
United States dollar value," said Admire Mavolwane, an
investment analyst.
Mavolwane however said the cost of renting
business properties was
generally lower in Zimbabwe in comparison to other
properties in the
region.
"The residential property would
appear to be the most attractive at
the moment, as the market remains strong
as a reflection of the limited
stock and speculators' attempts to hedge
against inflation."
Meanwhile the number of traditionally
subsidised parastatals and
government departments charging some of their
services in foreign currency
is on the increase as the government continues
on its desperate bid to
replenish dry foreign currency
reserves.
This development, analysts said signaled "progress"
towards the
complete dollarisation of the economy.
By Bernard
Mpofu
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008 17:33
STRUCTURAL issues associated with power and water shortages, foreign
currency challenges and high inflation need to be addressed urgently so that
producers in Zimbabwe remain competitive and relevant in the face of
enormous pressure from regional competitors following the signing of the
launch of the Free Trade Area (FTA) in the region.
Zimbabwe had over the past two years adopted a more protectionist
approach
to trade, which has seen the government charging imports such as
clothing
and passenger vehicles in foreign currency, taxing cross-border
traders and
charging duty on newspapers.
The signing of the FTA means most
goods produced in the region can now
enter member countries free of customs
duties, which means all the charges
should fall away.
As of
January next year, 85% of goods in the region will be exempted
from tax with
an aim of being fully liberalised by 2012.
The Free Trade Area
precedes a Customs Union planned by 2010, a Common
Market by 2015, Monetary
Union by 2016, and a single currency by 2018.
This will help to
facilitate smooth operation of business among Sadc
member states and reach
out to an estimated 230 million consumers in the
sub-region.
Economic analysts said Zimbabwe could prove to be the region's
Achilles'
heel as Sadc embark on an ambitious path to open up national
economies and
improve trade.
"It remains to be seen how the region will bring
Zimbabwe's tariff
regimes in line with the rest of Sadc or meet the
objectives," a local
banker said.
With all economic indicators
pointing against Zimbabwe it's likely
that Sadc will in the long term adopt
a more serious approach to assist
Zimbabwe because they would not want any
member state to be the stumbling
block along the path to the envisaged
customs union.
The Sadc Secretariat was last April tasked to come
up with an economic
rescue package for Zimbabwe but has so far remained mum
on the contents of
its plan.
The regional economic targets
include single-digit inflation and
budget deficit for all member states by
the end of 2008, a proposition that
has proved to be a tall order for
Zimbabwe whose inflation is 11 200 000%.
"We are going to interfere
with agreed regional tariffs as long as
things remain the way they
are,"independent economist John Robertson said.
The Trade Law
Centre of Southern Africa (Tralac) said high transport
costs, multiple
affiliations and conflicting interests over proposed tariff
reforms among
Sadc member states could affect any advantages the FTA might
bring to the
region.
Genesis Bank group economist Brains Muchemwa said the
exogenous risks
associated with rising global food and oil prices have
exerted enormous
pressure on inflation around the world, and the Sadc region
has not been
spared, putting a lot of pressure on monetary policy. The
pressure build up
has pushed inflation above single digit, and Botswana has
been hit the
hardest.
"With Zimbabwe's productive sector
operating at 10% capacity, there is
huge scope on the upside," said
Muchemwa.
"However the structural issues associated with power
shortages,
foreign currency challenges and high inflation need to be
addressed urgently
so that the producers in Zimbabwe remain competitive and
relevant in the
face of enormous pressure from regional competitors," he
said.
Muchemwa said Sadc countries margins will narrow
significantly, and
only those with efficient production processes will see
more benefits
accruing onto their balance sheets.
The launch of
the Sadc Free Trade Area could therefore prove to be the
nudge that has been
lacking in the region's approach to Zimbabwe's economic
and political
crisis.
Regional leaders could now be forced to take resolute
action to
resolve the crisis or risk being labelled as the people who failed
to launch
the first steps towards regional economic prosperity.
Analysts said South Africa's import tariffs are instruments of
industrial
policy to be used selectively to protect selected local
industries like
clothing, textiles and automotive.
For the rest of Sadc member
states, import tariffs are an important
source of revenue and tariff
reduction poses challenges for their fiscal
policies.
There
were fears that Zimbabwe might increase Value Added Tax (VAT)
under the new
set up to increase its revenue.
Multiple affiliations to intra-regional
bodies by member states also
compounds the situation.
The free
trade area "required a lot of compromise to be made on a
number of sensitive
issues," including requiring member states to relinquish
some of their
sovereignty, said Tomás Salomão, executive secretary of Sadc.
By
Paul Nyakazeya
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
18:06
IN my discussions with patriotic Zimbabweans across the globe, I
have
discovered that there is a very strong view that if Morgan Tsvangirai's
signature is the one that will save the country then he should be accorded
the power that is commensurate with the power of his
signature.
Tsvangirai appears to be asking for clarity of
his role in a
Government of National Unity. This is necessary to avoid
unwarranted
conflict in a situation where tension will be inevitable --- in
any change
process -- because people are resistant to change.
The idea of a ceremonial role is understandably viewed as an insult by
both
President Robert Mugabe and Tsvangirai because you do not fight an
election
to have a ceremonial role. People do not elect leaders to have a
ceremonial
role. In a situation that Zimbabwe finds itself in since March
29, it makes
sense for Zanu PF and the MDC to share power equally.
Arthur
Mutambara of the smaller MDC faction has been a subject of
serious criticism
for tipping the balance of power in favour of Zanu PF, and
misusing his
king-making position. Zimbabweans hope that Mutambara has good
reasons for
his decisions.
Mutambara lives among Zimbabweans and it is the mark
of a
transformational leader to listen to the people who follow him lest he
is
accused of being arrogant and out of touch with reality. This would be a
cardinal sin that any leader can ever commit in politics. For a person of
Mutambara's intellectual ability it should be easy to gauge and ascertain
the people's wishes and feelings.
Change is about people's
feelings and emotions and if you cannot
connect with people then there will
be no buy-in and change. Tsvangirai has
been referring to the March 29
election as a measure of ascertaining the
people's feelings. In that
election he was ahead of President Mugabe.
Mugabe told the nation
in the period leading to the June 27 run-off
election that the pen will
never defeat the gun. In the on-going talks
between Zanu PF and the two MDC
formations, it is clear that the pen and the
gun should co-exist. In any
case, it was the signatures of Mugabe, Joshua
Nkomo and Ian Smith (and even
Bishop Abel Muzorewa) that brought the
Independence of Zimbabwe at Lancaster
House in 1980.
It is true that Zimbabwe will not move forward
without Tsvangirai.
The question for Tsvangirai is: Does he go into
the theatre without
enough tools or go in and ask for the tools once he is
inside? He has many
people who support him who are ready to work with him in
these difficult
circumstances. Some of these people have risked their jobs
and lives and
there is no such thing as a perfect moment.
Tsvangirai should not underestimate his power. His presence in the
theatre
will make a difference to the lives of the people of Zimbabwe. It
cannot be
disputed that Tsvangirai's role in the future government is of
great
importance if the country is to rebuild the future of all its
citizens.
Msekiwa Makwanya
Harare.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008 17:11
I
AM disappointed with the apparent breakdown of the talks. My
assessment is
that the MDC is overplaying its hand.
There are indeed
echoes of Zanu PF in MDC's take no prisoners approach
to the
talks.
It must be remembered that in essence these talks did not
begin after
the March election, they have been going on for a very long time
now and if
truth be told the negotiators from the three parties had
negotiated and
compromised on most issues which is why a draft agreement was
in place.
What remained was for the principals to agree on the
powers of the
president and prime minister.
MDC-T has been
saying that 57% of the voters rejected Mugabe so the
agreement should
reflect this.
This figure is based on the fact that almost 43%
voted for Mugabe.
Yet using the same argument it is fair to say
that 52% of the voters
rejected Morgan Tsvangirai since he got almost
48%.
This kind of argument does not take us far.
Zanu
PF can also argue that they got the popular vote (1 111 625)
compared to the
total vote the MDC-T received (1 038 617) and so on.
The important
starting point for me was for the two major parties to
understand that they
both need each other to extricate Zimbabwe from the
problems facing the
country.
And this is where I believe that the MDC-T overplayed its
hand.
It is unfortunate that there was this veil of secrecy over
the talks
otherwise people would see for themselves the kind of vacillation
from
Morgan Tsvangirai.
How do you discuss and agree on most of
the things in the draft and
then come the following afternoon with a 24-page
document that seeks to undo
all those things that you have agreed
on?
Unfortunately I cannot say much on this now but when the full
story of
the Sadc dialogue is eventually told I hope people will be frank
enough to
agree that Tsvangirai made some strategic blunders.
Although the draft agreement is modelled on the Kenyan system it would
have
given Tsvangirai more powers than are granted to Raila Odinga.
It
seems to me that there is an obsession with getting President
Mugabe's head
on a platter.
There's this idea that Mugabe has to be humiliated
and forced out of
office.
This is why there has been this
insistence on having a ceremonial
president.
Make no mistake, a
ceremonial presidency will simply not be accepted
by Mugabe and his
backers.
I know that victims of Zanu PF's violence will probably
say Tsvangirai
is right but what they fail to appreciate is that the
political logjam such
as we have in our country will not be sorted out if we
fail to accommodate
each other.
The greatest irony in all this
is that Zanu PF has bequeathed to us
its culture of
intolerance.
We hate and are angry with Zanu PF so much that we
have begun to act,
speak and behave like Zanu PF.
It seems true
what Isaiah Berlin said that: "It is a terrible and
dangerous arrogance to
believe that you alone are right, and have a magical
eye which sees the
truth, and that others cannot be right if they disagree."
There is
this belief that the economy will bring Zanu PF down.
This may well
be the case, but the fact of the matter is that the
economy will bring us
down before it brings Zanu PF down by which time it
may be too
late.
Now Sadc has met and the deal has still not been
signed.
Tsvangirai says he will embark on a southern African
regional tour.
Answer me this my brother: You spent almost two days with
Sadc leaders; what
exactly do you want to tell them on this tour that you
could not tell them
this past weekend? And if you are not signing this deal
what is your Plan B?
The MDC will lose the momentum that it had
gathered.
The AU will not assist, because their chairman Jakaya
Kikwete was
there in Sandton for the Sadc meeting and is part of this same
Sadc which
issued a statement to say you should sign.
Menkerios
from the United Nations was also there. There is also
nothing that the UN
Security Council can do so long as Russia and China have
veto powers. Look
at the conflict between Russia and Georgia.
Do you think Russia can
vote to support a position that is sponsored
by the US or UK given their
public spat on Georgia?
Within the region itself King Mswati who
had started to question
Mugabe is now certainly guaranteed to change his
attitude towards Zimbabwe
given the public demonstrations and lambasting
that he got from civil
society organisations during the Sadc
meeting.
They lumped him together with Mugabe as dictators who
should not be
entertained.
He will now think twice before any
condemnation of Mugabe.
The late president of Zambia Levy Mwanawasa
had had enough on Zimbabwe
and was also starting to be critical but he is
now no more.
The acting President of Zambia Rupiah Banda is no fan
of Tsvangirai
and you can expect Zambia's attitude to change especially
given Tsvangirai's
intransigence this week.
So what is MDC's
Plan B? Nothing, it is simply not there.
If they do not sign this
agreement, I am almost certain that Mugabe
will convene parliament and in
the not too distant future appoint cabinet.
The tag that the MDC is
a puppet party taking its instructions from US
and UK will gain currency.
And the people of Zimbabwe . . . well, the people
will continue doing what
they have done best . . . suffering.
Is it too much to ask that the
politicians put their differences aside
and begin to build this
country?
This has to happen now because in the long run we will all
be dead!
By Percy Makombe: A Zimbabwean political commentator
based in South
Africa.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
17:09
ACROSS Africa, dedicated activists are beavering away at a
variety of
causes -- environmental degradation, gender violence, human
rights abuses,
corruption.
They are the members of
churches, non-governmental organisations
(NGOs), social movements and trade
unions known collectively as "civil
society". They are animated by the noble
ideal of making life better for
all. Well, sort of.
At a recent
workshop on governance that my organisation co-hosted with
local partners in
Southern Africa, a certain uninvited gentleman I'll call
"Merlin"
arrived.
He purportedly heads a governance activism outfit which
seems to
consist of a Yahoo e-mail address and a cellphone
number.
Apparently, he regularly gets wind of workshops, makes his
way over,
and promptly requests his "transport reimbursement".
Now Merlin seemed an intelligent, educated fellow, and may be
genuinely
passionate in his activism, but he is also motivated by the "per
diem", the
stipend handed out at conferences, sometimes called a "seating
allowance",
"transport reimbursement" or "daily subsistence allowance". It
is commonly
paid at meetings in Zambia, Malawi, Kenya and many places
besides and it's
symptomatic of the problem affecting civil society in
Africa.
Providing a small stipend to conference goers is not unusual, for
transport
costs can be considerable. To some in the developed world, the
stipend may
be a token amount that makes the stay comfortable, but to many
it might
literally be the source of the next meal.
So for some, becoming a
recognised civil society activist is a paying
proposition.
Contemporary thinking accepts the need for a country's development
processes
to be "owned" and supported by society as a whole, not just by its
government.
Where governments are inefficient, incapacitated or
corrupt, civil
society provides an important counterweight. So donors --
embassies,
philanthropic foundations, multilateral institutions -- pour
millions into
programmes to boost capacity in African civil
society.
For the activist, these amounts -- a few thousand Euros
for a
community project or US$5 or US$10 a day at a workshop -- are
attractive,
especially against the alternative.
Landing a
steady white collar job is difficult: there are few of them
around and
getting one often depends on who you know.
Attending conferences
not only pays something and is intellectually
stimulating, but it could
provide a springboard to more lucrative jobs
working for a donor agency or
embassy, or even beyond to London, Paris or
New York.
Activism,
therefore, becomes a rational economic and lifestyle choice.
African civil society has a tendency to see itself as left-wing and
"mass-based". This engenders frequent hostility to business, capitalism,
profits, "neo-liberalism" or "the corporate sector".
It
encourages posturing, as groups jostle to demonstrate the breadth
and
influence of their representation.
This is turn opens the door to a
strange menagerie: legitimate NGOs
share the floor with bringos (briefcase
NGOs), mongos (my own NGOs), pongos
(politicians' NGOs), mangos (mafia
NGOs), and congos (commercial NGOs).
Each markets itself as a
credible voice of "the people", while
harbouring some unspoken interest, not
least the chasing of funds.
Sadly, for many in civil society
immersed in this perverse system,
their personal futures depend on not
resolving their issues.
Aid can function as a resource like oil or
diamonds. It is the one
resource accessible to civil society.
Whatever its problems, though, civil society needs support, as no free
society can exist without it. Committed groups such as the All Africa
Conference of Churches (AACC), the South African Institute of Race Relations
and Institute for Democracy in South Africa, the Foundation for Democratic
Process in Zambia (FDPZ), the Media Institute of Southern Africa (Misa) and
the Centre for Democratic Development in Ghana (CDDG), are but a few of the
diverse thousands around the continent doing commendable work in stimulating
discussion about common problems, and advocating measures to resolve
them.
Their work would be nigh impossible without the support of
donors and
partners and the charge that receiving money makes them agents of
"foreign
interests" is ludicrous, given that the governments making those
charges
rake in far larger sums in foreign aid.
Until Africa
has developed an economy that provides the tax revenues
and financial
backbone to dispense with outside help, both governments and
activists will
have to rely on it.
Civil society has to change its
mindset.
Firstly, it should reconsider what its activism aims to
achieve. Is it
really about principle or policy, or the per
diem?
Activists must recognise that they too are capable of greed,
malgovernance and poor judgement.
Secondly, activist bodies
should drop their posturing and numbers
games.
A large
following may be important, but it is not the be-all and
end-all of
credibility.
Merlin should represent himself, rather than his
mongo, and stand or
fall by the quality of his thinking, not by his putative
constituency which
is only meaningful if it truly exists.
Thirdly, civil society should curtail its antipathy to business.
Africans
need the career choices and opportunities for prosperity that only
a healthy
market economy can provide, which in turn will allow only the
truly
committed to choose activism.
But back to Merlin. He made an
impassioned plea for the redistribution
of land. Fair enough. He also vowed
to expel all investors instantly when he
became president.
While that might not eliminate poverty, it would probably generate a
lot
more workshops. By the final day of our workshop, he had moved on -- to
attend another conference that paid a better per diem than ours. -
Kubatana.net
ByTerence Corrigan :a researcher and seminar
facilitator at the South
African Institute of International Affairs in
Johannesburg, South Africa.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August
2008 17:04
A SOLUTION to the country's decade-long crisis should not be
outsourced to foreigners, but outside pressure is needed to prod the main
protagonists, President Robert Mugabe and the MDC's Morgan Tsvangirai, to
implement a political settlement, analysts have said.
The analysts said it was clear from protests by members of civil
society at
last weekend's Sadc Summit in Sandton, South Africa, that there
were people
who wanted the regional bloc and the international community to
prescribe a
solution to the protracted crisis in Zimbabwe.
Members of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, the little known
Revolutionary Youth of
Zimbabwe, the Zimbabwe Solidarity Forum, Zimbabwe
Exiles and the Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition picketed outside the venue of
the summit last Saturday
against the continued participation of Zimbabwe in
the regional body's
forums.
During the demonstration, organised by the Congress of
South African
Trade Unions, civic society called on Sadc to deal decisively
with the
Zimbabwe issue.
They called for a transitional
government headed by a neutral person
and to come up with a people-driven
constitution and embark on institutional
reforms.
Pressure for
external intervention in the country has been mounting
since the March 29
harmonised elections and heightened after the June 27
one-man presidential
election run-off.
Tsvangirai pulled out of the second election
alleging state-sponsored
violence against his supporters, but the Zimbabwe
Electoral Commission went
ahead with the poll.
"From then on,
there has been pressure on Sadc, the African Union, the
Group of Eight and
the United Nations Security Council to come up with a
solution to the
Zimbabwe crisis," observed political scientist Michael
Mhike.
"The danger is that a foreign solution lacks ownership of the people
of
Zimbabwe and may in the long run prove to be disastrous."
Zimbabweans, with the assistance of Sadc and the AU, he said, should
come up
with a homegrown solution.
"The on-going Sadc-initiated talks
between Zanu PF and the MDC create
the best base for a homegrown
solution.
"If Zimbabweans agree on how they want to be governed, I
do not
foresee the international community rejecting a deal desired by the
people,"
Mhike said.
The US, Britain and its allies in the
European Union are on record
saying talks between Zanu PF and the MDC should
result in Tsvangirai
becoming the leader of the country after he out-polled
Mugabe on March 29.
They said they would reject any deal that does
not thrust Tsvangirai
into the leadership seat.
This entails
that economic sanctions on Zimbabwe would remain in
place, further worsening
the country's political and economic situation.
The negotiations
are deadlocked on what powers Mugabe and Tsvangirai
would have in a unity
government.
The talks mediator, South African president Thabo
Mbeki, told
journalists after the Sadc Summit on Sunday that any deal in the
country
should be by Zimbabweans.
"That (solution) must truly
come from the Zimbabwe parties because I
think all of us know best what is
good for Zimbabwe and the thing is that
everybody -- the facilitator, Sadc,
the international community -- would
have to respect what the Zimbabwe
political leadership says about Zimbabwe,"
Mbeki said.
"It is
not any determination that can, nor indeed should, be made by
anybody. Let's
really allow the people of Zimbabwe to determine their
future.
"This is critically important because any solution that is imposed
from
outside will not last, it will not last, unless it is a common product
that
is owned by this entire collective of the leadership of Zimbabwe."
He said if the facilitation tried to impose any solution, it "would
amount
to creating conditions for the failure of whatever might be
incorrectly
described as a solution".
Zimbabwean-born South African businessman
Mutumwa Mawere said the
solution to the crisis must ordinarily come from
Zimbabweans, but argued
that to Mugabe the problems are externally driven
and, therefore, he does
not believe that the solution lies in any change of
policy or direction.
"The crisis has been framed as a crisis of
governance and there is a
legitimate expectation that any resolution that
leaves Mugabe at the helm
will not be necessarily legitimate," Mawere
argued.
"It has been accepted and recognised that without the use
of the state
machinery, the results of the June 27 election would have been
dramatically
different."
He averred that the AU and Sadc
leadership believed that change was
required in the country, but were not
convinced that the people of Zimbabwe
are mature enough to know what they
want.
"For how can Sadc observers condemn the June 27 run-off
election and
then the same body through Mbeki's mediation come to the
conclusion that a
beneficiary of an irregular process ends up at the helm of
a negotiated
arrangement?" he questioned.
University of
Zimbabwe political science professor Eldred Masunungure
said Zimbabweans
should be the authors of their destiny and was optimistic
that a negotiated
political settlement would be found soon.
"I don't see any exit
route from this protracted crisis, other than a
Zimbabwean political
settlement," Masunungure said.
"The two main protagonists, Mugabe
and Tsvangirai, need more prodding.
The circumstances compel that a
political settlement be found."
At the talks, Tsvangirai is
reportedly insisting that if he is to
become prime minister in an inclusive
government he should be its head and
chair cabinet.
He also
wants the government to be in power for at least 30 months. On
the other
hand, Mugabe wants to retain executive power and the unity
government to be
in office for five years.
These sticking points have stalled the
negotiations, with Sadc
insisting that the talks continue until a compromise
is found.
National Constitutional Assembly chairperson Lovemore
Madhuku told an
international radio station this week that an internal
solution was
desirable, but was pessimistic that a deal was
nigh.
"It is unthinkable for Mugabe to sign away his power. He is
not going
to budge as he probably thinks he has gone far enough by offering
Tsvangirai
the prime minister's post and some ministries," Madhuku said. "So
this
process will either collapse or the MDC will capitulate. The fact that
they
have stayed in this process this long shows they could eventually
capitulate
and be swallowed by Zanu PF."
By Constantine
Chimakure
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August
2008 18:10
"THE best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of
passionate
intensity," said William Butler Yeats in his poem The Second
Coming, a
century ago.
He wasn't of course referring to
the plight of ordinary Zimbabweans
who have no voice in the current
inter-party talks. If these Zimbabweans
lack anything, it is knowledge of
the objects of dispute between their
political leaders rather than what they
themselves want: peace and food.
It is those least affected by the
standoff who are against any
immediate political settlement -- in the name
of "the people". The people
have become so indeterminate that everyone wants
to speak on their behalf so
long as there is money to be had.
MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai has expressed his commitment to the talks
between his party and Zanu PF. His formation's secretary-general Tendai Biti
this week said "failure is not an option".
Both men know what
they are talking about, having been engaged in the
talks for close to 15
months. It would however be disingenuous of them to
insist on the March 29
electoral upshot as a non-negotiable benchmark as if
they were ignorant of
the law.
Similarly, it would be unconscionable for Mugabe to offer,
and
unimaginable for Tsvangirai to accept, a non-executive portfolio in any
transitional authority, given his performance and that of his party in the
March elections. It is not for foreigners to tell us this; fair play
commends it, so does commonsense.
But let these power games not
be confused with a desire to fulfill the
"will of the people". People
elected their parliamentary representatives who
have a legal mandate and
they are waiting for them to deliver on their
promises.
What
has marred the "talks about talks" is either malicious propaganda
or the
ignorance of those who have been excluded. They are being treated as
the
final thing when they should not be.
My understanding is that those
involved who signed the MoU are
discussing only the structure and mechanics
of the transitional authority or
unity government, and how executive power
should be shared.
There is no final constitution as
yet.
The draft constitution which will be adopted at the talks will
be
subjected to a referendum under the transitional authority where everyone
will presumably have a say.
Part of the propaganda is driven by
those obsessed with the
facilitator in the talks, Thabo Mbeki's failure.
Having convinced themselves
that he is engaged in a conspiracy with Mugabe,
they can't admit that they
were wrong; that Mbeki might be on the verge of a
breakthrough . Thus any
sign of progress must be grudgingly attributed to
the lone actions of
Botswana or Zambia.
In any event, he can't
get anything right unless and until he can see
the Zimbabwean crisis through
Western eyes. That's why Botswana's Ian Khama
has become such a salutary
example of how all African leaders should behave.
I would agree if
the argument was that Mbeki should leave the final
solution to Zimbabweans.
But instead, it was the Sadc summit in Johannesburg
which was expected to
conjure up a solution. That solution was in the form
of a ban on Mugabe from
attending, notwithstanding that he is one of the key
stakeholders who was
supposed to tell his side of the story.
I don't know if those
organisations pushing this bizarre line expected
Sadc leaders to take them
seriously.One of them was the Zimbabwe Congress of
Trade Unions which has
been so entangled in politics it is hard to know if
it still represents
workers.
While it is calling for an increase in daily cash
withdrawals, I know
nearly 50% of workers in industry don't earn more than
$300. Why has it
placed itself in this awkward situation where its leaders
have to fight in
the same corner as capital against workers?
Meanwhile Mbeki has once again demonstrated his neighbourly concern,
cautioning after the Sadc summit against over-reliance on foreigners to
dictate what is good for Zimbabwe.
"This is critically
important because any solution that is imposed
from outside will not last;
it will not last unless it is a common product
that is owned by this entire
collective of the leadership of Zimbabwe," he
said.
Tsvangirai
deserves better in any political settlement for the sake of
both national
progress and healing. But those advising him impetuously to
pull out of the
talks are misleading him. They are the same
politically-blind dark forces,
"full of passionate intensity" who cheated
him out of the June 27 election
which Mugabe went on to win on a silver
platter.
Their
motivation is neither in Zimbabwe's nor Tsvangirai's interest.
Their
personal desires have become "the people".
For any rational person
to insist on the March 29 presidential
election result as the only benchmark
on the way forward is to miss both the
logical and legal argument in a
political forest.
By Joram Nyathi
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
18:08
MDC-T leader Morgan Tsvangirai has over the past two weeks come
under
unprecedented pressure to sign a draft agreement establishing a
transitional
government in which, it is expected, he will occupy the post of
prime
minister.
The point at issue is how much
authority he will exercise in the new
government.
Obviously he
will want to be responsible for policy implementation if
there is to be
economic recovery. On the other hand, President Mugabe will
hang on to as
much power as he can. Indeed, it is he who is refusing to
budge in the
current stalemate. Tsvangirai, his advisors believe, has
already conceded
more than he should.
We need to refresh our memories here.
Tsvangirai won a majority of
votes in the first round of polling in March --
47% to Mugabe's 43%.
While this would be seen as unremarkable in a
developed democracy, in
Mugabe's Zimbabwe it was nothing short of a
landslide.
Mugabe held all the levers of power -- the military, the
police, the
state bureaucracy were all beholden to him.
He also
had unlimited resources, thanks to the collusion of the
Reserve Bank, and
controlled the country's single broadcasting outlet. The
only voice heard
across the country was his.
At the same time a stable of newspapers
sang his praises daily while
spewing a volcanic lava of hostility against
the opposition.
To vote against the president was treachery, it was
suggested, because
Tsvangirai's MDC was a Trojan horse for Western powers
seeking
recolonisation.
Despite such fatuous blandishments and
threats of dire consequences
for rural voters who opposed him, a defiant
nation said it had had enough of
Zanu PF's misrule.
The result
was a landmark defeat for the incumbent and the bankrupt
policies he
espoused.
But owing to the MDC's failure to propitiate Arthur
Mutambara's
formation, the result was insufficient to avoid a
run-off.
In that run-off, a campaign of violence was unleashed
against the MDC
and those suspected of having voted for it. Over a hundred
died. Others were
mutilated and their homes burnt.
The
institutions of the state were suborned into backing a candidate
voters
rejected in the first round when there was a semblance of a free
vote. It
was the darkest chapter in the nation's history since Gukurahundi.
Now Zanu PF and the MDC have agreed on a raft of reforms which in most
situations would be seen as progress. But there is a structural fault in
this agreement which Tsvangirai is being pressed to sign. Mugabe is
reportedly refusing to concede to his putative prime minister authority over
the cabinet.
Clearly, economic recovery is top of Tsvangirai's
agenda. That
requires him to exercise control over the cabinet -- he must
make
appointments and chair meetings. In other words the prime minister must
be
the head of government who is responsible for day-to-day policy
implementation.
The danger in leaving an imperial presidency
unreconstructed is the
scope it provides for populist
interventions.
A quick look at the distortions and lies in the
state media this week
will illustrate that. If anything goes wrong or
recovery isn't fast enough
the prime minister will be blamed. It is an
invidious situation for
Tsvangirai.
Mugabe has shown time after
time that he will not take responsibility
for failure.
If
Tsvangirai is to be prime minister, he will be responsible for
managing the
inflow of over US$2 billion in recovery funds. Obviously he
will need to
ensure those funds are properly accounted for and not diverted
to damaging
vote-catching schemes. Zimbabwe is in its current morass
precisely because
there has been fatal economic mismanagement.
Recovery will only
come when the international community perceives
that money invested in the
country is safe.
Tsvangirai will therefore need to have his powers
guaranteed by
Mugabe -- in writing -- and backed by regional heads. Like the
law of the
Medes and Persians, it will need to be cast in stone. Otherwise
the misery
will simply go on.
Tsvangirai in March received an
unambiguous mandate for change. His
party won a majority in
parliament.
He should be allowed an opportunity to show how he can
manage it while
those opposed to change should get out of the
way.
How long do they want this suffering to go on before they let
someone
else respond to the needs of the people? It is time Tsvangirai was
given a
chance to do what Mugabe obviously can't.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
17:01
IT was the renowned French statesman, Georges Pompidou, who said:
"Statesmen are there to serve the nation, politicians wish the nation to
serve them."
In the abysmal circumstances of Zimbabwe
today, it matters not who the
forthcoming government may be. What matters is
whether that government will
be comprised of statesmen, or of politicians.
If the latter, then the
ongoing emaciation and destruction of Zimbabwe will
not only continue, but
will accelerate to total, irretrievable destruction,
but if the former, not
only will Zimbabwe recover, but it will transform
into a jewel of Africa,
with a happy, healthy, thriving people.
Zambia recently described Zimbabwe as a blot on the face of Africa,
and that
it certainly is, but statesmen can bring about a metamorphosis
whereby
Zimbabwe will be a brilliant and radiant light on the continent,
with a
well-nourished, joyful populace for whom life is ongoing happiness
and
wellbeing.
Today Zimbabwe is a country whose economy has been
decimated to levels
of near extinction. It is less than two-fifths of its
size of less than a
decade ago. Over 85% of its employable population is
without formal sector
employment and that despite the fact that at least a
third of the previously
employable population has sought pastures new beyond
Zimbabwe's borders. It
is a country wherein more than two-thirds of those
that live within it
struggle to survive at levels well below the Poverty
Datum Line (PDL), being
the minimum income needed to sustain oneself (and
one's immediate
dependents) without endangering health and
survival.
It is a country in which average life expectancy has
fallen to less
than half of former levels, and in which literacy levels are
plummeting
downwards as ever fewer can afford education. It is a country of
broken
homes and shattered families, as children have to return from urban
to rural
areas to maximize prospects of survival, and as evermore
breadwinners depart
for countries further afield, in a desperate effort to
earn a livelihood for
themselves and for those that depend upon
them.
The independent Zimbabwe of 1980 was one of justifiably high
hopes and
expectations. Today it is one of misery, despondency, pessimism,
negativeness, suffering and distress, wherein malnutrition abounds, few can
afford healthcare (albeit that availability of that life-preserving service
becomes scarcer), and hundreds of thousands, if not millions, are homeless.
The Zimbabwe of 2008 is a country wherein inflation is the second highest
ever to have prevailed on the earth, exceeding 20 million%, year-on-year,
and rising not monthly, not daily, but hourly. It is a country whose
infrastructure is teetering upon the precipice of total collapse, with
energy-generation at a minimum, many suffering loss of electricity supplies
for 6 to 8 hours daily. Water becomes increasingly in short supply in many
urban areas. Telecommunication operations are horrendously appalling.
Hospital, health clinic and other essential medical services are
intensifyingly not available, due to a constantly growing insufficiency of
the medically skilled, the recurrent breakdown of essential equipment and
the absence of resources to effect repairs, and intense non-availability of
medications and other health care requisites.
Zimbabwe is a
country whose fiscus is bankrupt, with domestic debt
surging endlessly
upwards (in the second quarter of 2008 it rose by 7417, 5%
, to $790, 6
quadrillion, not revalued,) whilst foreign debt is so massively
great, and
so grievously in arrear, that Zimbabwe is a pariah in
international monetary
markets, with neither public or private sectors able
to access lines of
credit. And all of these are but a few of the myriad of
characteristics of
the devastated Zimbabwean economy, of an economy which
could have been an
example to all under-developed and developing countries.
It is time
that Zimbabwe has a government which does not focus its
concentration,
wholly and solely, upon its survival, self-edification and
enrichment, but
in the entirety devotes itself to halting and reversing the
destruction of
Zimbabwe, its economy, and its people. Much is necessary in
order to do so,
but the very first action is to cease the vituperatively and
unceasingly
striving to divert perceived culpability to others.
Instead, the
government must lead transformation, and must facilitate
it, by
constructively and energetically addressing each and every one of
Zimbabwe's
ills, as against the policies of the past of seeking absolution
from blame
by attributing (usually falsely) that blame to others. The
measures and
actions necessary are very many, but first and foremost they
include (and
the following is in no manner exclusive or all-embracing):
*
Realisation that Zimbabwe cannot survive in isolation. It cannot "go
it
alone", and it cannot flourish by interaction with only a few fair
weather,
self-centred friends. Zimbabwean survival and growth requires
positive,
reciprocal interaction with the global community. Therefore,
Zimbabwe must
work assiduously at restoring former harmonious relationships,
at achieving
reconciliation with those from whom it has grown apart.
Reconciliation is a
must, and that can only be if Zimbabwe is willing to
comply with
international norms of genuine democracy, unlimited respect for,
and
maintenance of, law and order, total regard for human and property
rights,
and mutually cooperative diplomacy, instead of never-ending recourse
to
vitriolic insults and, more often than not, baseless accusations.
*
Good governance, including determined containment of corruption,
resolute
containment of State expenditure to levels within the nation's
means, with
meaningful prioritisation of such expenditures as are incurred,
real
autonomy for the central bank, economic deregulation, a free, fair and
just
judicial system, assuring justice and equity for all.
* A
determined drive to contain inflation, including facilitation of a
transitional social contract, enhancement of productivity, restoration of a
fully operational infrastructure, generation of substantively greater
inflows of foreign exchange, curtailment of printing of money, and much
else.
* A positive drive for, and facilitation of, investment
throughout
Zimbabwe's economic sectors, by both domestic and foreign
investors,
reinforced by substantive, enforceable, assurances of investment
security,
interfaced with practical, viable, and equitable indigenous
economic
empowerment.
* Viable, fair and positive measures for
recovery of the foundation of
the Zimbabwean economy, being agriculture,
with a simultaneous return of
past able and skilled farmers, and the
enablement and development of new
ones, concurrently with belated compliance
with bilateral investment
protection agreements.
It doesn't
matter who may comprise the government. It matters that
that government puts
Zimbabwe and its people's interests and wellbeing first
and foremost. It
matters that that government DOES IT, and does it right,
instead of blaming
others. It matters that that government be solely
comprised of statesmen,
not of politicians!
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21 August 2008
16:54
NOBODY can accuse this regime of being less than robust in its
dealings with perceived enemies.
Blair, Brown and Bush
have all had abuse of some sort thrown at them
because they dared criticise
Zanu PF's misrule.
But now a new "enemy" has walked onto the
political stage and
immediately attracted a heavy barrage of
flak.
Botswana president Ian Khama, or Seretse Khama Ian Khama as
he is
officially known, has been assailed by our witch-hunters almost to the
exclusion of all the other more familiar targets. His sin? He found
Zimbabwe's
presidential run-off seriously flawed.
What a cheek,
he was not elected, we are told. In fact he heads a
military junta. And
worse still, his mother was British!
This last insult came from the
Chronicle which evidently has no idea
of the ordeal his parents went through
in the 1950s at the hands of the
colonial authorities. The British High
Commissioner in Pretoria banished
them in response to pressure from the
Afrikaner Nationalist government in
South Africa. And in any case did Ian
Khama get to choose his mother?
Khama was a "rabble-rouser" who
headed a "tiny country", we were told
this week. Last week Jonathan Moyo was
counting goats.
The accusation that Khama heads a military junta is
a tad ironic given
the accusations that have been made about the role of JOC
in Zimbabwe's
political violence.
Quite evidently our
propagandists, having run out of home-made
insults, are borrowing the
terminology of their opponents!
The Bechuanaland Protectorate
invited British rule and never had to
struggle for its independence, some of
our more cerebrally challenged state
publicists have charged.
Can the same not be said of Lesotho and Swaziland? Lesotho is now one
of
Harare's closest allies, prepared to endorse all manner of
misdeeds.
And what about the Gambia, Sierra Leone, Ghana, Nigeria,
Uganda,
Tanzania and Malawi? How hard did they have to struggle for their
independence beyond constitutional negotiations where the British seemed
happy to concede power? Many nationalist fist-wavers are blissfully unaware
that all those countries chose to retain Queen Elizabeth as head of state on
their attainment of independence. And most kept the outgoing governor on as
governor-general.
With the inauguration of a republic a few
years later the prime
minister -- Nkrumah, Nyerere, Banda -- would
seamlessly take over as
president. Hardly revolutionary stuff!
Botswana became independent in 1966 without bothering with this
transition.
Sir Seretse Khama became president from the outset. Today
Botswana is an
African success story, not because like Zimbabwe it is rich
in minerals, but
because it was blessed with enlightened rulers who eschewed
populism and
racism.
No wonder Zimbabwe's menacing mob loathe Ian Khama. His is
a very
different paradigm of governance.
Morgan Tsvangirai
is under huge pressure to sign a document that will
not do justice to his
electoral performance in March when he defeated
President Mugabe in the
first round of voting, and which will place him at a
disadvantage by leaving
Mugabe in a position to continue damaging the
economy.
It will
also leave the public media under the control of the President's
Office
exposing Tsvangirai to mendacity of the sort we witnessed on
Tuesday.
Under the heading "MDC-T leader lied to us about Zim
situation", the
newspaper's political and features editor, Mabasa Sasa, told
us that at last
weekend's Sadc summit "leaders from Zambia, Botswana and
Tanzania expressed
'embarrassment' at having 'blindly supported
Tsvangirai',"
This exposes the danger of allowing a deceitful media
to remain
unreconstructed. Is it seriously suggested that leaders from all
three
countries used exactly the same words? That they all together
expressed
"embarrassment" at having "blindly supported
Tsvangirai"?
Their remarks were placed in quotation marks
suggesting Sasa was
quoting them. But that seems unlikely. What we almost
certainly have here
are words being put into their mouths.
This
is a common technique in the state media. It is of course wholly
unprofessional but deeply ingrained.
We were for instance told
that a Nigerian emissary sought a meeting
with Mugabe to apologise for
taking an "uninformed position on Zimbabwe".
How likely does that
sound? We can be sure that was the author of the
story talking and not the
Nigerian emissary. A quick phone call to the
Nigerian embassy would settle
that claim just as a call to the Zambian,
Botswana or Tanzanian embassies
would put to rest the claims about their
leaders'
"embarrassment".
What we do know is that Zambia's foreign minister
Kabinga Pande said
the elections were "a serious blot on the culture of
democracy in the
region". Sasa left that authentic quote out of his
story.
What all this illustrates is the danger of Tsvangirai
returning to the
negotiating table to sign an agreement when the state media
remains free to
lie about him.
Sasa's predecessor Caesar
Zvayi told Herald readers last Friday about
his ordeal at the hands of the
Botswana authorities. He was picked up in
Gaborone and driven to the border
where he was placed in "a small stinking
cell" prior to his deportation to
Zimbabwe.
Zvayi waxed indignant as he recounted his treatment. He
even insulted
Botswana's founding fathers for not being sufficiently
revolutionary over a
century ago. But he omitted to tell us about the number
of journalists
incarcerated in small stinking cells in Zimbabwe during the
presidential
election. Nor did he mention those Batswana television
journalists arrested
near the Plumtree border post in 2006 for practising
journalism without
accreditation.
Then of course there were the
Cosatu visitors bundled into a kombi and
driven down to Beitbridge and
deported.
Amazing isn't it how short memories become when writing
for the
government press!
Muckraker thinks it regrettable that
anybody should have to go through
this ordeal including Zvayi. We feel no
sense of vengeance here. But when
complaining about the iniquities of EU
sanctions, Zvayi should reflect on
the sanctions his former employers
imposed on the Daily News and the
Tribune. How sympathetic was he towards
his colleagues at those newspapers?
Muckraker was interested to
read that on Armed Forces Day President
Mugabe paid tribute to the
government of China for facilitating the
procurement of military clothing
material to make uniforms.
So this is the rich bounty of the Look
East policy is it? They now
supply, in addition to military hardware,
material for uniforms which
Zimbabwe is unable to supply itself. Are we
really reduced to this? How
pathetic!
China's economy is
forging ahead by leaps and bounds. Zimbabwe, whose
ruling elite has
pauperised the country, is reduced to accepting handouts of
military
uniforms.
That's the best we can do. Meanwhile, blankets,
mattresses and vehicle
tyres come by courtesy of the Reserve Bank, once
again demonstrating
inappropriate quasi-fiscal use of its
resources.
We saw the full-page ad attempting to justify this
misuse of resources
and frankly it doesn't wash. The worst thing about it is
that it fuels
inflation. The RBZ should not be part of the problem. Gideon
Gono must learn
to say no to the insatiable demands of his political masters
for resources
to hand out so they appear as benefactors of the
people.
Does Gono really want to be remembered as the governor who
contributed
in a significant way to Zimbabwe's collapse?
Information minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu says government won't tolerate
"continuous phone calls on talks from the BBC and CNN which continue to
misconstrue our Zimbabwe situation".
Apparently he is being
pestered for comment following Tsvangirai's
alleged walkout.The West must
stop interfering in the negotiations, he
warned.
So what's he
going to do? Refuse to accept donor money?
It's very entertaining
of the Herald to put a loser like Ndlovu on its
pages. People will have a
good chuckle over his pathetic attempts to appear
militant. What situation
are the international networks trying to
"misconstrue"? Food
shortages?
Ndlovu "warned the West and the private media against
trying to force
negotiations to be done through the media which is against
the principles of
the MoU signed by all the parties involved in the
dialogue".
Did we sign the MoU? Does it say we can't comment on
whatever deals
are being struck?
Ndlovu should put up or shut
up. If the BBC and CNN didn't ask him for
comment on their stories he might
have room for complaint. But complaining
because they did ask him for
comment is hardly cause for a juvenile
tantrum -- containing the mandatory
reference to "imperialists" and designed
to attract presidential
attention
ahead of new cabinet appointments.
Ndlovu lost
his bid for a seat and therefore no longer qualifies for
office. If voters
don't want him why should we? Meanwhile, the Sunday News
we gather is in
deep mourning.
This could mean no more free drinks.
http://www.thezimbabweindependent.com
Thursday, 21
August 2008 16:51
WE commiserate with the families of those who
perished when part of a
building housing a well-known watering hole
collapsed last Thursday night in
central Harare.
Results of the initial probe into the accident have revealed that
there were
too many people on the shoddily constructed landing which gave in
to the
weight of the revellers.
On Thursday night emergency services were
scrambled to attend to the
emergency. The fire brigade pulled out the dead
and the injured from the
debris while ambulances rushed the injured to
hospital. There were policemen
and a large throng of people who came to
watch the grim spectacle. The
pilgrimage to the site continued for the
greater part of the weekend. Many
man-hours were lost in the
process.
This week engineers and officials from the City of Harare
were probing
the cause of the accident as the injured were recuperating in
hospitals
while two of the dead were buried at their rural homes. I hope the
probe
will help answer a number of questions regarding the operations of the
collapsed pub. The investigators will hopefully tell the nation who
authorised the construction of the landing and when building inspectors last
visited the place. Was this a properly licensed operation? Was someone
allowed to cut corners and who should be charged with crimes which resulted
in the loss of life? There is a cost to all this.
Tragedies
like the collapse of the pub always come at a huge cost
whose corrosive
impact will continue to be felt well after the tragic
incident. And often
huge resources employed to rescue a situation are not
commensurate with
results achieved.
Last week's accident, albeit freakish, is
instructive about the state
of this economy. The tragedy that has befallen
this nation as a direct
result of years of misrule, neglect and corruption
is an expensive
enterprise. We have committed huge resources in rescue and
salvage
operations and in nursing the comatose economy. We have employed
large
amounts of money and formed many committees, taskforces and operations
to
deal with the emergency which has manifested itself in the form
hyperinflation, low productivity in industry and on the land, and a
breakdown in infrastructure. The Reserve Bank has pumped millions of dollars
in foreign currency into farming and in industry but there has been very
little to show for the investment. The monies have gone into saving
businesses from closing and have kept farmers away from the fields. The need
to survive has superseded any pretence of growth.
We have as a
country which has reached the stage where there appears
to be counter forces
conspiring to deflect all efforts to put right the ills
afflicting us. Our
negative collective conscience is a major driver of this
inertia. We have
become accustomed to the failure around us because we are
"hanging in there"
or are busy trying to survive using archaic means.
We are busy
investing more resources to cope with the failure and we
are content to
jostle for space in the dungeon of mediocrity. Industrialists
have stopped
complaining about 12 to 20-hour daily power cuts. Generators
have come in
handy. Residents of Hatfield, Msasa Park, Mabelreign and
Greendale have
taken to digging shallow wells to get water because they are
convinced that
Zinwa is beyond redemption. Forests and woodlots adjacent to
urban areas
have virtually disappeared as residents seek alternative energy
sources. The
water crisis has increased incidents of illness thereby
overstretching the
already not-so-healthy public health service. The cost of
the emergency is
staggering.
At Zesa even capital injection is no longer enough to
turn things
around. The Zesa website -- which appears stuck in a groove --
was this week
still carrying a statement announcing the refurbishment of
Hwange Power
Station through a US$40 million loan from Namibia. The
statement was issued
last December!
It said Hwange Power
Station, with a capacity to produce 750MW had
been experiencing technical
hitches due to AGEING (my emphasis) equipment
that resulted in persistent
system breakdowns hence the excessive
load-shedding that has become cause
for concern to electricity consumers.
Energy minister Mike Nyambuya
also announced there was a
recapitalisation plan for the Hwange Colliery
Company Ltd to augment efforts
to sustain the power supply
system.
Seven months later and with so much money sunk in the power
station,
we still have power cuts because there are technical problems at
Hwange
Colliery which is also ageing. The distribution infrastructure,
including
cables and transformers, is also ageing. There is therefore no
guarantee
that refurbishing aged Hwange would bring power to the
people.
This is another crisis on our hands. There is a huge cost
that comes
with keeping old equipment and infrastructure working. As a
nation, this has
kept us engaged in multiple collapses, breakdowns and
accidents. Old
equipment cannot provide for growth.
Email: jag@mango.zw; justiceforagriculture@zol.co.zw
Please send any
material for publication in the Open Letter Forum to jag@mango.zw with "For Open Letter Forum" in the
subject line.
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1. Call for the
Nation to Pray
2. Sup with the
Devil
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. Call for the
Nation to Pray : Saturday 24th August 2008
Dear
Christians
This is a call to
the Church, the Body of Christ, to pray specifically for Zimbabwe at this
turning point in the Nation's history. There is an Intercessory prayer
initiative starting on Tuesday night, and culminating in a nation wide network
of prayer that "will stand in the spiritual gateways" of the nation on Saturday
the 24th.
Psalm 33:12 -
"Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord"
As Christians we
need to choose which god will be Lord of Zimbabwe. We can make this choice and
not leave it up to others.
Christians are all
called to be Gate Keepers within the body of Christ.
Psalm 84:10 "Better
is one day in your courts than a thousand elsewhere; I would rather be a
doorkeeper in the house of my God than dwell in the tents of the
wicked."
A Gate Keeper (door
keeper), has authority to allow what comes in and what stays out. It's a
position of influence at a personal level; your own heart (Rev 3:20), your home,
your church, your place of work, and what will influence this Nation - either
the Kingdom of Light or the kingdom of darkness; what is good or what is
evil.
When we pray, the
door of heaven is opened to allow God's influence to intervene, that His Kingdom
may come to Zimbabwe. Psalm 24:7-10 "Lift up your heads, O you gates; be lifted
up, you ancient doors, that the King of Glory may come in"
Therefore we are
asking every believer in Christ to pray in their place of influence. On Saturday
will you join with two or more believers and pray over areas that need
redemption in Jesus' Name. Stand in spiritually strategic places where possible,
in your area, to pray for God's will to be done (Ephesians 6:10-18
).
For further
information contact:
Langton Gatsi
0912-223884 or 0912-223911
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
2. Sup with the
Devil
Dear
Jag,
I was very
interested to read yesterdays story about Kobus Joubert having to sleep in his
vehicle because he had been chased off his farm,
(Scotsdale.)
I clearly remember
Kobus Joubert addressing a farmers meeting in 2002 at the Peterhouse school
hall. He was the ZTA President at the time.
He stated that he
was 'batting' for tobacco, and if he has to 'sup' with the devil he
will.
(He and others in
the ZTA, and CFU were clearly only 'batting' for
themselves.)
Mrs Kerry Kay then
asked Kobus Joubert why the ZTA had done nothing to help her husband (Ian) after
he was badly beaten, and left for dead by Zanu PF War-vets, and forced off the
farm.
Kobus Joubert's
reply was, "Kerry, everything that has happened to the Kay family has been
bought upon by yourselves, I have no sympathy".
Well the wheel of
life sure moves quickly.
Ian Kay has stood
up to the devil, and now represents his people in
Government.
J.
Anderson.
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All letters
published on the open Letter Forum are the views and opinions of the submitters,
and do not represent the official viewpoint of Justice for
Agriculture.