Zim Online
Wed 23 August 2006
HARARE - President Robert Mugabe's
government has deployed soldiers
and police at garages in Harare to enforce
new controls on fuel prices, in a
dramatic show of desperation by the
embattled administration to put a lid on
rising prices and
inflation.
Soldiers and police - some of them wielding whips -
could be seen on
Tuesday, milling around at cash points at garages or in
some cases helping
manage queues of motorists but all the time keeping a
close eye on fuel
attendants to ensure they were charging the new prices
decreed by the
government last week.
The government last week
ordered fuel dealers to slash the pump prices
of petrol and diesel by almost
50 percent to between Z$320 and $335 per
litre from the previous $620 to
$680 per litre.
Some garage owners responded by holding on to their
stock which has
led to the re-emergence of long and winding queues at the
few garages
selling petrol and diesel. But garages that continued selling
fuel were
charging the old prices, resulting in the government sending out
the army
and police to enforce the new prices.
Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena would not confirm or deny that
police were
monitoring prices at garages, while army spokesman Simon Tsatsa
strangely
claimed that soldiers seen at garages were part of a national
taskforce,
checking out on roadworthiness of vehicles, especially public
commuter
buses.
The taskforce also includes the police and officials from
the
state-owned National Oil Company of Zimbabwe, according to
Tsatsa.
"They are just checking on the fitness of the vehicles
particularly
commuter omnibus operators," said Tsatsa.
The
government's Vehicle Inspection Department and the police normally
check on
vehicle roadworthiness at roadblocks and not at private fuel
garages.
Zimbabwe's fuel crisis is just one of a myriad of
symptoms of the
country's seven-year economic recession, marked by the
world's highest
inflation of 993.6 percent, shortages of electricity,
essential medicines,
hard cash and just about every basic survival
commodity.
The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change party
and Western
governments blame the crisis on repression and wrong policies by
Mugabe such
as his seizure of productive farms from whites for
redistribution to
landless blacks.
The farm seizures
destabilised the mainstay agricultural sector and
caused severe food
shortages after the government failed to give black
villagers resettled on
former white farms skills training and inputs support
to maintain
production.
But Mugabe, who has ruled Zimbabwe since the country's
1980
independence from Britain, denies mismanaging the country and says its
problems are because of economic sabotage by Western governments opposed to
his seizure of white land. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 23 August 2006
HARARE - The Zimbabwe government has
said it will seize foreign-owned
mines that fail to cede 51 percent stake to
the state and indigenous blacks,
in line with a proposed new mine ownership
policy.
The Harare administration is drafting legislation allowing
it free
access to 25 percent of foreign firms mining critical minerals such
as gold
and platinum, while it will pay for another 26 percent over five
years to
achieve controlling stake in the strategic mines.
The
government and black-owned firms will also acquire 51 percent
stake in
foreign-owned mines producing other minerals not classified as
strategic
under the proposed new law.
Hawkish Mines Minister Amos Midzi
earlier this week told a meeting of
mostly black small-scale miners in
Masvingo city, 260km south of Harare,
that the government would take over
complete ownership of all mines whose
foreign owners refused to "at least
surrender 50 percent" shareholding to
the state and blacks.
Midzi - whose ominous threats last Sunday apparently received little
attention in the chaos-engulfed Zimbabwe following the country's switch over
to new currency - said: "We will take over all foreign-owned companies which
fail to comply with government policy of surrendering at least 50 percent of
their shares to locals.
"As the government we have realised
that these so called
(international) mining giants were not in line with our
policy. We will
forcibly take over such companies in order to serve the
interests of the
nation."
The Mines Minister, who said the
government had already finished
drafting the controversial new mine
ownership law, did not say whether the
government would pay for mines seized
from foreign owners refusing to parcel
out shareholding to the state and
blacks.
There been confusion over the proposed new mine law with
Mugabe at one
time suggesting the government had not yet decided to go ahead
with the law,
which he said was still at the initial stages of
discussion.
Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon Gono, tasked
by Mugabe to
revive Zimbabwe's comatose economy, has also spoken against the
mine law,
publicly admitting last March that seizure of private mines would
undo all
efforts to resuscitate an economy in its seventh straight year of
recession.
The latest pronouncement on the proposed mining law by
Midzi appears
to signal a new and more radical approach by the government,
which is
advancing exactly the same argument it proffered in defence of its
controversial seizure of white-owned farms for redistribution to landless
blacks.
The government says the proposed mining law is
necessary to ensure
local blacks also have a share of the country's mineral
wealth at the moment
almost exclusively enjoyed by whites and
foreigners.
However, just as land seizures scared away foreign
investors from the
country, the proposed new mining law has rattled foreign
investors, forcing
most to withhold various projects to expand
output.
Mining is now Zimbabwe's largest single foreign currency
earner
following the collapse of agriculture after the government's land
reforms.
The mining industry, the only sector of the economy still
enjoying
sizeable investment by foreigners, accounts for about 4 percent of
Gross
Domestic Product and contributes more than 40 percent of all foreign
exchange earnings in the country. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 23 August 2006
HARARE - Scores of people were camped
outside the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe (RBZ) offices in Harare hoping they
could still be allowed to
exchange their money for new cash after expiry of
deadline on Monday.
A ZimOnline correspondent counted about 45
people outside the RBZ's
Samora Machel Avenue head office. Some carried
purses, some sizeable bags,
stashed with old money.
When one of
the policemen guarding the RBZ approached three elderly
men to inquire what
business they had at the bank, they told him they
wanted to exchange their
old money, having travelled more than 250 km from
their homes in Hurungwe
rural district.
Tamai Chingaura, also from Hurungwe, told our
correspondent that he
had waited for RBZ money changing mobile teams that
toured rural areas but
they never came near his home area.
"I
have had to travel here because these people (RBZ) never visited
our place,"
said a dejected Chingaura. Chingaura said when his group,
which also
included some women with babies strapped on their backs
approached some RBZ
officials, they were told to go to their banks. But the
banks had turned
Chingaura and his colleagues away.
A man from Tafara, a low-income
suburb about five kilometers outside
Harare had a different
story.
The man, who identified himself only as Joel, said his wife
was away
in the rural areas and had returned late on Monday night, only to
show him
millions of old money she had left hidden in the
house.
Joel was at the RBZ hoping that his somehow unique story
might be
enough to convince the central bank to accept his old
cash.
But an official on the RBZ's public relations desk told
ZimOnline
there would be no extension and that anyone - including Joel and
the three
old men from Hurungwe - still holding old money just have to
follow the RBZ
governor's advice and turn the useless cash into "garden
manure".
"We deployed our people at all central points to help all
who wanted
to change money," the official said, justifying the central
bank's unbending
position.
The RBZ gave Zimbabweans up to
August 21 to hand in old bearer cheques
in exchange for new ones as part of
sweeping currency reforms that also
included a 60 percent devaluation of the
local dollar. The new bearer
cheques have less zeroes after the central bank
slashed three zeroes from
every banknote as part of the currency
reforms.
Bearer cheques are promissory notes first introduced by
the RBZ three
years ago at the height of cash shortages in Zimbabwe. They
are not official
legal tender but are used in the same way as
money.
The Bankers Association of Zimbabwe announced at the close
of business
on deadline day on Monday that all banks had switched over to
new currency,
signalling the country had successfully changed its
currency.
But bank officials privately conceded that many
individuals especially
villagers from remote parts of the country, who could
not travel to towns
and other centres to change their money on time, would
most certainly suffer
huge losses as most were still stuck with old money by
close of business on
Monday. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed
23 August 2006
HARARE - The cash-strapped Zimbabwean government has
successfully
pleaded to be allowed to take part in this year's Miss World
beauty pageant
for free after failing to raise foreign currency to pay the
entry fees.
In an embarrassing turn highlighting the depths of the
crisis in
Zimbabwe, the Harare authorities begged the organisers of the
gloabal show
to be exempted from paying the three thousand pound entry fee,
a request
which has since been granted.
Zimbabwe which is in
its sixth year of a bitter economic crisis, is
eager to use the
international platform to spruce up its image bloated by
Mugabe's disastrous
policies over the past few years.
Kiki Divaris, the patron of the
Miss Zimbabwe Trust which oversees
beauty pageants in the country, confirmed
to ZimOnline yesterday that the
Trust had sought exemption from paying the
fees.
"The organisers of the Miss World pageant waived the three
thousand
pound participation fees for Zimbabwe.
"We were the
only country in the world to have these fees waived which
means that our
representative will have all her hotel and food expenses paid
for," said
Divaris.
Zimbabwe will be represented at the show by Lorraine
Maphala. The Miss
World pageant is set for Poland at the end of this
month.
The Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) says it will use the
occasion to
showcase some of its tourism products and help improve the image
of the
country.
"We are sending Lorraine with a tourism package
that will try to
explain to the outside world what Zimbabwe has to offer,"
said Karikoga
Kaseke, the ZTA chief executive officer.
Tourism,
which used to be the third biggest foreign currency earner
for Zimbabwe
before the government's violent farm seizures in 2000, is in
the doldrums
after tourists shunned the country. - ZimOnline
Zim Online
Wed 23 August
2006
BULAWAYO - At least 200 protesters who were arrested last
Monday in
Zimbabwe's second biggest city of Bulawayo for marching against
the
government's monetary reforms are set to appear in court today facing
charges of violating the country's tough security law.
The
demonstrators, from the Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) protest
group, took
to the streets on Monday to express their anger following
monetary reforms
by the central bank that saw the bank slash three zeroes on
the local
currency and introduce a new family of bearer cheques.
The bank
gave Zimbabweans 21 days until Monday to switch over to the
new currency
sparking chaotic scenes throughout the country.
The protesters were
also demanding that President Robert Mugabe's
government implement workable
economic policies to deal with the country's
current economic
crisis.
A lawyer representing the demonstrators, Simba Chivaura,
said his
clients are being charged under the Public Order and Security Act
(POSA)
which requires Zimbabweans to first seek approval from the police
before
embarking on street marches.
"My clients are scattered
in about five detention centres and the
police have indicated that they have
finished opening dockets on them, and
this means they will definitely be
appearing in court tomorow (today)," said
Chivaura.
Protests by
WOZA against the government are routine in Zimbabwe. -
ZimOnline
Zim Online
Tue 22 August 2006
HARARE - Zimbabweans on Tuesday
woke up to a new currency with fewer
zeroes but the country's ailing economy
offered nothing to cheer about, only
grim prospects of rising commodity
prices and acute shortages ranging from
fuel to electricity as poverty takes
root, analysts said.
Zimbabwe was once one of Africa's shining
stars after independence
from Britain in 1980 but critics say years of
mismanagement by President
Robert Mugabe's government have helped plunge the
nation into a palpable
economic recession.
So severe is
Zimbabwe's economic crisis that the World Bank has said
the southern African
country's economy is the fastest shrinking outside a
war zone and that its
currency is losing value faster than any on earth.
"What will be of
significance is for prices to come down or at least
stabilise otherwise we
will soon be back to the old scenario where you need
to carry many bearer
cheques for shopping," Alfred Makoni, a resident from
Kuwadzana said,
complaining that his life had not changed with the new
currency.
Makoni spoke as many private and
church-run schools - the only
remaining sources of a reliable education as
the grossly under-funded public
schools crumble - hiked school fees by
between 100 and 250 percent,
increases which will surely rile many hard
pressed parents.
Central Bank chief Gideon Gono last month
introduced a redenominated
currency after lopping off three less zeroes from
the old banknotes to help
consumers cope with rampant inflation of nearly 1
000 percent. The old notes
ceased to be legal tender yesterday.
Gono has argued that the new currency measures were necessary to deal
with a
bustling black-market trade, especially for foreign currency, which
had seen
trillions of local dollars "working overtime" in neighbouring
countries.
The central bank and law enforcement agencies
launched a crackdown on
money laundering and say they have seized large sums
of old notes from more
than 4 000 individuals and companies in the process.
No one has been charged
in court.
On Monday, there was a
countrywide stampede as villagers and urban
residents swamped banks to turn
in their old bearer notes. Some people, rich
and poor were unable to swap
their money for the redenominated currency and
may, as the RBZ said, have to
turn their now worthless old cash into garden
manure.
Analysts
said Zimbabwe's problems still remained unresolved, pointing
to perennial
shortages of foreign currency, fuel, electricity and food,
unemployment
above 80 percent, the world's highest inflation rate of 983.6
percent and
deepening poverty.
"Yes it is now easier to carry money around but
you have to ask
yourself: is that the solution? I don't think so because we
have not
addressed the root causes of the problems," James Jowa, an
economist with a
Harare financial institution said.
"It is not
the new day that Zimbabweans were expecting because our
problems still
remain unresolved," Jowa added.
Echoing the views of most local
economists, Jowa said Zimbabwe needs
to carry out drastic economic and
political reforms that include re-engaging
international donors and
crucially put land back in the hands of competent
farmers, black and white,
if the country is to weather the crisis.
Yesterday, a 21-day
government freeze on commodity prices lapsed, with
analysts predicting
prices would surely go up again, exerting more pressure
on a crisis-sapped
population.
The urban population has been the worst hit by the
country's recession
as rentals, commuter transport fares, school and medical
fees and prices of
basic goods and services shoot through the
roof.
The official poverty datum line is pegged at $85 000 but
state
employees, who comprise the country's largest workforce, earn an
average
gross salary of $30 000, hardly enough for anyone to last the month.
Zimbabweans are barely surviving!
Businesses have welcomed the
currency reforms but say there is not
enough new cash in the economy. The
central bank maintains it has printed
enough money.
Analysts
said the currency reforms have already been undermined as the
new banknotes
have already flooded Zambia, Mozambique and South Africa where
they are used
in the black market for foreign currency trade which is
thriving among
Zimbabwean exiles living in those countries.
"Zimbabweans do not
have confidence in their banking system," private
economic consultant John
Robertson said. "Unfortunately it is not only
locals, but even foreign
investors who are not happy with the flagrant
disregard of property rights,"
he added, referring to the government's
chaotic land redistribution
programme over the past six years.
Zimbabwe has been hit hard by
foreign investor flight in recent years
after embarking on a controversial
seizure of land from white commercial
farmers for redistribution to landless
blacks without paying any
compensation.
Mugabe's critics and
Western governments say that state mismanagement
has broken the backbone of
the country's economy.
Agriculture used to be Zimbabwe's top
foreign currency earner,
employed the highest number of people and
contributed significantly to gross
domestic product.
But Mugabe
- Zimbabwe's sole leader since independence - denies
responsibility for the
economic downturn. He in turn blames Western
countries for the country's
economic problems. - ZimOnline
Yahoo News
Tue Aug 22,
6:25 AM ET
HARARE (AFP) - Shoppers and commuters in Zimbabwe have been
left out of
pocket as a severe lack of low denomination banknotes blighted
the first day
of a new currency.
After battling Monday to off-load
old bank notes ahead of a midnight
conversion deadline, Zimbabweans then
found bus operators and traders
struggling to provide change for high value
banknotes on Tuesday.
The new notes range from one cent to 100,000 dollars
(400 US dollars) but a
widespread shortage of 10, 20 and 50-dollar bills was
reported across the
southern African country.
"I am sorry, I don't
have the change in the new currency," became a common
line among traders and
till operators. Some frustrated customers turned
elsewhere for their
shopping while others chose to simply do without change.
"You get
1,000-dollar, 500-dollar and 100-dollar notes but there are few
lower
amounts, so change will be a nightmare unless the central bank prints
more
notes," said Stewart Tsimba, a sales representative with a furniture
shop in
the capital Harare.
Mthandazo Dube, a college student in the country's
second capital of
Bulawayo, told AFP: "The new money is everywhere but there
is no change."
He said there was a chaos on one bus when nearly all
passengers produced
500-dollar and 1,000-dollar bills to pay a 200-dollar
bus fare and the
conductor failed the give them change.
Zimbabwe's
Reserve Bank slashed three zeroes from its currency on July 31 in
a move
aimed at reining in runaway inflation and set a 21-day ultimatum
which
expired at midnight for old notes to be handed in.
Zimbabwe's economy has
been on a downward spiral over the past seven years,
suffering from
inflation running at around 1,000 percent and high employment
with at least
80 percent of the population living below the poverty
threshold.
New Zimbabwe
By
Staff Reporter
Last updated: 08/23/2006 03:58:26
ZIMBABWE will splash
millions of dollars on 12 military aircraft from China,
parliament heard
Tuesday.
Six of the 12 aircraft are already in the country, with the
remainder set to
be delivered in two months, defence officials
said.
Ministry of Defence Permanent Secretary Trust Maphosa made the
revelations
during a hearing of the joint Senate and House of Assembly
Parliamentary
portfolio committee on defence and home
affairs.
Maphosa was part of a high powered army delegation that included
army
commander general Constantine Chiwenga and Airforce of Zimbabwe chief
Air
Marshall Perence Shiri.
The total cost of the deal with China is
unknown, but defence officials
revealed a payment of US$4,6 million had been
made to the Chinese
manufacturers of the aircraft.
The army officials
did not disclose the types of aircraft acquired.
Maphosa said: "We are
grateful to the RBZ governor Gideon Gono for availing
US$4 669 065,72
towards our plan. We will be receiving six aircraft from
China sometime this
year."
He added: "We are expecting that deliveries would be made in
September or
October. The six together with the other six we already have
would make a
full squadron."
Several western countries, notably
Britain, have imposed an arms embargo on
Zimbabwe over complaints about
human rights violations in the southern
African country.
President
Robert Mugabe has reacted to the targeted sanctions on his regime
by urging
the country to 'Look East', reference to Asian countries which
have pledged
their support to his regime.
Chiwenga told the same hearing that the army
was acting on reports of
rampant indiscipline within its ranks. Several
reports have been made of
army details brutalising
civilians.
Chiwenga blamed the violence on younger members of the defence
forces whom
he said "liked behaving as cowboys".
He said the Military
Police were carrying out a probe on the recent assaults
on commuter omnibus
drivers and touts by members of his force in Harare
Central Business
District (CBD).
He added that another army commander in Matabeleland had
been transferred
and disciplined after assaulting a civilian who had missed
a deadline during
joint work on Operation Maguta.
By Tererai
Karimakwenda
22 August 2006
About 180 members of Women of
Zimbabwe Arise who were arrested in
Bulawayo Monday morning are still in
detention at various police stations.
13 mothers with babies and 26 minors
were released early Monday evening and
ordered to report back to Central
Police station Tuesday morning. WOZA
coordinator Jenni Williams told us
Tuesday that the 26 minors were all under
18 and that at least 6 men from
Men of Zimbabwe Arise were still in
detention. She said the whole group has
signed warned and cautioned
statements and will be charged under the
Criminal Law (Codification and
Reform) Act which came into effect at the end
of July. The charges fall
under Section 37, which prohibits participating in
a gathering with the
intent to promote public violence or a breach of the
peace.
Williams said the government needs to get their words
straight because
to prove "intent to cause violence" you would have to be
able to enter
someone's brain. The WOZA women were marching peacefully and
did not resist
arrest. Williams said it will be difficult for them to be
found guilty. She
also stressed that Zimbabwe's current constitution allows
for freedom of
assembly and freedom of expression. If found guilty they face
five years
imprisonment or a Z$50 million fine.
The WOZA
members were arrested in Bulawayo on Monday morning as they
were marching
towards the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) offices to deliver
an open letter
to the RBZ Governor Gideon Gono protesting the currency
changes that have
caused chaos in the country. The detained are reportedly
singing loudly in
the cells and creating a lot of noise, with spirits
remaining very high.
Food has been brought in after lawyers negotiated with
police.
Regarding the detention of the babies, The Crisis in Zimbabwe
Coalition
issued a statement which said: "The actions of the police are also
in
violation of the regional and international statutes that protect the
rights
of children. Zimbabwe being signatories of the regional and
international
instruments below is mandated to uphold such instruments:
The
International Covenant on the Rights of the Children
The African
Charter on Human and People's Rights."
In other court cases
WOZA members, including organizer Magodonga
Mahlangu, appeared in court
Monday in Bulawayo in connection with a meeting
they held June 16th in 2004.
The government says the gathering was illegal
but Williams told us they got
together to discuss a fundraising jam making
project. WOZA members are also
facing charges for a peaceful demonstration
held on World Refugee Day on
June 19th 2004. About 80 were arrested on that
occasion. The cases are
scheduled for trial on 3rd and 4th October.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
k
By
Lance Guma
22 August 2006
The late Zanu PF legal expert
Edison Zvobgo once remarked that, 'a
prison is a place where big criminals
keep small ones.' That analogy rings
true in the latest corruption trial to
rock Zimbabwe. The head of the
Zimbabwe United Passenger Company (ZUPCO)
Charles Nherera was on Monday
convicted of corruption charges and sentenced
to three years in jail with
hard labour, while only one year was suspended.
Despite findings by the
trial magistrate Lilian Kudya that local government
minister Ignatius Chombo
had a case to answer, nothing significant has
happened to suggest he will
also be brought to book. Only Bright Matonga,
the deputy information
minister who by all accounts is a political
lightweight, has been arrested.
Although Mugabe has announced a
crackdown on corruption, critics
believe all those being arrested are victim
to a vicious power struggle as
various power brokers position themselves to
succeed the 82-year old Zanu PF
leader. Nherera was found guilty of
soliciting for a US$85,000 bribe in
return for awarding South African
company Gift Investments a contract to
supply buses to ZUPCO. Nherera has
meanwhile appealed the conviction and
also applied for bail. The trial
magistrate made it clear if the police do
their work properly minister
Chombo should face the courts. She pointed to
his evidence in the trial as
contradictory and hiding many facts and 'that
there were a lot of unspoken
features about the case which if they had been
clearly laid out, it would
have been easy to conclude whether they (Matonga
and Chombo) were State or
defence witnesses.'
Newsreel tracked down Nherera's lawyer Joseph
Mandizha and he clearly
stated their concern at the political undertones
dominating the case. 'There
are inevitable political undertones in the case
but for me and certainly for
Professor Nherera to say he is being persecuted
is quite another matter, we
are not saying so, but equally it's naļve for
anyone to disregard the
political dynamics and undercurrents in the case.'
Mandizha says they are
currently studying the judgment and will have up to
Thursday to file an
appeal. He also feels the complainant in the case,
businessman Jahesh Shah,
should not have been believed in the light of his
evidence weighed up
against that put forward by the
defence.
SW Radio Africa
Zimbabwe news
New Zimbabwe
By
Dr Alex Magaisa
Last updated: 08/22/2006 20:32:25
RECENT events in the
Middle East have been horrendous. With global attention
currently focused on
the Middle East one would hope that the major political
actors in countries
such as Zimbabwe would take time to pause and consider
their own place in
the hierarchy of priorities of the so-called
"international
community".
Throughout the on-going crisis in Zimbabwe, political actors,
particularly
in the opposition, have often referred to the "international
community",
without actually ever defining the nature and character of this
community.
That the so-called international community has failed so far
to take any
specific decisive action in resolving the Zimbabwe question must
point some
harsh truths to the main political actors and possibly force them
to
appreciate that ultimately, only Zimbabweans have the responsibility and
indeed the capacity to resolve their differences and get on with
business.
There is never a perfect solution, but one that allows the
political, social
and economic wheels to start moving again with only the
minimum unavoidable
resistance.
What is the International
Community"?
What exactly do they mean when they speak of the
"international community"?
In truth what is often referred to as the
international community is an
amorphous body of nations, often divided and
operating without a single
specific voice at all times. Within the
Zimbabwean political context, as in
most others, the international community
means different things to different
people depending on the platform of each
individual or political actor.
Taking a rather more simplistic
categorization often used in Zimbabwe, the
world is still seen through a
pair of lens, one lens identifying the West
and the other focusing on the
East.
Going by the alliances and the image that has been built over the
years, it
would appear that with slight variations between factions, to the
MDC and
other opposition movements in civil society the "international
community"
consists predominantly of the West. On the other hand, feeling
ostracized by
the West, Zanu PF has deliberately constructed its world-view
through the
lens of the East. When the MDC says the "international
community" castigates
what is going on in Zimbabwe, Zanu PF finds solace in
the silent and
occasionally influential support of its Eastern friends such
as China.
Archaic as it might seem that distinction between East and West in
the
post-Cold War global environment, it remains fundamental, at least to
the
extent that in Zimbabwean expectations of the international community
are
concerned. Zanu PF can always rely on the likes of China to block
attempts
to bring the Zimbabwe issue within the context of the UN Security
Council.
Primacy of Self-Interest in the International
Community
The sad fact is that Zimbabwean political actors do not seem to
realize that
they are mere pawns in a game of the big boys. If there is one
thing that
unites the divided community of nations, it is that each nation's
attitude,
position and action in relation to any issue is motivated by
self-interest.
It is not necessarily the interest of the people affected by
any specific
situation that determines other nations' behaviour. The Chinas
of this world
have a voracious appetite for resources as do the West. It
happens that they
do not have all the resources. Sometimes they are found in
other countries.
Some benefit from the stability of those countries whilst
others reap
benefits from the chaos. What is it then that we Zimbabweans do
not see,
that makes almost all of us have so much faith in the goodwill and
support
of this undefined body that we call the international
community?
There are at least two possible of factors that influence
Zimbabweans'
attitude to what we call the "international community": either
we have a
very high opinion of ourselves (superiority complex) or a serious
inferiority complex. Either way we have a serious problem that causes us, on
all sectors of the political divide, to be so gullible and expect to be
treated by others in some special way.
Superiority Complex - "We are
different"
First, the superiority complex; for many years after
independence Zimbabwe
appeared to hold a lofty position at least among the
largely deteriorating
nations of Africa. It is the same position that South
Africa holds today,
with great pride but events in Zimbabwe should be
educative. Zimbabweans
felt special almost to the point of looking down upon
neighbours that
appeared to have got it wrong politically and economically
such Zambia and
Mozambique. Zimbabweans felt and thought they were
different, and worryingly
echoes of which I hear from some sections in South
Africa. They even
wondered how other countries in Africa could let one man
rule the country
for more that two decades. It was almost
unimaginable.
This superiority complex may have remained with
Zimbabweans, so that when
problems began to show, they turned largely to the
international community
to assist in resolving the crisis. Zimbabwe
attracted a large amount of
attention from other countries, especially in
the West feeding into the
belief that Zimbabwe was special and different
from other African countries
whose troubles may have been grave but received
less coverage and attention.
The media focus on Zimbabwe post 2000 was
almost unprecedented, more superb
than during the 1980s when the wanton and
brutal massacre of people in the
provinces of Matabeleland and the Midlands
had warranted such coverage.
Indeed, post 2000- even those Zimbabweans who
had been largely silent during
those massacres became overnight converts to
the cause of human rights. The
differential treatment of the two episodes
(the massacres of the 1980s and
the crisis of post-2000) by the so-called
international community tells its
own story in relation to the primacy of
interests in determining its
bahaviour and reaction to
issues.
Inferiority Complex - "Why are victims and powerless"
In
the case of the possible inferiority complex, there is a school of
thought,
which states that a person who habours an inferiority complex is
more likely
to rest on his laurels and expect others to take the lead. Such
a person
feels powerless and refuses to take responsibility for his own
fate.
Instead, he leaves it to others whom he expects to feel sorry for him.
The
inferiority complex actually gives him comfort because he doesn't have
to
take any responsibility and therefore takes no crucial decisions.
Applying
this theory on a wider scale, one suspects that Zimbabweans have
developed a
collective inferiority complex - that we are victims, powerless
and expect
others to feel sorry for us and therefore to take decisions and
action on
our behalf. In terms of seeking attention and feeling special it
makes
little difference, if any, whether a person has an inferiority or
superiority complex. Either way, there is a case of feeling special and
important - of refusing to take responsibility and appealing for
attention.
Traveling a familiar African path
Central to these
dynamics of superiority/inferiority complex is an
inward-looking approach to
the crisis affecting Zimbabwe which makes it
appear as if what is happening
in Zimbabwe is unique and deserving of
special attention from every other
nation that cares to listen. There
appears to be a gap in knowledge and
awareness that what Zimbabwe is going
through is to many people outside
Zimbabwe nothing out of the ordinary
within the African context. There are
some harsh truths that Zimbabweans
will have to acknowledge, that for
example we are a small African nation in
a continent generally expected to
be mired in problems.
Indeed, it seems that to many people across the
world, the behaviour of the
Zimbabwe government is nothing out of the
ordinary considering the history
of poor governance, oppression and abuse of
power in Africa. The mention of
Africa conjures images of fly-infested,
naked children surrounded by poverty
and gun-totting youths used by corrupt
officials. Zimbabwe is simply
traveling a well-trodden path. Not much
attention was paid to the decline in
those other countries and not much was
done to halt it. In each of those
cases the people probably appealed to the
amorphous international community,
with minimal results in the few cases
where perhaps there was full-blown war
and interests of the "international
community" needed safeguarding. Why then
do Zimbabweans seem to feel that
ours is a special case?
It is the same with Zimbabweans who are now in
the Diaspora. The image of
Zimbabwe that they have and want to preserve is
the Zimbabwe they left years
ago, one that is long gone and distant. Even
when they dream of one day
returning home, they never pause to consider that
they are just another
instalment of Africans who have left the continent for
good - a similar
instalment to those that have been leaving for decades from
other African
countries. They too haboured lofty dreams of returning home
but they are now
great-grandparents in the Diaspora. They too expected
something to be done
for them by someone to enable them to return home one
day. Likewise the
Diaspora asks the familiar question, "Why can't THEY do
something for us?"
taking themselves out of the equation and without
accepting that it is in
fact their own responsibility.
There is no
doubt that there are human rights concerns in Zimbabwe. This has
been the
central rallying point for international sympathy and condemnation.
But
sadly, even those working in this field seem oblivious to the fact that
the
violation of human rights alone (without affecting the interests of
whoever
is considered the "international community") is not sufficient to
push them
to take any decisive action on their behalf. The UN for example
acknowledged
the tragedy of Operation Murambatsvina in 2005, but besides the
occasional
noises and condemnation, nothing of substance has been done to
address the
problems. Again awareness of events elsewhere and how nations
react would
help to focus attention on the immediate and more sustainable
strategies in
Zimbabwe. For almost half a century Cubans have been under the
rule of Fidel
Castro. Almost 50 years! And the island of Cuba stands right
next to the US.
There, it is said human rights violations are rampant and if
ever there was
a long-standing candidate for international assistance to
achieve democratic
reform, then Cuba is one.
"Slashing the zeros" off the strategy of
intervention
Zimbabwean politicians also need to acknowledge that the
agenda and strategy
of international intervention in the domestic affairs of
nations is no
longer an attractive one in the wake of the continuing
problems faced in
countries such as Iraq and Afghanistan. Events also
demonstrate that such
interventions have produced less than satisfactory
results. As time drags
on, fewer countries will want to commit resources
even to advance the cause
of democracy, not least to intervene in any
visible way. In Zimbabwe speak,
the "zeros" have been slashed from this
strategy and Zimbabwean political
actors who still think it may be a viable
option are failing to read the
contemporary picture of international
politics.
Another harsh truth is that Zimbabwe is so low on the hierarchy
of
priorities at present either because of problems faced in recent
international interventions or because of the domestic challenges faced by
most of the governments that have had a say in Zimbabwean politics -
potential economic recession and the looming Presidential election in a
couple of years in the US, the leadership succession issue and service
delivery in the UK, industrial and economic development in China, peace in
the Middle East, etc. At the end of the day each nation has its own
challenges which require attention.
Between the poles of major
nations which have had something to say about the
Zimbabwe we must not
forget that there is a large silent majority and each
of these countries
have their own problems which they have to face everyday.
They just get on
and deal with them, even if it means getting rid of some
'zeros'. Some form
loose coalition governments, others change governments
every other year,
while in others when there is a looming impasse, there are
internal
mechanisms for smooth transition. For example, the US Supreme Court
was
called upon to make a decision over the US presidential election in
2000, a
decision which paved the way for transition. There may have been
disgruntlement, but they moved on. Zimbabwe's problems can only be resolved
by Zimbabweans according to their own ways, whatever the views of anybody
else.
In conclusion, just in case someone forms the opinion that this
is taking
umbrage at the so-called international community, it is not. It is
simply an
acknowledgement that in relation to Zimbabwe the so-called
international
community has been and continues to behave as normal. If there
is any
problem, it is that Zimbabweans continue to wallow in their own
naivety
believing erroneously that we are a special case and the
international
community will somehow wave a magic wand and bring an end to
our problems.
Whether our attitude is caused by an inferiority or
superiority complex does
not matter - either way, it has built us into some
kind of victims who
continually seek sympathy while refusing to take
responsibility for our own
fate.
Taking responsibility
seriously
It is important to realize that there is in this world what may
be called a
"market of suffering". Look around and you will see that it is a
very large
market and we are but a small part of it. In that market we are
slowly but
surely getting towards the sell-by date. Zimbabwean political
actors need to
talk, create a governance framework in which social and
economic activity
can take place. The goal is not to seek perfection - we
are at a stage where
there can be no single winner. A winner-takes-all
approach is not the answer
at this stage. There must be away in which
different interests can be
accommodated, for the sake of progress. A perfect
government, if ever one
exists anywhere, might emerge one day but for now,
the main political actors
must take collective responsibility and find an
internal solution.
Dr Magaisa is a lawyer and can be contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
New Zimbabwe
By Itai Zimunya
Last updated: 08/22/2006 20:23:58
AS THE
Zimbabwean crisis continues to deepen and widen as displayed by the
acute
shortages of food, local and foreign currency, fuel and jobs, calls
for the
resolution of the political crisis seem to be growing.
The most
particular call of recent days is that opposition political parties
ought to
unite and form a strong front that can successfully challenge Zanu
PF from
power.
However, after assessing the current balance of power in Zimbabwe,
we
content that it is not a united opposition that is the missing link in
Zimbabwe. Whilst it has merit, it is not the touchstone. Some celebrated
political thinkers, including Masipula Sithole, Alfred Stepan and Jonathan
Moyo prescribe that the opposition need to engage a section of democrats in
Zanu PF and move towards a process of sustainable democratic transformation.
The big question, however, is how, when and by whom shall this
materialise.
To adequately answer the above questions, it is important to
analyse the
balance of power in Zimbabwe, from which we will derive the
political
formula. A close look at the outcomes of the 2000, 2002 and 2005
general and
presidential elections reveal that Zanu PF does not have an
active majority
of people in Zimbabwe. The opposition, despite its activists
being targets
of political violence, has matched Zanu PF in every district.
In fact,
various electoral reports to the 2000 and 2002 national elections
state
that, had it not been the use of violence and manipulation, Zanu PF
would
have "lost power".
One eminent political scholar, Brian
Raftopoulos argues that there are two
political personalities that shape
Zimbabwe's polity, Robert Mugabe and
Morgan Tsvangirai. Like John Makumbe
predicted, Morgan Tsvangirai is leading
in the "numbers game" but seems to
have failed to capitalise on this
popularity to affect the political
environment in Zimbabwe. Various factors
contribute to this failure. These
include the mere presence of a counter
power, Mugabe and the threat of the
manipulated state killing machinery.
This scale of demographic support to
the MDC and Zanu PF dismisses one
aspect for calling for a united opposition
because the problem in Zimbabwe
is not a numerical minority of the
opposition supporters. Masipula Sithole
and Jonathan Moyo agree that the
power lies in the elite coercive apparatus,
the military, and this coercive
apparatus is controlled by the ruling Zanu
PF elite. The challenge therefore
is how to unlock this coercive power, the
military without a
war.
Stepan suggests that the opposition needs to focus more on
increasing the
process of authoritarian erosion than focusing more on the
total collapse of
the regime. In this thinking, he noted five groups in any
authoritarian
regime in transition. These include, a) core supporters of the
regime, b)
the coercive apparatus i.e, the military, intelligence and the
police, c)
the regimes active opponents i.e the opposition activists like
the MDC, ZAPU
etc d) the regimes passive supporters, i.e the business
community and, e)
the regimes passive opponents such as the educated workers
and academics and
sections of the church.
From the above
classification, it can be argued that the power in Zimbabwe
lies in a zone
that is beyond electoral formations. That is why some
political commentators
posit that the MDC won the 2002 presidential election
but Zanu PF retained
power.
At present, the majority of Zimbabweans seem to be fed up with the
Zanu PF
regime, but for many reasons, they passively put up with the
political rot.
It is important to highlight that at Tsholotsho, the media
reported that six
Zanu PF provinces had agreed that Mugabe had to go. In
essence, these
provinces agreed that there is a need for democratic reform
in Zimbabwe. The
failure of the Tsholotsho declaration may be that those
resolutions had no
support of the coercive force, the military.
After
the Tsholotsho declaration, Jonathan Moyo pointed out that there was a
bigger opposition within Zanu PF. Therefore other opposition political
parties, the Movement for Democratic Change specifically, needed to engage a
section of democrats in Zanu PF to finally rest the Zimbabwean crisis.
Reactions to Jonathan Moyo's proposition were negative. The proposal was not
dismissed because of its emptiness, but because of the anger of his link to
the promulgation of obnoxious pieces of legislation, the Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Public Order and
Security Act (POSA) during his stint as Minister of Information in Mugabe's
government.
In other words, Jonathan Moyo is revealing that there are
many people in
Zanu PF that have either degraded themselves or have been
degraded from
active supporters of that party into passive supporters. It
means, if there
were no fear of reproach, they would have left to join the
opposition.
Masipula Sithole proposes solutions to this
dilemma.
Writing the Public Eye, in the Financial Gazette of 8 January
1998, Masipula
Sithole says, " . members of the coercive elite are the major
agents of
change". He further states that a combination of democrats from
both inside
and outside Zanu PF may well be the source of a more enduring
democratisation process.
Therefore, it is the duty of the opposition
to prove that an alternative
establishment is a viable option. This will
most likely diminish the Zanu PF
fear of change and enlist them as active
opponents leaving the coercive
force a neutralised force.
Equally, it
would be naļve for any of the two Zanu PF factions, that of
Mnangagwa or
Mujuru to think that they can go it alone in the post Mugabe
era. Zanu PF,
in whatever form needs to realise and acknowledge the presence
and
permanence of opposition politics in Zimbabwe. Wishes of a super Zanu PF
in
government must be taken as mere dreams. There could be a motivation for
democrats in Zanu PF to realise this and begin to make strategic contacts
with the opposition.
In this case, the two Zanu PF factions have two
options, and time is fast
running out on them. They either have to mend
relations or compete to make
collective deals with the opposition,
especially the MDC. Option number one
is almost impossible because of the
levels of mistrust and economic attacks
that have been made including the
purge on the financial sector and the post
Tsholotsho sanctions on
pro-Mnangagwa actors.
The second option is real but very risky,
especially in the presence of
Mugabe. Mugabe has personally declared Morgan
Tsvangirai and the MDC as
enemies that "must be crushed". He means it and
anyone that entertains the
MDC is a sell out that must receive the highest
form of punishment. This is
why South African President Mbeki's quiet
diplomacy failed. That is also
noted as the main problem behind the
stagnation in political dialogue among
political actors in Zimbabwe. The
main player of this option is therefore
Robert Mugabe
himself.
Assuming Mugabe away, expectations of the army causing confusion
are, in
this case, remote for several reasons. Chiefly, the army is viewed
as part
of the succession jigsaw and there is no consensus at present among
the army
generals of which Zanu PF faction to support. Secondly, tribal
politics form
an integral part of the Zanu PF succession debate and thus,
because the army
is not immune to tribalism, it is affected. The third
factor is that the
army is loyal and not naļve. They are loyal to Zimbabwe,
and support a
peaceful political transformation, which they also highly
expect given the
current economic downfall.
These facts confirm
perceptions that Mugabe is a stumbling block to Zimbabwe's
political
transition, both within Zanu PF and at national level. It is this
perception
(if not reality) that justifies the calls, both within Zanu PF
and in the
opposition that Mugabe must go. He must rest and pave way for
intra-Zanu PF
reform, which can not be disassociated with national reform.
In
realisation of this Mugabe factor, Jonathan Moyo, despite being a
political
gymnast, argues that the political leadership in the opposition
political
parties must realise the existence of a big opposition currently
sitting in
Zanu PF. It has to be strategically captured and this reflects a
greater
chance for quicker and more stable political reforms. Should these
talks
fail, though it is remote, there could be a super intra Zanu PF
agreement
for power sharing among the warring Mujuru and Mnangagwa factions.
An
intra-Zanu PF power-sharing agreement is the last thing that Zimbabwe
expects because it could mean suffer continues to the masses and
looting-continue to the political sultans.
An all-out MDC government
is possible more as a theory than in reality in
the short term, though it is
possible in the medium term. Whilst the
opposition has the active support of
the masses more than Zanu PF, it is the
military aspect that is the
stumbling block. It is the key that one faction
of Zanu PF presents. This
presentation brings with it avenues for the making
of a new democratic
constitution leading to free and fair elections.
This is the fourth way.
It presupposes the existence of three other possible
avenues of political
development in Zimbabwe. These include a), maintenance
of the status quo, b)
total power to the opposition without Zanu PF, and c),
domination of Zanu PF
with a subdued opposition in parliament, the senate
and city
councils.
Analyses of these possible options reveal that hopes of an all
Zanu PF or an
all MDC government is a mirage. Such a scenario does not
cherish
multi-partism and is constructed around a one-party-state manifesto
base. A
political system that has made Zimbabwe wilt under Mugabe, the Alpha
and
Omega of Zanu PF. Option three represents cosmetic democracy where a
dictator displays and celebrates the holding of elections according to the
constitutional calendars and celebrates minority and insignificant
opposition representation in parliament, in the senate and in local
government authorities as a sign of peoples will.
The fourth way is
inevitable and history is with Zimbabwe. In reference to
Africa and Zimbabwe
in particular, socio-political transition can not be
done in a mathematical
formula of total elimination of the status quo. That
is why in 1980, the
patriotic front had to join hands with the former
oppressors and enter into
a new phase of politics. South Africa is another
model of the fourth way,
where in 1994, the emerging revolutionary power
engaged a section of the
oppressive machinery to facilitate reforms. This is
possible in Zimbabwe,
despite the existence of extreme resentment both among
the cadres of the
opposition and those that are benefiting from free
government
funds.
It has to be noted however, that such a move must not be used to
crush other
political opinions. Opposition politics, in the case of Zimbabwe
must be
encouraged to provide the balance of power. For a meaningful
implementation
of this proposal, issues of transitional justice must be
visited, where
victims of socio-economic and political violence are
compensated and
perpetrators brought to book.
This proposition is
believed to be the reverse of what South African
President had prescribed
for Zimbabwe. It is believed that during the 2003
MDC-Zanu PF dialogue, it
was Mbeki's plan to sideline Morgan Tsvangirai,
seen as a hard-liner, and
bring a section of the MDC into a coalition
government with Zanu PF. This,
as it did, was doomed to fail for several
reasons. The reasons include the
exclusion of ordinary Zimbabweans from
participating in the transitional
process and the reluctance of the
domineering Zanu PF from using force as a
tool of governance. So the people
remained suspicious, and I think will
remain suspicious of any formation
that is dominated by Zanu PF because to
them Zanu PF represents hunger,
oppression, torture and violence.
The
best way forward for Zimbabwe demands a careful cost-benefit analysis of
any
such political moves. Political dialogue is inevitable. Just like there
is a
cease-fire in any struggle, it might be time for such in Zimbabwe. Time
and
accuracy are important, as any delay might be dangerous to both the
ruling
elite and the opposition. As the world allies and the political
horses begin
to get tired, it exposes and weakens many political movements.
For the
opposition, a long struggle has the danger of creating an opposition
within
an opposition as the foot-soldiers begin to get tired and
disillusioned,
then turning against their own masters and losing discipline.
The other
present initiative of making a national vision document by the
Church
complement the calls for a new democratic constitution in addition to
setting value based standards for a future Zimbabwe. Mass action is best as
a threat in Zimbabwe, and mostly as spasmodic and sporadic comical displays
of the dictator's weakness than as a popular front for regime change.
Sporadic action presents a counter military headache than a formalised
revolution that can be crashed using conventional defence operations. The
final push of June 2003 must serve as a lesson.
In conclusion, and
from a nationalist perspective, it may be time
Zimbabweans recognise and
appreciate their political differences and begin
to work towards
people-inclusive dialogue. Every day is a painful day for
Zimbabweans
despite Gono's Operation Sunrise and his sugar promise of a
better Zimbabwe
buoyed by bearer cheques. Die hards like Robert Mugabe, that
have master
minded Zimbabwe's downfall over the last 26 years must be
assisted to go by
both opposition sections within and without Zanu PF, the
international
community and by the church.
Lastly, any mediated settlement on the
Zimbabwean crisis must address the
constitutional vacuum created by the
amended Lancaster House constitution
that Zanu PF claims to be Zimbabwean.
Any failure to visit the
constitutional question means the struggles
continue for Zimbabweans. And it
shall continue for it is our
birthright.
Itai Zimunya is a former university student leader and human
rights activist
SABC
August 22, 2006, 05:45
Barack Obama, the only black US senator,
criticised South African
leaders yesterday for their slow response to Aids
and urged President Thabo
Mbeki to take a tougher stand against Robert
Mugabe, Zimbabwe's president.
South African Aids activists say
Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, the health
minister, has caused confusion by
pushing traditional medicines and a recipe
of garlic, beetroot, lemon and
African potatoes to combat Aids while
underplaying the role of
anti-retroviral (ARV) drugs. Obama said
Tshabalala-Msimang was making a
terrible mistake.
"On the treatment side, the information being
provided by the minister
of health is not accurate," he told reporters
outside an Aids clinic in Cape
Town's Khayelitsha township. "It is not an
issue of Western science versus
African science, it is just science and it's
not right."
Mbeki must be vocal about Zimbabwe: Obama
Speaking later to journalists during the South African leg of an
African
tour, Obama said the government in neighbouring Zimbabwe had been a
disaster
for that country. He urged Mbeki to take a more vocal stand against
Mugabe,
who he said continued to use conspiracies and plots to hold on to
power.
"South Africa has tried a strategy of quiet diplomacy
... I don't
think it has been as successful as it could have been. I would
like to see a
more vocal policy in respect of human rights and pressing the
Mugabe
government to right the ship."
Five million South
Africans infected with HIV/Aids
Activists at last week's global Aids
conference in Toronto were
critical of South Africa's promotion of garlic
and lemon as a solution to
the Aids crisis. South Africa has one of the
world's highest HIV/Aids rates
with one in nine, a total of five million
people, infected.
The government yielded to pressure in 2003 and
launched a public ARV
programme which officials describe as one of the
largest in the world.
However, activists say drugs still only reach a
fraction of those with Aids,
which kills more than 800 South Africans a day.
- Reuters
The Telegraph - blog
Posted by
Peta Thornycroft at 20 Aug 06 13:47
Everyone in Zimbabwe is
worried.
Maybe some people in the deep rural areas don't know
about the money
deadline on Monday, but everyone in the towns is
anxious.
Everyone must have experienced more than one search at a police
roadblock
since July 31 when the government announced a new currency was
coming and
that old notes would be stale on August 21.
The new
currency looks different, has three fewer noughts and is printed on
even
flimsier paper than the old notes.
On Friday there were still not enough
new notes around so most supermarkets
were forced to give change in the old
notes.
So what to do with the old notes? Spend them. South African wine
has run out
at the local supermarket and Scotch is getting
short.
Restaurants are full and people are searching for fuel to blow on
their
remaining millions in old notes.
Fuel is not available at most
garages. That's not unusual, but everyone
suspects this is the start of a
serious drought as on Friday the government
slashed the price of fuel by
half. Silly. No one will sell fuel for half
what they paid to import
it.
A litre of fuel is usually about the same price as the black market
price of
a single US dollar. About Z$700 000. That's the old currency. In
Monday's
currency, it will be Ū$700.
It's a mad, mad world, and even
stoic, unflappable Zimbabweans are edgy
about this latest money crisis
which affects everyone, rich and poor.
When will this chaos end? That's
what everyone asks themselves, or talks
about, quietly, so the people at the
next table can't hear. Just in case
they are loitering with intent to earn
some extra cash by reporting on
unpatriotic conversations to the Central
Intelligence
Organisation.
****************************************************************************************************
Maybe
it was a world record, going through 21 roadblocks over two days on a
journey of 425 miles. Zimbabwe has made the record books regularly over the
last five years, the highest inflation rate in the world, fastest shrinking
economy, etc etc.
Driving from Harare on Saturday to eastern Zimbabwe
I was stopped 11 times
by police who were conducting searches for
Zimbabwe's old bank notes which
expire at the end of Monday, August
21.
An average of about eight policemen were at each roadblock. There was
no
point in getting cross. Evenutally, at the first of 10 roadblocks on the
trip back to Harare, I worked out that the easiest way to survive blood
pressure surges was to pull up, switch off, and put my head on the steering
wheel, and invite police to search the vehicle themselves, unaided by
me.
That seemed to make some anxious. "I am just doing my job," said one
policeman politely as he then told me to continue. Yes, we know, we know, I
think I muttered into the steering wheel.
Each stop took time, and
that forced me to speed to make up lost time which
pushed up fuel
consumption. There is no fuel at any regular garages at
present. It's so
lousy to drive on reserve.
A builder tells the story that he was stopped
south of Harare for an hour on
his 40 mile journey home last Friday. When he
got to the head of the queue
the police, recognised him as someone
important, and waved him through. He
insisted on being searched, otherwise
he said, gossip gets around and his
wife would be suspicious of where he
had been for that missing hour.
The Herald (Harare)
August 21,
2006
Posted to the web August 21, 2006
Harare
SOME schools in
the country have increased fees for the coming term by
between 150 and 200
percent.
Other schools are already working on supplementary budgets based
on the
Consumer Price Index (CPI) for August to be effected in
September.
A survey by The Herald revealed that most private boarding
schools almost
doubled their fees and are now demanding between $300 000 and
$600 000, with
some going as far as $900 000.
Chisipite Senior
Boarding School had its fees raised from $245 000 to $686
000. St George's
College increased its boarding fees to $320 000, up from
$255 000, while
fees for Gateway High School increased from $152 000 to $248
000.
Of
the schools surveyed, Lomagundi High School in Chinhoyi was the most
expensive with fees pegged at $910 000 followed by Chisipite, which is
asking for $686 000.
Prince Edward School increased fees from $41 000
to $106 000 while the
Dominican Convent was still to decide as they were
waiting for the CPI
scheduled for month end.
Parents who spoke to The
Herald said they were not very clear on how the CPI
was being factored into
the fee increases.
They said it seemed that schools were only using the
CPI on increasing
tuition fees but school authorities had a free play on
levies.
"I got a letter from the school informing me of the increases in
fees and
the monies were supposed to be deposited into the school account
before the
end of the month.
"Although we are aware of the need to
cushion the schools against inflation,
school authorities need to increase
the fees reasonably.
"Our fear is a few very rich people could be
influencing these increases at
the expense of the majority poor," said one
irate parent.
Early this month, the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe castigated
increases in
school fees that had been suggested and effected by some
schools, saying the
move was not only likely to deny students the basic
right to education, but
also induce inflationary pressures.
The Herald
(Harare)
OPINION
August 22, 2006
Posted to the web August 22,
2006
Harare
I wonder if the Ministry of Education, Sport and
Culture is aware that
people are being charged acceptance fees to get places
at most schools for
Grade One up to Form One.
The fees, which range
between $100 000 to $110 000 (revalued), are only
supposed to be reimbursed
after the child completes his/her studies, that is
after seven years for
primary school or four to six years for secondary and
high
schools.
Now in light of the prevailing hyperinflation, it is evident
that these
deposits would have been rendered valueless by the time the child
leaves
school.
As such, not many parents would bother claiming the
deposit and the schools
would have laughed all the way to the
bank.
Even if one were to claim the deposit, the school would still have
benefited
from all the interest accrued over the years while the parent
simply gets
the initial but massively eroded figure.
What this means
is that if the required fee is $154 000 (revalued), the
actual fee the
parent ends up paying will be $100 000 plus $154 000 giving a
total of $254
000.
The simple formula that should be used is that all fees should be
less the
deposit paid, in the example cited above which means the fees then
becomes
$54 000.
The same applies to insurance policies. It's high
time the Government or
companies stopped controlling our money in this way.
When you resign your
money is taxed and half of it is kept in what they call
actuary, only when
you turn 60 years will they start issuing out monthly
payments for your
upkeep.
Imagine the shock I got when one day I
thought of checking on what was
happening with this money, my former
employer had moved it to another
company without any correspondence to
me.
And it was only $2 400 (revalued). Any wonder then that we still find
our
mothers and fathers who should be resting at home after retiring
crisscrossing the borders to keep body and soul together.
Heaven
helps us!
The Herald
(Harare)
August 21, 2006
Posted to the web August 21,
2006
Wenceslaus Murape
Marondera
ABOUT 200 cubic metres of raw
sewage per hour have been flowing into Rufaro
Dam, Marondera's main source
of water, for the past fortnight after the
breakdown of a pump, an
inspection by the Environmental Management Agency
(EMA) has
revealed.
The EMA officials last week inspected Marondera's sewage pump
stations,
residential areas and the town's source of water after residents
had
complained of raw sewage flowing unabated into Rufaro Dam. EMA officers
who
were accompanied by the local media carried out the
inspections.
An attendant at the station confirmed that the two-week
breakdown had seen a
torrent of raw sewage being discharged into one of the
tributaries that flow
into Rufaro Dam.
Used condoms and human excreta
were strewn along the discharge path.
The Rufaro sub-station, which
serves Rujeko, Dombotombo, Yellow City and
Ruvimbo, pumps effluent to
Chicago pump station, which is also not working.
The Chicago station in
turn pumps into Elmswood sewer treatment works.
The water in Rufaro Dam
has turned into a dark green colour because of
algae.
The dam
resembles a sewer pond, with an unpleasant ordour that can be smelt
from a
distance.
In the sprawling high-density suburb of Rujeko, inspection
revealed loads of
raw sewage being discharged where Kuwe Road borders the
wetland.
The Hwata Hostels in Dombotombo have been seriously affected,
with effluent
gushing from one of the manholes for the past two
weeks.
A newly resettled A2 farmer, who was allocated a plot along Ruzawi
River --
which does not flow into Rufaro Dam -- is taking the local
authority to
court for polluting the river and compromising her farming
activities.
The farmer claims black sediment is clogging her irrigation
pipes.
The EMA inspection team observed the clogs suspected to be from
sedimentation of organic material in the river.
In April, Marondera
Municipality was convicted by the Marondera Magistrates'
Courts for
deliberately discharging raw effluent into Rufaro Dam, thereby
putting
residents' health at risk.
The local authority was also convicted for
breaching the EMA Act (Chapter
20:27) Section 59(i)(ii) which states that
when effluents are discharged
into the environment, an appropriate plant has
to be installed.
The local authority was find $10 000 (revalued), which
was suspended for
three years on condition the council implemented within
the period
recommendations put forward by the complainants, EMA and the
Zimbabwe
National Water Authority.
Business Day
Wyndham
Hartley
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Parliamentary
Editor
CAPE TOWN - The future of South African investment in mining and
precious
metals still hangs in the balance as Zimbabwean President Robert
Mugabe has
delayed signing laws that will protect the business interests of
investors.
The issue of the bilateral investment protection agreement
between Pretoria
and Harare hit the headlines about two years ago when South
Africans who
owned farms in Zimbabwe lost them in Mugabe's land reform
debacle.
The two governments under-took to negotiate an investment
agreement but
yesterday Foreign Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said it was
still not in
place. She had said at the time that she was attempting to get
such an
agreement signed - having negotiated its details.
In a
written response to a parliamentary question from Democratic Alliance
(DA)
chief whip Douglas Gibson, Dlamini- Zuma acknowledged yesterday that
government had taken note of Harare's stated intention of nationalising
mines.
"The government has noted the government of Zimbabwe's
inten-tion to acquire
a 51% interest in mining companies involved in energy
minerals, as well as a
51% share in all precious metals and gemstone mines,"
she said.
She explained that while the changes had been approved by
the Zimbabwean
cabinet, they had not as yet been formalised or converted
into a bill that
would need to be enacted to amend Zimbabwe's Mines and
Minerals Act.
"Government is therefore still waiting to see what the
outcome of these
proposed changes will be," Dlamini-Zuma said.
She
said that it was also "continuing to pursue its efforts to get the
outstanding bilateral investment-protection agreement to protect the
commercial interests of South African nationals in Zimbabwe
signed".
In response to Dlamini-Zuma, Gibson said SA clearly enjoyed
the Mugabe
government leading it by the nose.
He said there could be
no other explanation "for the extraordinary patience"
Pretoria had shown
over the signing of an agreement, which "the minister
told me two years ago
was ready for signature".
"When will SA begin to act as other democratic
governments do elsewhere and
protect the interests of their investors?
German and French investors can
rely on their governments to protect their
interests, while South Africans
cannot," Gibson said.
Sunday Times SA
Tuesday
August 22, 2006 15:00 - (SA)
By Donwald Pressly
The South African
Government was "continuing to pursue" its efforts to get
the outstanding
bilateral investment protection agreement (Bippa) signed by
Zimbabwe to
protect commercial interests of South Africans in that country,
Foreign
Minister Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma said.
In reply to Democratic Alliance
chief whip Douglas Gibson who asked whether
the South African government had
noted the Zimbabwe Government's plan to
nationalise all mines in that
country and what action the South African
Government intended to take in
this regard, the foreign minister said:
"The government has noted the
Government of Zimbabwe's intention to acquire
51% interest in mining
companies involved in energy minerals, as well as a
51 % share in all
precious metals and gemstones mines.
"The proposed changes to the Mines
and Minerals Act were approved by the
cabinet of Zimbabwe. But these changes
still need to be converted into a
Bill of Parliament before they can be
enacted as a full amendment to the
Mines and Minerals Act. Government is
therefore still waiting to see what
the outcome of these proposed changes
would be."
Asked by Gibson whether the government intended taking action
to protect
South African commercial interests in Zimbabwe, she said:
"Government is
continuing to pursue its efforts to get the outstanding
Bilateral Investment
Protection Agreement to protect the commercial
interests of South African
nationals in Zimbabwe."
I-Net Bridge
Steven Price in Harare
August 22,
2006
Peter Chingoka is set to be re-elected as chairman of Zimbabwe
Cricket at
the end of the month, despite serious allegations made against
him over the
last year by some of the country's most senior
stakeholders.
Under a controversial new constitution, sport minister
Aeneas Chigwedere
will hand-pick seven of the 12 board members, with the
remaining five being
nominated by the 10 newly-created provincial
associations.
Chigwedere has not hinted on his choices yet, but the
Zimbabwe-based
Independent said Chingoka was "very much in the
picture".
Chingoka, who has headed ZC since 1992, has been at the helm
throughout the
chaos of the last three years which has seen the game in the
country brought
to its knees. Despite this, he retains considerable support
among the ICC's
executive board, where he has established powerful allies
and he is also
believed to be close to Percy Sonn, the new ICC president.
Those connections
have been crucial in enabling him and his board to weather
a series of
internal crises.
It is, however, rumoured that Chingoka's
role as head of the Africa Cricket
Association could be in jeopardy, with
senior figures in the body of the
view that his presence is not necessarily
helpful to it. Other African
administrators are understood to have been
approached with a view to
replacing him.
Lovemore Banda, ZC's media
manager, told the newspaper that Chingoka would
be "honoured to accept the
call" if he was reappointed. "We are reluctant to
pre-judge how the minister
will use his prerogative but suffice it to say
that should he see it fit to
appoint him onto the new ZC board, Mr Chingoka,
indeed like any other
Zimbabwean called up for national duty, will be
honoured to accept the call,
and put to the continued benefit of the sport
all the experience and
contacts he has garnered over the years."
Chingoka, if reappointed, will
have far less internal opposition than of
late. All those who challenged his
position last year have been removed from
office, and the new constitution
makes it impossible for any stakeholders to
oppose the board. Like much of
Zimbabwe, it is democracy in name only.
© Cricinfo
The Herald
(Harare)
August 22, 2006
Posted to the web August 22,
2006
Jeffrey Gogo
Harare
MANY privately owned service stations
have purportedly run out of fuel, in
what observers say amounts to a protest
against the petroleum prices
announced by Government last
week.
Others had stopped selling fuel altogether, suggesting the
commodity was
being diverted to there parallel market, where it was fetching
up to $800 a
litre.
The Herald Business established yesterday that
the majority of service
stations were still selling both diesel and petrol
at the old prices of
between $680 and $700 per litre
respectively.
For example, petrol was selling at $680 per litre at
Bobsouthon Service
Station at Rhodesville in Harare yesterday while
motorists were paying a
similar price for diesel at BP
Southerton.
Petrol and diesel prices have been gazetted at $335 and $320
per litre
respectively. An official at BP Southerton who did not want his
name
published defended their action on the grounds they were still selling
old
stock. Several other service stations in the central business district
claimed they did not have fuel while the few that had it were asking for
ungazetted prices.
While no official comment could be obtained from
Government yesterday, it
has previously warned errant fuel dealers would be
ruthlessly dealt with.
Analysts say dealers selling fuel at above the
gazetted prices were fuelling
the black market.
"Foreign currency
demand on the parallel market has remained high, partly as
a result of the
need to import fuel by some independent fuel players," noted
one Harare
economic commentator who refused to be named. While welcoming the
price cut,
some motorists feared the absence of a reliable fuel supply could
signal the
return to long queues and thriving fuel black market.
Efforts to get a
comment from the Petroleum Marketers' Association of
Zimbabwe were
fruitless.