Support for Mugabe, ZANU-PF Plunges

http://www.voanews.com/



By Peta Thornycroft
Harare
24 August 2009

Support for both President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party has plunged
since formation of a unity government with the Movement for Democratic
Change six months ago. Full results of a key public opinion survey will be
released in the next few weeks.

Less than 10 percent of adults would vote for Mr. Mugabe or his party,
ZANU-PF, if elections were held now according to preliminary results of two
surveys conducted after the unity government was sworn into power.

The 86 year-old Mr. Mugabe lost about 20 percent of support since last
year's elections in which former opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai, now
prime minister, easily beat him.

Information that has been leaked from the two recent public opinion surveys,
shows that Mr. Mugabe's ZANU-PF is reduced to the size of a relatively minor
opposition party.

A survey conducted by the Mass Public Opinion Institute, which accurately
predicted election results over the last ten years, sent pollers, for the
first time, deep into Mr. Mugabe's rural strongholds.

A second survey, commissioned a month later in May appears to have confirmed
the results.

The full results of the polls are expected to be formally released in the
coming weeks.

Eldred Masunungure, director of the MPOI, and a senior lecturer at the
University of Zimbabwe, says he could not yet comment on the findings. But
he did say the survey covered a wide range of opinions about many subjects
beyond politics, and analysis was not yet complete.

Nevertheless, key information about Mr. Mugabe's drop in popularity has been
leaked from various sources.

The main conclusions in the survey found that Mr. Mugabe and ZANU-PF would
both be lucky to score 10 percent in any free and fair election held today.

Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC now have about 57 percent
support, the remaining third of those surveyed were still undecided.

"Even if all 'don't knows' voted for Mugabe then Tsvangirai and MDC would
easily win any election," one senior researcher involved in the survey said
this week.

Veteran Zimbabwe political analyst Brian Raftopoulos said the results of the
survey "confirms the continuing breakdown and erosion of ZANU-PF's support
as the party of the liberation war which ended white rule in 1980."

He said ZANU-PF 's only power was state power, and that the party was
presently fighting desperately to hold on to that power.

The Southern African Development Community pushed for an inclusive
government to end the political stale mate after Mr. Tsvangirai pulled out
of the second round of the presidential election in June last year citing
ZANU-PF violence against his supporters.

Many senior MDC leaders say ZANU-PF ministers in the inclusive government
daily undermine progress towards reconstruction of the economy and
governance.

Several top ZANU-PF leaders did not answer calls for comment Monday. Mr.
Mugabe is out of Zimbabwe on a week's holiday.

New cholera outbreak in Zimbabwe

 

Cases in rural east of country raise fears of repeat of recent epidemic that killed more than 4,000 people

 

• David Smith in Johannesburg
• guardian.co.uk, Monday 24 August 2009 14.26 BST

 

Cholera is spread through infected water. Photograph: AP

Cholera has returned to Zimbabwe amid fears of a repeat of the recent epidemic that killed more than 4,000 people.

Twelve new cases of the water-borne disease were reported in an outlying rural district last week, although none proved fatal.

Both the United Nations and Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) have warned of fresh outbreaks of cholera when Zimbabwe's rainy season begins in the next three months.

Aid officials said 12 infections had been recorded last week in Chibuwe district near Chipinge farming town, more than 180 miles south-east of Harare, according to the news agency ZimOnline. Ten patients were successfully treated and discharged from hospital while two were being held for observation.

NGOs expressed fears that the disease could spread again in a country currently hit by a doctors' strike over pay. "The outbreak of cholera in Chibuwe has caused panic among community members and health personnel," said an NGO alert quoted by ZimOnline. "The cases are sporadic as they are reported in different villages. Nurse in charge at Chibuwe clinic fears that there is likely to be more cholera cases in the area."

The disease killed 4,288 people out of 98,592 infections between August 2008 and July 2009. When new cases tailed off, Zimbabwe's government declared the epidemic over.

But many of the underlying problems remain, such as city waterpipes that are at least 50 years old and would take millions of dollars to upgrade. The water resources minister, Sam Sipepa Nkomo, admitted recently that 70% of the population lacks access to clean water and advised Harare residents against drinking from their taps.

Rian van de Braak of MSF said the threat was "definitely not over".

"Everyone expects cholera to be back because the root cause for the outbreak has not been addressed adequately yet. The dilapidated water and sewage systems are still a major problem," she said.

Unicef's Peter Salama said another outbreak was "almost inevitable".

"There is a deterioration of infrastructure in the country and Zimbabwe has not made progress in improving this infrastructure. This will expose people to another cholera outbreak again," he said.

The government last week also reported Zimbabwe's first confirmed cases of swine flu.

Zanu PF Youths Terrorising White Farmers

http://www.radiovop.com/


Gwanda, August 24 2009- Zanu (PF) youths and war veterans here are
allegedly harassing few remaining white safari operators in Matabeleland
South, accusing them of not attending Zanu (PF) party meetings and demanding
to know where they are sourcing capital for their farming projects.

"We have problems with these youths and war veterans, some of them
were allocated conservancies in the area. It seems they are not happy with
our progress. It seems these people are not happy because wildlife is
deserting their farms because of poaching and they are now seeking refuge in
our farms where we are trying to protect them from poaching and veldfires"
said one of the farmers Mark Davis.
Davis, who is running a conservancy along the Gwanda-Beitbridge
highway, said a group of suspected Zanu (PF) youths driving a Mazda Nissan
hard body visited his farm last week and demanded to know his source of his
funding and accused him of not attending Zanu (PF) meetings in the area.
The culprits also accused Davis of failing to donate a kudu for the
Heroes day celebrations.
Another farmer, Douglas Houge, who also runs a thriving safari in West
Nicholson also complained about the behavior of the youths and war veterans
in the area.
"All my workers last week were forced to attend a Zanu (PF) meeting in
the area. During the meeting threats to take over my farm and that of Davis
were issued .During the meeting we were accused of getting funds from the
British and Americans while neglecting new farmers  Now the question is
where do they expect us to get money to assist them when we are also
struggling?" said Houge.

Houge accused new farmers in the area of starting veld fires in a bid
to destroy their infrastructures.
"We are putting all our workers on stand-by for fire outbreaks all the
time. There have been several attempts to sabotage our properties. If things
continue like this we might be forced to seek redress from the courts
because we have offer letters from the relevant ministry,' added Houge

Zimbabwean Journalists Risk Facing International Prosecution

http://www.radiovop.com


MUTARE, August 24, 2009  - A senior human rights lawyer has warned
Zimbabwean journalists that they risk facing criminal prosecution under
international law if they propagate hate language and support violation of
human rights.

Tinoziva Bere, a Mutare - based lawyer, told journalists attending an
elections reporting workshop held in this eastern border city that
journalists who support violations of human rights and the murder of
citizens should not only be prepared to face sanctions but should face
criminal prosecution under international law.

"Any journalist who supports violations of human rights and the murder
of citizens should not only face sanctions from the United States but should
face criminal prosecution," Bere said.

He was responding to a question on whether it was appropriate for the
United States to slap travel sanctions on journalists.

Some Zimbabwean journalists from the government-controlled media have
been put on travel sanctions along with President Mugabe and his top
lieutenants in Zanu PF for not respecting human rights.

Some of the affected journalists include Pilkirayi Deketeke, Ceazer
Zvayi, Munyaradzi Huni all from Zimpapers and Rueben Barwe and Judith
Makwanya from the public broadcaster, Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation. The
journalists are accused of complicity in the violations of human rights in
Zimbabwe.

President Mugabe and his Zanu PF party have been accused of violating
human rights since 2000 when a serious political challenge to unseat the
85-year old former guerilla leader was mounted by the MDC, led by Morgan
Tsvangirai.

Tsvangirai is now Prime Minister under a political settlement reached
at so as to ease mounting tensions caused by a flawed presidential run - off
held on June 27 last year.

Human rights campaigners estimate about 100 MDC activists and
sympathizers were murdered in cold blood during the campaign but such
horrendous acts were never exposed in the State controlled media. Instead,
newspapers under the Zimpapers stable and the ZBC sought to cover up the
violent acts.

Bere said journalists should instead take a leading role in defending
the rights of citizens instead of supporting and covering up acts of
violence and violations of human rights.

Journalists and media executives from the central African country of
Rwanda are serving lengthy jail terms after they were convicted by an
international tribunal trying genocide suspects in Arusha, Tanzania.

The journalists and media owners were accused of using their
newspapers and radio stations to fan the genocide that saw close to a
million Rwandans from the Tutsi ethnic group being slaughtered between April
and July of 1994 in Rwanda.

Zuma the peacemaker?

Photo: DFA South Africa

Presidents Jacob Zuma and Robert Mugabe

HARARE, 24 August 2009 (IRIN) - South Africa's president Jacob Zuma, current chairman of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), is scheduled to make his first state visit to Zimbabwe on 27 August 2009.

Zuma has made his foreign policy priorities clear since assuming the presidency in April, placing emphasis on the region and Africa. His visit to Zimbabwe comes soon after his first foreign tour, to oil-rich Angola, one of Zimbabwean President R obert Mugabe's closest allies.
Prior to becoming president, Zuma had publicly criticised Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party, in stark contrast to the approach taken by his predecessor, President Thabo Mbeki, who was appointed by the SADC to resolve Zimbabwe's political impasse.

In September 2008 the Global Political Agreement (GPA) was eventually signed, paving the way for the formation of the unity government in February 2009.

After a recent meeting in South Africa with Morgan Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe's Prime Minister and leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), Zuma said he would discuss with Mugabe the "very weighty issues" that have remained unresolved since the formation of the unity government.

Mugabe has embarked on a diplomatic offensive, attending relatively low-level meetings in southern African countries, including Botswana, Namibia and Zambia.

Differences between the MDC and ZANU-PF run so deep that the two parties cannot even agree on the purpose of Zuma's visit. Mugabe's spokesman, George Charamba, told local media: "President Jacob Zuma is coming here to officially open the agricultural show and not to resolve the MDC's issues."

On the other hand, the Minister of State in the Prime Minister's Office, Gorden Moyo, said in a statement, "President Jacob Zuma will arrive on 27 August and will hold deliberations with the three principals [in the unity government]." The three principals are Mugabe's ZANU-PF, Tsvangirai's MDC, and an MDC breakaway party led by Arthur Mutambara, the Deputy Prime Minister.

MDC grievances

The MDC claims that ZANU-PF has consistently flouted the GPA because Mugabe unilaterally appointed Johannes Tomana as attorney-general, and Gideon Gono as Reserve Bank governor, without any prior consultation, as required by the GPA.

Mugabe has also not appointed provincial governors - most of whom will be MDC supporters, reflecting the 2008 poll results - and persistently refuses to swear in Roy Bennett as deputy agriculture minister. Bennett was commercial farmer whose land was expropriated during Mugabe's disastrous fast-track land reform programme, which began in 2000.

ZANU-PF leaders as well as their families are still prohibited to visit Europe, United States of America, as indeed in respect of their children to go to school in these countries

ZANU-PF grievances

ZANU-PF claims that the MDC is not doing enough to persuade Western countries to lift smart sanctions targeting senior members of ZANU-PF, and that ZANU-PF continues to be "vilified" by foreign radio stations.

"ZANU-PF leaders as well as their families are still prohibited to visit Europe, United States of America, as indeed in respect of their children to go to school in these countries," ZANU-PF said in a statement.

"This does not apply to any member of the MDC, who are free to roam the world, while the country, as well as those regarded as sympathetic to ZANU-PF, continue to be subjected to a regime of brutal illegal sanctions."

The ZANU-PF Politburo commented in a statement that it was in "baffled" by reports of outstanding issues relating to the power-sharing deal, while the MDC maintained that "The issue of sanctions is a matter between ZANU-PF and the governments which imposed them."

Harare residents raise outcry over Zesa bills

http://www.newsnet.co.zw/index.php?nID=16686

Posted: Mon, 24 Aug 2009 15:22:18 +0200

Harare residents have expressed concern over high electricity bills from the
Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority ZESA, saying they do no understand how
the power utility is calculating power charges as they have been paying for
supplies since the introduction of the multi currency system.

Ratepayers in the capital have been receiving bills as high as US$400, a
development which has shocked many who say they can not afford such high
rates.

Ratepayers interviewed said ZESA should reviews the bills as they are too
high for the ordinary citizens who are struggling to look after their
families in the multi-currency regime.

ZESA spokesperson Mr. Fullard Gwasira said the high bills have been a result
of the debt that has been accruing since February this year when residents
in the high density suburbs were paying US$30 while those in the low density
suburbs were paying $40.

"When you look at your bill there is section marked prorated energy which
means debt accrued since February is indicated. If you have been paying
since February and the power utility owes you, that money will be credited
into your account. There is need to save power to reduce high bills," said
Mr. Gwasira.

Despite ZESA's explanation, the residents' feel that they are being ripped
off as most of the time they have to endure long hours without electricity
due to load shedding yet they are made to pay huge sums of money for a
service that they rarely get.

But the power utility says residents who cannot afford the high bills can
come forward for a favorable payment plan to avoid power disconnections.

Electricity in Zimbabwe costs 6 cents per kilowatt hour.

ZINASU splits into two factions over constitution

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Lance Guma
24 August 2009

Zimbabwe's National Students Union (ZINASU) has split into two factions,
allegedly over differences on whether to support the government sponsored
constitution making process or not. An extraordinary congress convened on
Saturday said it had re-called President Clever Bere, over what was alleged
to be his 'dictatorial' tendencies. His Vice President, Brilliant Dube, was
immediately elevated to the post of interim President in place of Bere. On
Monday both Bere and Dube went head to head on our Rules for our Rulers
programme, with both insisting they were the legitimate leaders of the
union.

Press reports claim Dube's faction is backed by the Tsvangirai MDC who want
the student body to support the constitution making process. Bere's faction
is said to be backed by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions and the
National Constitutional Assembly, who are boycotting the process. Bere
however blamed all the problems on 'former' board chair and human rights
activist Arnold Tsunga whom he said ZINASU decided to replace with Takura
Zhangaza. He said Tsunga was now based in Switzerland and could not
contribute effectively. Additionally he said Tsunga had been chair since
2003 and the union needed 'new blood with new ideas'.

Dube however told the programme Bere had been voted out by the students,
unhappy he was making unilateral decisions on several issues. Despite
earlier denying the infighting was linked to the constitution making process
she later conceded ZINASU under her leadership would participate in the
process sponsored by government. Bere reminded Dube that both had met Prime
Minister Tsvangirai with their proposals for the constitutional process and
her claims they would support the process anyhow represented a u-turn.

Meanwhile Bere was unhappy at the skirmishes that took place at the venue of
the extra-ordinary congress. He said Archford Mudzengi, the President of the
Zimbabwe School of Mines, was seriously assaulted by hired thugs in the
presence of Tsunga, who allegedly did nothing. He said the meeting barred
several student leaders aligned to him and was therefore a 'non-event'. He
argued only the union president could call for such meetings, as stated in
their constitution. Dube countered by saying in extra-ordinary circumstances
the constitution empowered them to call for such a meeting.

Bogus immigration officers annex Botswana-Zimbabwe train

From The Sunday Standard (Botswana), 23 August

By Godfrey Ganetsang

Immigration officers deployed to work on the Botswana-Zimbabwe train last
week told Labour and Home Affairs Permanent Secretary, Segakweng Tsiane,
that they are unable to carry out their duties because of the presence of
bogus immigration officials who serve clients at a fee. The officers said
that they have been edged out of their work stations by these independent
consultants who are commonly known as "magumaguma". They told a visibly
shocked Tsiane that they have been forced to stand by and remain idle while
the independent consultants take over their duties, but at a price to the
travelers. "These people are fully equipped with immigration officers'
uniforms, stationery and government stamps, such that customers are unable
to discern between us and them. While we provide services for free, the
bogus immigration officers, most of whom are Batswana, charge the gullible
travelers a fee for their services," they said.

"We live in constant fear of these bogus immigration officers, especially
because we have no identity cards with which to prove that we are the ideal
officers. Our customers also live in constant fear of us, and some of them
gullibly fall prey to these mobsters because their papers are not always in
order," said one of the officers. Apparently, the independent consultants
sought greener pastures in the Botswana-Zimbabwe train after the closure of
the Francistown Regional Immigration office, at which they were plying their
trade by conning foreigners into thinking that they would expedite their
applications for work and resident permits. The Ministry of Labour and Home
Affairs has, in the past, cautioned the public about these bogus
consultants, saying that all government services are available at the
immigration office. But their pleas were futile as it later emerged that the
consultants were working in cahoots with immigration officers. It has
emerged that the independent consultants have Government Issue freight
stamps which they use to stamp the foreigners passports at a fee. It has
also emerged that most of the travelers do not have proper travelling
documents such that they opt for engaging the independent consultants
instead of seeking help from the genuine immigration officials.

"After all these people use the same stamps. Our Zimbabwean immigration
officials hardly ask questions because they understand our plight. I would
rather use a fake stamp than risk being deported back to Zimbabwe in one of
those filthy trucks," said a Zimbabwean woman who plies her trade by buying
electronic goods from Botswana and selling them in Zimbabwe. When he stood
up to speak, the director of immigration said that they are aware of the
situation that prevails at the Zimbabwe-Botswana train. "We are working
around the clock to see how we can resolve the situation," he said, adding
that there are a number of bandits who have established ungazetted entry
points along the Zimbabwe-Botswana border. "These people are making a
roaring trade because they run these entry points as a business, charging
illegal immigrants who travel from Zimbabwe to Botswana a fee whenever they
cross," he said. He also revealed that the bandits also waylay thieves as
they travel to Zimbabwe with stolen goods from Botswana. The department of
immigration has for a long time been inundated with problems of corruption.
The Francistown immigration office stamp went missing last year, sparking a
wide sweeping investigation that culminated in the detaining and ultimate
dismissal of a number of immigration officers.

Information Starved Zimbabweans Rely On Free Newsletters

http://www.radiovop.com/


Harare, August 24, 2009 - Every Wednesday around lunch time,
information starved Zimbabweans, gather around the now familiar distribution
points in anticipation of laying their hands first on Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai's newsletter.

This routine is repeated on Mondays and Fridays when two other
newsletters, The Legal Monitor and The Convenor are published. They are
distributed for free in both urban and rural areas.

The three newsletters have caught the attention of many people,
instantly filling the yawning gap left by the newspapers shut down as a
result of the country's repressive laws.
The newsletters tackle subjects such as local government,
parliamentary affairs, the Global Political Agreement, legal and court
issues, activities of the Prime Minister's office and that of his MDC party
and the constitutional making process.
Most importantly they reach far and wide than regular newspapers.
At most the Prime Minister's newsletter can  have a print run of up to
60 000 copies while regular newspapers can only manage up to 15 000 copies
and are priced out of reach for many ordinary Zimbabweans.
The newsletters are written by professional journalists. They are an
easy read with short snap stories accompanied by glossy pictures.
A statement in the first copy of the Prime Minister's newsletter read,
"The newsletter update people on government work in line with the new
governance culture of transparency and accountability." The Legal Monitor
prides itself for "defending the human rights of citizens" while The
Convenor says it is "the people's voice on constitutional reform."
The Prime Minister's newsletter is published by Prime Minister
Tsvangirai's office while the Legal Monitor is a product of the Zimbabwe
Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR, a civic organisation focusing on creating
and promoting the culture of human rights in the country.
The Convenor is published anonymously. The newsletters are distributed
in a hit and run fashion by a group of political activists usually in busy
second hand markets, high density suburbs, busy public termini, public
transport and bars.
The Quill Club, a journalist meeting place, in central Harare is a
popular distribution centre. The place is usually bustling whenever the
newsletters come in for distribution with ensuing political discussions.
MDC's headquarters in central Harare is another distribution centre.
The newsletters are strategically placed on the pavements outside the party's
headquarters for easy identification by passing members of the public.
Mbare's Mupedzanhamo Market, a bustling second hand clothing market in
one of Harare's oldest suburbs is another popular point.
Radio VOP witnessed a stampede when the Prime Minister's newsletter
arrived at the market for distribution recently. The newsletters exchange
hands several times.  This practice of passing on a copy is repeated at
home, in bars, offices and in the street making sure that the thin sheets
become a sure way of keeping the public informed.
But how did they come to exist?
It all started with the PM's newsletter, which was launched last month
as a counter reaction to the bad press he received back home while on a trip
to Europe and America.

"The sprouting of newsletters is a function of a suffocating media
environment which is restrictive to both community and mainstream media.
They are filling the gaps and creating alternatives to the state monolith
and monopolies such as ZBC and the Herald," Thabani Moyo, Media Institute of
Southern Africa (MISA) Advocacy Officer told Radio VOP.

Angela Makamure, the Director of the Federation of African Media Women
Zimbabwe (FAWMZ), says the newsletters are an example of what democracy
should look like. "These newsletters keep us informed and give us another
view that differs from the so obvious. I have read with interest the
newsletters and I found them refreshing," said  Makamure.

A Harare-based media analyst who requested anonymity told IPS that the
newsletters are a conduit through which the government can communicate with
the citizens and help dismantle years of media repression.

 "The people identify with them because they touch on issues that are
relevant to them. They are helping them understand issues such as the
constitutional making process, their involvement and expose corruption
allowing them to make informed judgements," the media analyst told Radio
VOP. Kumbirai Mafunda, who works with the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights
(ZLHR), told Radio VOP that the newsletters are simply giving Zimbabweans an
alternative voice.
  "They are an alternative voice to the propaganda which they are being
bombarded with through the state run newspapers, radio and television,"
Mafunda told Radio VOP.

But speaking to the Sunday Mail newspaper recently, permanent
secretary in the Ministry of Media, Information and Publicity, George
Charamba, questioned the legality of the newsletters. "We have seen the
publication, which purports to be from the Prime Minister's Office, noted
its circulation figures and we are looking at what the law says," Charamba
said.

The draconian Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act
(AIPPA) which regulates the operation newspapers in Zimbabwe is silent on
newsletters. But despite the comments from the government official, the
newsletters have become a part of the life of Zimbabweans helping to put
pressure on media reforms.

ROHR Zim on the plunder of the Aids Levy

Restoration of Human Rights Zimbabwe (ROHR) is perturbed by the massive
plunder of the Aids Levy Fund by the National Aids Council (NAC) when
thousands of  HIV/Aids patients are dying and 400 000 more are in dire need
of anti-retroviral drugs. The Herald reported last week that NAC collected
over US 1.7 million from levies since February this year and only US$20,000
was used to purchase anti-retroviral drugs. The Government policy states
that 50% of the Aids Levy should be spent on drugs.

In 1999 the government introduced an AIDS levy on all taxpayers to fund the
work of the NAC. The 3 per-cent AIDS levy that is deducted from the workers'
hard earned salaries should automatically make them the important
stakeholders of the fund, with full rights to inquire about the way it is
managed to hold NAC accountable.

The NAC has also been constrained by poor management and lack of resources
since its formation in 1999 and at a time when the country is grappling with
calamities caused by HIV/AIDS, it is appalling that state institutions are
finding solace in squandering critical funds on luxury vehicles and
channeling funds to electoral and quasi-fiscal activities funned by the
central bank. Zimbabwe is in need of a visionary leadership which equitably
distributes resources across the entire socio-economic and political realm
of this country rather than aggrandizements of narrow personal interests.

The government has a prerogative role of ensuring people living with
HIV/AIDS are given adequate medication and ensuring that the country works
towards the realisation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which
calls upon all countries to ensure that they strive towards reducing
HIV/AIDS infections and access to medication for those living with the same
by half.

ROHR Zimbabwe strongly believes that development depends on good governance
and respect for people's rights. As the country is in need of aid from the
international community to combat the AIDS pandemic, it is incumbent upon
the leaders to exercise high level transparency and accountability to foster
donor confidence in the handling of public funds. Mismanagement of tax
payers' money on the part of National Aids Council sends wrong signals to
potential funders on the state institutions' capacity to exercise corporate
governance. We call for an audit and an investigation in the operations of
NAC and if there is abuse of public funds, the law should make the culprits
in the scandal accountable.

Also concerning is our observation that all relevant stakeholders are
disenfranchised by the absence of a meaningful interface with the NAC or any
other legal body that responds to their enquiries be it on a single or
collective basis. When it comes to demanding that workers, who are the
bosses of the levy, have a say in the way the money is managed, we
inevitably begin talking about their rights being throttled is so far as
they are ignored. Therefore there is an urgent need for the establishment of
such an interface to facilitate the restoration of this right in the form of
a truly independent Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commission (ZACC) through which
all stakeholder voices are channeled.

It is our considered view as ROHR Zimbabwe that ZACC, and all other
commissions to be established should be independent, free from political
influence, composed of qualified and competent personnel and well resourced
to be able to effectively create checks and balances, promote and protect
people' rights and freedoms.

From the information Department of Restoration of Human Rights (ROHR)
Zimbabwe

www.rohrzimbabwe.org

No Treatment for Sick as State Doctors Strike

http://www.ipsnews.net

By Ignatius Banda

BULAWAYO, Zimbabwe, Aug 24 (IPS) - Before, Zimbabwean families would take
their ill relatives to rural clinics where medication was readily available
and payment plans lenient. But now they are taking them there to die.

Millions of Zimbabweans already have no access to basic health care, and the
health services have been in decline over a number of years. But the
three-week strike by doctors has only magnified their dire circumstances.
The situation has forced many families to make these impossible life and
death decisions about their loved ones.

In Bulawayo desperate patients go to hospital only to be attended to by
trainee nurses. Already life-saving machines have stopped working and the
intensive care units have become nothing but empty shells.

This situation has highlighted the increasing desperation of millions who
have resigned themselves to succumbing to otherwise treatable diseases over
the years.

"No one goes to hospital anymore and some families - because they fail to
get adequate health care - are sending sick relatives to die in the rural
areas," said Tabeth Gumpo who works with a group of about 20 women as
home-based care givers.

A few years ago as the country entered the troubled waters of rapid economic
decline, people readily ferried relatives to rural clinics as these did not
demand payment up front and could also provide drugs which were not readily
available in city clinics and hospitals.

However, all this has changed. The trip to rural homes has become more about
how to reduce the expense of medical treatment for sick relatives and also
about reducing funeral expenses. In rural Zimbabwe families do not have to
buy items like coffins and a burial ground plots as in urban areas, said
Simoso Macheke, a nurse who is among the many who joined the doctor's
strike.

"People in urban areas know funerals have become an expensive affair, so
once they see a relative is critically ill and they cannot afford health
care, they simply ferry them to their rural home," Macheke told IPS.

"Of course this is no way to treat a human being, but these are the times we
live in," she said.

Some faith-based non-governmental orgranisatioins working in the country's
southern rural parts of Matebeleland said while families look after ailing
relatives, they are limited in their efforts by the absence of trained
professionals to assist them. This has been compounded by the fact that
clinics are situated far away from the villages where these patients live.

"The situation has worsened (as) we also have no drugs. (And) the list of
people who seek anti-retroviral drugs keeps growing," said Gillian Sibanda,
head of the Catholic Church's Department of Health in Bulawayo. "There is
very little that these families can do but watch relatives die," Sibanda
told IPS.

The strike by doctors - that has since been joined by nurses - comes despite
earlier commitments made by the coalition government at its formation that
one of its immediate challenges was to ensure the reconstruction of the
health sector, run down by years of poor funding.

Agencies such as the United Nations Development Programme have committed
themselves to funding part of public service salaries that would meet
essential services like health but have yet to step in to avert a brewing
humanitarian crisis as the country's largest hospitals remain palpably empty
of doctors.

With donor funds still not forthcoming, the health sector's reconstruction
is likely to take much longer - and claim many lives.

"There is nothing as painful as watching a sick relative wasting away not
only because you cannot afford hospital fees but more painfully because the
hospitals have no doctors," said Johanes Lubimbi as he ferried home his sick
and visibly frail brother by wheelbarrow. He and his brother were on their
way home from the Mpilo Hospital - where his brother had not received any
medical treatment.

"My brother was told he has TB and has to regularly go to the hospital for
treatment. But no one looked at him today as there are no doctors. These
young nurses have no clue about what they are doing," Lubimbi complained, as
his 30-year old brother coughed weakly, his body covered with heavy clothes
despite the scorching sun.

"What can we do? We are going to wait for the strike to end and maybe then
we will also be able to get enough medicine for him," Lubimbi told IPS.

This has become a typical story for many families who cannot afford the fees
demanded by private clinics which still have doctors, nurses and life-saving
drugs.

Mpilo is one of the country's largest central hospitals and has been hard
hit by the doctor's strike as they press for monthly salaries of up to
USD2,000, an amount that has set the stage for a protracted impasse with the
government of national unity that formed the coalition against the
background of bankruptcy.

Presently doctors, much like other government employees, get a little over
USD100 a month.

"We are looking for a situation where government pays salaries above
USD1,000 and USD500 in allowances. The current flat USD170 they are paying
is inadequate and has no provision for on-call allowances, transport and
housing allowances," says Brighton Chizhanje, president of the Zimbabwe
Hospital Doctors Association. About 300 of the association's doctors have
joined the strike.

The government's Health Services Board said it does not have the financial
wherewithal to meet these demands set by doctors and other professionals,
and on Friday government announced it had fired all striking doctors. "This
(poor salaries) is what forced many of us to leave the country," said Owen
Hadzisa, a 31-year-old doctor now based in South Africa who recently
returned home on holiday.

"But it is always the poor people who suffer as many in this country cannot
afford private health care and medical aid schemes cannot be covered by the
paltry salaries the majority earn," Hadzisa told IPS.

"It has become a phenomenon of Third World countries that people die of
otherwise treatable ailments and this strike by doctors only worsens matters
yet I feel it is government's responsibility to address this as a matter of
urgency," he said.

Home-based care givers have become the vanguard of the current crisis in the
absence of trained health professionals. "We are seeing what we know should
not be happening to patients who are dying before their time because they
fail to access adequate health care," said Gumpo who works in Tshabalala,
one of Bulawayo's high density townships.

It is here that the pulse of the health crisis is acutely being felt. Gumpo
says from a list of about thirty patients littered across the township at
the beginning of the year, their records now show nineteen remain as the
rest have died.

Home-based care givers have tried to fill the gap in the absence of
qualified health personnel. But they have met with limited success, says
Gumpo.

"There is very little we can do and some in our home-based care group are
increasingly complaining that they do not get support from health
professionals from whom we ideally should receive guidance," Gumpo told IPS.

"Families know we are doing our best, but there is little we can do when
they tell us they are taking a sick relative to their rural home to die,"
she said.

The strike by doctors comes as humanitarian agencies like Médecins Sans
Frontières say they are bracing themselves for another possible round of
cholera as the country prepares for the coming rainy season. A cholera
outbreak last August went on to claim more than 4,000 lives at a time when
the bulk of the country's health professionals had left to seek better
paying jobs in other countries.

With the government still struggling to attract international financing, the
strike by doctors - and absence of life saving drugs - could well mean more
families send their relatives to die quietly in their rural homes.

Kunonga Playing Games?

From: Avondale Parish <avondaleparish.cpca@gmail.com>

ANGLICAN-INFORMATION 'A voice for the voiceless in the Anglican Central
African Province'
www.anglican-information-archive.org

ANGLICAN-INFORMATION are pleased to publish the response below from Deputy
Chancellor Bob Stumbles of the Central African Province, which comes by way
of some clarification regarding the current situation and the renegade,
self-styled and trouble-making, 'Archbishop of Zimbabwe', Nolbert Kunonga.

Readers will recall our previous release voicing concerns that Kunonga is
somehow in negotiation with some of the bishops of the Province of Central
Africa in order to regain a foothold in the official Diocese of Harare.
Unfortunately, however surreal and unwelcome the prospect of a
re-incorporation of Kunonga and Elson Jakazi of Manicaland may seem, there
are still legitimate doubts as follows:

Kunonga has been indisputably very close to some of the bishops notably
former Archbishop Bernard Malango.  No public statement about his continuing
relationship with Kunonga has ever been forthcoming from Malango who is
still thought to be influential. There is a precedent in the state machinery
for a 'power-sharing' arrangement between politically opposed leaders. Legal
judgement regarding the Diocese of Harare and the Kunonga faction has
ordered that churches be 'shared' producing de facto two parallel Anglican
churches.

ANGLICAN-INFORMATION says: The letter below from Deputy Chancellor Bob
Stumbles is welcome but there needs to be a further definitive and binding
declaration from the acting Dean of the Province, Bishop Albert Chama
(himself close to Malango) that no deals or arrangements will be struck with
Kunonga at any time in the future - in the absence of this and given recent
traumatic history doubts will inevitably persist. The problem (and solution)
lies with the bishops in their relationships with Kunonga and the perceived
autocratic tendencies of their episcopal bench rather than with the people
or diocesan officials.

An election for Archbishop of the Province looms in the near future and of
the of the three realistically potential candidates, Albert Chama of
Northern Zambia, James Tengatenga of Southern Malawi and Trevor Mwamba of
Botswana, only Mwamba has spoken following our last report. In the U.K.
published Church Times Friday 21st August he is quoted as responding to the
claims that a 'power-sharing' deal might be in the offing that they are
"totally absurd" and "[Kunonga] was told in no uncertain terms that he was
excommunicated and not one of us." This latter refers to a paragraph in the
same report that 'Nolbert Kunonga is known to have approached retiring
Bishop Dr. Sebastian Bakare, before the consecration of Chad Gandiya as his
successor, to claim legitimacy and to get back into the Anglican fold. Elson
Jakazi also tried to claim legitimacy."

This tangled web inevitably invites confusion about who is speaking
authoritatively regarding the long-term future of this much troubled
Province of Central Africa.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

From the Deputy Chancellor of the Province of Central Africa and Chancellor
of the Diocese of Harare (CPCA)

KUNONGA PLAYING GAMES?

Dr Nolbert Kunonga has placed a half-page advertisement in the Zimbabwe
Sunday Mail, August 16-22, 2009.  In it he states, quite incorrectly, that
he is the incumbent bishop of the Anglican Diocese of Harare, and he and the
persons named as members of his Board of Trustees, have the right to the
possession and control of the movable and immovable property of the Diocese.
He refers to the two Court Orders of Justice Hlatshwayo which appear in the
advertisement.

It is not proposed to deal with the two Zimbabwe Court Orders except to
record that an appeal against them was filed by the Anglican Church of the
Province of Central Africa (CPCA) and awaits a hearing.   Also, an appeal
was lodged against the decision of the honourable judge not to recuse
himself on the grounds of perceived partiality before hearing the
application which led to the orders in the advertisement.

The position set out below reflects that of the CPCA as well as the
ecclesiastical law governing Botswana, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The
Church of the Province of Central Africa is a multinational body whose laws
are transnationally binding upon its members. Internationally, it is
recognized and accepted that these laws are applicable to the Diocese of
Harare which forms an integral and undivided part of the CPCA.

1. August 2007.  Dr Kunonga writes a long letter severely castigating
certain aspects of the CPCA and indicates he will no longer have anything to
do with this body.  He states he is formally withdrawing from the CPCA with
immediate effect and that he is withdrawing the Diocese of Harare as well.
Infact, the Diocese of Harare gave him no such mandate and, in any event,
the ecclesiastical laws do not allow the withdrawal of the Diocese. (Dr
Kunonga in June or July 2009 eventually admitted he had been wrong in trying
to withdraw the Diocese from the CPCA.)
2. The CPCA notes Dr Kunonga's concern and the disapproval expressed
in his letter and his decision to remove himself from the CPCA and that he
has broken his sacred canonical oath.  The CPCA accepts his removal from the
organisation and notes he has ceased, by his own deliberate action, to be a
bishop and an Anglican.
3. The CPCA and Anglican Communion worldwide acknowledges
thyself-banishment of Dr Kunonga as a Bishop and Anglican.  His departure
brings a close to the matter.  Now a new bishop is required to replace him.
4. However, Dr Kunonga defies letters to him to hand over movable and
immovable property held by the Diocese on behalf of the CPCA.  Instead, he
now becomes an unlawful occupier or trespasser on the property and uses
Diocesan funds.  He and a few of his sympathizers even resort directly or
indirectly to intimidation and violence in their attempt to frustrate and
prevent thousands of parishioners loyal to the CPCA from using its churches
and other buildings in the Diocese.  In this he is assisted by the Zimbabwe
Police on occasions.
5. As there is now no Anglican Bishop in the Diocese, the CPCA
appoints Bishop Sebastian Bakare to be Vicar-General and Acting Bishop of
the Diocese from November 2007.  Interim office bearers are duly appointed
to office to replace those few persons who have defected to Dr Kunonga and
are, through allegiance to him, deemed no longer to be Anglicans nor office
bearers in the Diocese.
6. To emphasise publicly his severance from the CPCA, Dr Kunonga, on
the 15th March 2008, forms his own ecclesiastical (?) organisation and
proclaims himself to be an Archbishop.  The establishment of his new group
is publicized prominently in the Zimbabwe Herald.  Beyond all doubt, Dr
Kunonga signals he has cut all ties with, and disassociates himself from,
the CPCA and the Diocese of Harare and the worldwide Anglican Communion.
7. On the 12th May 2008, to stress the situation, the CPCA lets it be
known that the status of Dr Kunonga is that of a person excommunicated from
the CPCA and the Anglican Communion worldwide.
8.  In August 2009, the Diocesan Synod is convened with Bishop Bakare
presiding.  All parishes in the Diocese of Harare and the various other
institutions and organisations are represented. Elections are held including
those for Standing Committee and the Board of Trustees.  This Board does not
have amongst its members Dr Kunonga nor any of the Trustees referred to by
Dr Kunonga in his court applications.  The reason for this is that neither
he nor the persons he refers to are, in fact, members of the Board of
Trustees of the Diocese of Harare and do not represent the Diocese.  If they
represent any organisation, it must be as members of the Board of Trustees
of Kunonga's self-proclaimed church or group formed on the 15th March
2008.
9.  Bishop Bakare carries out his duties from November 2007 to July
2009 as acting Bishop in charge of the Diocese of Harare.  Dr Kunonga is not
in lawful control contrary to the inference in his advertisement in the
Zimbabwe Sunday Mail.
10.   Indeed, in February 2009, the Council of Anglican Provinces in Africa
(CAPA) meeting in Alexandria, Egypt, voices its astonishment at the games Dr
Kunonga seems to be playing.  The Council states as representatives of the
Anglican Communion we re-iterate that we do not recognise the status of
Bishop Norbert (sic) Kunonga and Bishop Elson Jakazi.  (Excommunicated
Bishop of the Diocese of Manicaland) as bishops within the Anglican
Communion and call for the full restoration of Anglican property within
Zimbabwe to the Church of the Province of Central Africa. This reflects the
true, lawful position, contrary to what is stated in Dr Kunonga's
advertisement.
11.   On the 26th July 2009, to international acclamation Dr Chad Nicholas
Gandiya is consecrated and ordained within the CPCA as an Anglican bishop
and enthroned in the cathedral of St Mary and All Saints as bishop of the
Diocese of Harare, witnessed by numerous bishops and well over 10,000 others
present at the National Sports Stadium and perhaps as many as 2,000 at the
Cathedral.
12.    It is Bishop Gandiya, elected in accordance with the CPCA and other
ecclesiastical laws who is the incumbent bishop of the Diocese of Harare;
not Dr Kunonga, the self-proclaimed archbishop of a non-Anglican
organisation.

R. A. STUMBLES Deputy Chancellor of the Anglican Church of the Province of
Central Africa

20th August 2009.

“Power is so sweet that no one wants to leave it” - Paul Mangwana

The high price of resisting change

http://www.zimbabwejournalists.com

24th Aug 2009 14:53 GMT

By Chenjerai Chitsaru

ZIMBABWEANS are paying the high price of resisting change. It could be
argued that not all the people deserve to be paying this price. Yet what
happens to any country has to be blamed on its people.

Some critics might single out Zanu PF is the major culprit. One reason could
be that this is the party which has been in power the longest. Only a few
months ago did it finally agree to be in government with another party.

There is no need for us to go catalogue the price we have paid. One point
that cannot be disputed is that it is a high price we have paid in human and
material terms.

Many people voted for change in 2008. The example set by Barack Obama in the
United States elections is still being marvelled at by the cynics: how did
this African-American win the plum job in the world with the  slogan, "Yes,
we can"?

Obama is not an African in the sense that he was not standing for election
on the continent, but in the USA. He is an American president, even though
he is the same race as about 12 percent of the population in his country -
the rest are mostly white, with Asians slowly beginning to outnumber the
African-Americans.

But some Africans have criticised Obama, strangely enough, for not acting
like an African president - removing sanctions against a group of
Zimbabweans, refusing to give aid to such countries as Zimbabwe and others
who are not too keen on advancing the cause of democracy in their countries.

He was even criticized for paying his first presidential visit to Africa to
Ghana - and not Zimbabwe ?

In Zanu PF circles, he has been roundly condemned for acting as if he is a
"white American president" - like George W. Bush?

Then there was the incident involving an African American intellectual and a
white policeman. In Zimbabwe , there was the comment that he didn't play his
role properly. It showed, they said churlishly, that he didn't have the
clout he thought he had: the white policeman wasn't disciplined.

Then Hillary Clinton, the Secretary of State, visited Africa : I doubt any
Zimbabweans believed she would visit Zimbabwe . When her husband was
president, he visited South Africa, but not Zimbabwe.

While in South Africa , Mrs Clinton talked with Jacob Zuma about how they
would work together to solve the Zimbabwean problem. How that settled with
President Mugabe is unclear: would he view this "interference" in his
domestic policies?

Mrs Clinton spelt out US policy on African countries which insisted the US
should not interfere in their internal affairs. As long as they refused to
adopt political policies which resembled in reality what democracy is all
about, the US would not deal with them as friendly countries.

By now, even President Robert Mugabe must know his "hang tough" antics are
not winning him any new friends, not even in the European Union. Most
foreign countries are anxious for him to accept that real change has
overtaken Zimbabwe .

In plain language, the era of Mugabe and Zanu PF is over. There may be a
glimmer of hope for them as a second-string political party, but their
period of being Numero Uno is over.

What many people fear is that Zanu PF is not ready for any role other than
being top of the heap. In that regard, it appears that we are going to pay
heavily for Zanu PF's resistance to change.

An example is the amazing call for the return of the Zimdollar as part of
the official currency, along with the US dollar and SA rand. Mugabe made
this call earlier, but it is now being echoed by Gideon Gono, who refuses to
accept that, to many people in this country, he is now persona-non- grata as
the governor of the central bank.

It might be sailing too close to the winds of defamation to dwell too
vividly on speculation on why such people want the Zimdollar back. But just
let us say that most of us smell a rat.

The point is that the reasons for which the Zimdollar was ditched in the
first place still persist to this day: the economy is still in a very sick
state and the medicine for it to recover cannot include the Zimdollar -
which would be like giving an alcoholic a whole bottle of whisky to help
them beat the disease.

Nobody expected Zanu PF to give up power just like that - at the snap of a
finger. But even the most pessimistic expected that the party would, at the
very least, appreciate why a speedy solution to the economic crisis could
not be dealt with without some political concessions being made.

These concessions would include loosening Zanu PF's grip on the levers of
power - the government, the police, the army, the judiciary and Parliament.
There ought to be a more even application of the law, which is not happening
at the moment.

Zanu PF must know that to many of its diehard  critics, the only language it
understands is the language of force. Mugabe's party may be quite willing
and ready to go that route, but isn't there anyone at the top who
appreciates how high the price of that alternative would be for the country?

Quite often, when the discussion of democracy refers to the will of the
people, it is assumed that these people determine just how they are to be
governed. They elect the government through free and fair elections. Once
they do that, they are expected to monitor how the new government is running
the country. If at any time, they feel that they are going astray, they are
entitled to say so, volubly, but within the law.

The problem with that in Zimbabwe is that they are not likely to get away
with any such loud denunciation of the government. They could be shot - or
bashed.

In other words, the people have been so frightened of any loud condemnation
of the government, most will think twice before joining any demonstrations
against the powers-that-be.

Years ago, the words "police state" were used to describe some of the
actions taken by the government against people staging any form of protest.
Zanu PF may feel that there is absolutely nothing extraordinary about people
being frightened of their government.

But this is a travesty of democracy: how can people feel threatened by their
own government - unless it is a government that imposed itself on them or
one that beat them into voting for it?

Unfortunately, this is the plight of the people of Zimbabwe today. In spite
of the presence of the MDC in the government, they don't feel any guarantee
that the police, for instance, would not shoot them on sight if they
demonstrated against some heinous act of the government.

Control of the police was always a ticklish problem for the inclusive
government. The solution of having two Ministers of Home Affairs may have
solved the problem, but there are grave imponderables: there is only one
Police Commissioner-General. He is an avowed Zanu PF adherent.

Would he order the police not to interfere with a public demonstration
against an act of the government, if the minister responsible was a member
of Zanu PF?

While discussing that, throw in the control of the army by Zanu PF
ex-combatants. Yes, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai did at last meet the
military chiefs. But is their loyalty total? Is there any way their total
political neutrality can be tested?

But there is no doubt, by now, that there are in the army and the police
those who feel that it is time for a real change in the way this country is
run.

The economic crisis has not left any person untouched. There have been
reports of soldiers and police officers quitting their jobs, some to go to
neighbouring countries and others to seek greener pastures elsewhere in the
country.

There have been no categorical official denials of such reports.

All this is part of the price we are all paying for not readily accepting
the consequences of change. It is a high price for which we shall be asked
to account by future generations.

Feuding makes Zimbabwe economic recovery doubtful

http://www.reuters.com

Mon Aug 24, 2009 8:35am EDT

* Rival parties in undeclared political war

* No trust among MDC, ZANU-PF

* Squabbling puts economic recovery on backburner

By Cris Chinaka

HARARE, Aug 24 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's power-sharing government is rocked by
quarrels over reforms and sanctions, raising doubts over the new
administrations' ability to rebuild the shattered economy.

Arch rivals President Robert Mugabe and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's
power-sharing agreement raised hopes that a new leadership could end a
decade of political and economic crises which had ruined one of Africa's
most promising nations.

But political analysts say tensions over fresh elections -- probably in the
next two or three years -- is hampering cooperation between Mugabe's ZANU-PF
and Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in the six-month-old
government.

"Nobody really trusts anyone in this, and there is more competition than
cooperation," said Eldred Masunungure, a political science professor at the
University of Zimbabwe.

"In most cases, parties are taking positions for perceived advantage, and
the economy is not getting the concerted support it needs for a quick
recovery."

Analysts say while rival officials worked fairly closely early on to help
stem economic decline, many are now locked in an undeclared political war
that could keep Western donors and foreign investors who want stability
away.

John Robertson, a leading economic consultant, says the MDC's control of
many government economic departments should give it an edge in pushing
reforms.

But that would also require cooperation from ZANU-PF which has a firm grip
on powerful security ministries, including police and defence.

Critics say Mugabe is trying to undermine the MDC by sowing divisions in
opposition ranks and whittling down its numbers in parliament before any
election.

FRUSTRATED MDC

A drawn-out feud over the appointment of some senior state officials allied
to Mugabe's ZANU-PF party, including central bank governor Gideon Gono and
Attorney-General Johannes Tomana, has left the MDC angry but looking
impotent.

"The MDC's frustration is their discovery now that they don't have all the
power they thought they would get in this government," said Lovemore
Madhuku, chairman of political pressure group National Constitutional
Assembly.

"On the other hand, ZANU-PF is also discovering that they have to do some
things differently," he said. "There is some sense of paralysis in the whole
government in terms of moving the economy in the big way that the MDC was
talking about before getting into the government."

Western donors say they will only give Zimbabwe support needed to rebuild
pot-holed roads, bare hospitals and dilapidated schools and to ease 90
percent unemployment when the new administration has implemented radical
reforms, including freeing the media and stopping seizures of white-owned
farms.

The unity government says it needs about $10 billion in foreign aid to help
repair an economy which last year suffered an inflation rate of over 231
million percent and forced Harare to adopt the use of foreign currency to
stem a spiral that had rendered the Zimbabwe dollar almost worthless.

Mugabe, 85 and in power since independence from Britain in 1980, says
Zimbabwe's economy, which has shrunk by over 70 percent in 10 years, is a
victim of sabotage by Western forces opposed to his redistribution of farms.

Many Western countries imposed sanctions on Mugabe's ZANU-PF government over
charges of human rights abuses, vote-rigging and its seizures of white-owned
commercial farms for redistribution to blacks without paying compensation.

ZANU-PF is now piling pressure on the MDC to campaign for an end to
financial sanctions and a travel ban on Mugabe's leadership, which could
help economic recovery efforts.

"As long as the financial sanctions remain, there will be no finance in the
country and without finance there will be no meaningful reform," Jonathan
Moyo, Mugabe's former information minister, wrote in a private weekly last
Thursday.

"And that will render the inclusive government a disaster in the next six
months."

John Makumbe, a Mugabe critic and political commentator, says although
Zimbabwe's coalition is shaky, the MDC was likely to stay in it because it
would get credit for any turnaround in the economy, with its control of the
finance ministry.

"It may not come now or as fast as we want, but it will come," he said.

Others believe all the parties are stuck in the coalition.

"This is like a very troubled marriage where partners are constantly
bickering," Masunungure said.

"But it is also a marriage which holds together on fears of what a quick
divorce may bring to each party."

Zimfest September 5th 2009

Everybody’s Free to Feel Good!

Zimfest September 5^th 2009

Music line-up: Diverse, African, Original

Whilst people digest the news that Rozalla Miller, singing diva of ‘that’ seminal smiley 90s dance track will be playing at Zimfest, we hope one or two questions pose themselves:
‘Rozalla? I didn’t know she was Zimbabwean!?’ (Yes and by the way, so is  Coldplay Chris Martins’ grandmother and Shingai Shoniwa, the lead singer of the Noisettes)

The other burning query might well be:
‘Hang about…what is Zimbabwean music exactly?’ 

Glad you asked. On the 5^th of September, there happens to be a fantastic opportunity for your audience to find out. (And you, should you apply for accreditation by Friday August 25th).

The truth is Zimbabwe is a post-colonial, landlocked state, with music that can vary from Afro beat, steeped in traditional African flavas, to cutting edge Hip Hop, Indie or Urban.

http://www.zimfestlive.com/lineup-i-50.html

 Zimfest Charity Festival Facts:

• Date:
  Saturday 5^th September, 12noon-10pm
• Venue:
  PRINCE GEORGES PLAYING FIELDS,
  BUSHEY RD, RAYNES PARK LONDON, SW20 9NB
• On Offer:
  Music, traditional food such as sadza & relish, sports competitions, kid corner, cultural activities, human rights groups, traditional stalls.
• Tickets, line-up & further info:

      WWW.ZIMFESTLIVE.COM

WEZIMBABWE is a registered charitable organisation dedicated to the empowerment of Zimbabweans through the development of a strong and united global Zimbabwean community and to the provision of access to formal education and non-formal life skills training for children and young people throughout Zimbabwe. Website: www.wezimbabwe.org