By Tichaona
Sibanda
25 August 2008
The national chairman of the MDC-Tsvangirai,
Lovemore Moyo, was on Monday
elected the new speaker of parliament, making
him the first non-Zanu PF
speaker since Independence. Moyo is a 43 year-old
former liberation war hero
and his landmark victory gives the MDC control of
one of the most powerful
posts in the country. As MP for Matobo in
Matabeleland South, Moyo took 110
votes against 98 for Paul Themba Nyathi,
the only other candidate, who was
fielded by the Mutambara
MDC.
Zanu-PF did not put up it's own candidate and backed Nyathi. When it
was
announced that Moyo had won after secret balloting, it sparked joyful
scenes
among MDC MPs in parliament, who sang and cheered 'Zanu is rotten.'
Party
leader Morgan Tsvangirai phoned Moyo upon hearing news of his election
to
congratulate him, according to his spokesman George Sibotshiwe.
In
his acceptance speech the new speaker said parliament would 'cease to be
a
rubber stamping house. It'll ensure that progressive laws are passed.'
Parliamentary business had started in the morning with the swearing-in
ceremony of the legislators. MDC members sat on the side usually occupied by
ZANU-PF, heckling members of the party by shouting: 'You sit on that side.
You are now in the opposition.'
MDC MP for Mbare in Harare, Piniel Denga,
told Newsreel ZANU-PF legislators
looked subdued and were in a sombre
mood.
'It was clear to them power was slowly shifting because few of them
spoke,
most looked down and many were pale-faced,' Denga said. There are
strong
suspicions that four ZANU-PF MPs voted for Moyo in the secret ballot.
MDC
Tsvangirai has 100 MPs, 99 were present for the vote. Zanu-PF has 99,
Mutambara's faction has 10 seats and there is one independent.
An MDC
insider told Newsreel that voting went according to plan as they
expected
five MPs from ZANU-PF to vote for them. The insider said votes from
the
Mutambara camp were assured late last week following a 'constructive
meeting' they held with the respective MPs from the Matebeleland
region.
'We were assured of the 7 votes from the Mutambara faction, but we
also knew
we would not have support from three of their MPs,' said the
insider. The
voting pattern reveals growing divisions in the Mutambara camp,
after their
MPs dumped their party candidate Nyathi to vote for
Moyo.
Earlier the MDC's position had looked precarious when two of its
MPs were
detained by police on arrival at parliament, in what the party
described as
'ZANU-PF's sinister agenda' to rig the parliamentary vote in
it's favour.
The two - Shuwa Mudiwa, MP for Mutare West and Eliah Jembere, MP
for
Epworth - were later released, but only one returned to vote.
Moyo's
election strengthens Tsvangirai's hand in stalled negotiations with
Robert
Mugabe on the formation of a government of national unity.
He is one of the
negotiators at the power-sharing talks between ZANU-PF and
the two MDC's.
The married father of three was born on 29th January 1965 in
Muthe village,
Matobo
His political activism dates back to 1977 when he joined the
liberation
struggle under ZAPU's military wing and was based in Zambia. He
joined the
MDC at its formation in 1999 and was elected MP for Matobo in
2000 and
re-elected in 2005. He won again during the harmonized elections
held in
March.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
The Telegraph
Zimbabwe's president Robert Mugabe suffered a major blow to his
attempts to
hold on to power when an MP from Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement
for Democratic
Change was elected as speaker of parliament.
By
Sebastien Berger, Southern Africa Correspondent and Peta Thornycroft in
Harare
Last Updated: 6:58PM BST 25 Aug 2008
In a stunning upset
Lovemore Moyo, chairman of Mr Tsvangirai's MDC faction,
defeated Paul Themba
Nyathi, of the smaller MDC grouping led by Arthur
Mutambara, by 110 votes to
98.
Mr Mugabe's Zanu-PF party did not put up a candidate itself, instead
ordering its newly sworn-in MPs to support the Mutambara faction's man. Mr
Mugabe will undoubtedly have been infuriated by the result.
The
indications are that Mr Mugabe had been hoping to engineer a deal with
Mr
Mutambara's faction to exclude Mr Tsvangirai from a government of
national
unity, and that enough of its MPs would support the government in
parliament
to enable it to function.
As of yesterday, those plans are in ruins. In
Zimbabwean politics the
speakership is a powerful role, with the ability to
determine parliament's
agenda, and the octogenarian leader now faces the
prospect of having to deal
with a lower house fully controlled by his
opponents if he decides to
abandon the deadlocked negotiations being
brokered by the South African
president Thabo Mbeki and form a government of
his own.
"Whatever game plan Mugabe had has been complicated and this
greatly
diminishes his capacity to form a cabinet and govern," said Eldred
Masunungure, professor of politics at the University of Zimbabwe. "Mugabe is
seriously weakened and he and Zanu-PF will have to take the negotiations
more seriously."
David Coltart, a lawyer and senator for Mr
Mutambara's MDC, added: "This is
highly significant because it means Zanu-PF
have lost the legislative
control of parliament. It shows there is a
determination throughout the
opposition that there should not be any
two-party arrangement with Zanu-PF
and it will force president Mbeki to take
Morgan Tsvangirai's concerns more
seriously."
The house of assembly,
which is reminiscent of the House of Commons with its
wood panelling and
green leather benches, was standing-room- only for the
vote, despite two MDC
MPs being arrested before they could be sworn in - the
opposition has raised
fears that Zanu-PF will try to circumvent its majority
by detaining its
legislators.
In the parliamentary poll earlier this year, Mr Tsvangirai's
MDC took 100
seats, Mr Mutambara's 10, and Zanu-PF 99, with one
independent.
It was the first time Zanu-PF had lost its majority since
independence in
1980.
Initially the MDC's MPs sat down on the
government benches yesterday,
shouting at Zanu-PF representatives: "You sit
on that side. You are now in
the opposition." They sang and cheered when Mr
Moyo's victory was announced,
hoisting him on to their
shoulders.
Zanu-PF was forced to put a brave face on events. The hardline
rural housing
minister Emmerson Mnangagwa, a key player in the Gukurahundi
massacres of
the 1980s and long seen as a potential successor to Mr Mugabe,
congratulated
Mr Moyo.
"Mr Speaker, Sir," he said. "This is a truly
historic event and I would
like, on behalf of the president, our party and
this side of this august
House, to congratulate you." But in the internecine
world of Zimbabwean
politics, the result may actually work in Mr Mnangagwa's
favour, by
potentially hastening Mr Mugabe's departure.
The vote for
speaker is held by secret ballot, so it is impossible to
determine exactly
what went wrong for Mr Mugabe. But it is understood that
eight of Mr
Mutambara's MPs rebelled to back Mr Moyo against their own
candidate, as did
four members of Zanu-PF.
It is a clear indication of divisions within
Zanu-PF. As it happens, Mr
Moyo's mother-in-law Sithembiso Nyoni is a former
minister and a senior
member of Mr Mugabe's party, and is understood to have
been campaigning
quietly for her relative.
Reuters
Mon 25 Aug
2008, 17:19 GMT
HARARE, Aug 25 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition MDC
said on Monday it
might attend Robert Mugabe's opening of parliament on
Tuesday but did not
recognise him as the country's president.
MDC
Secretary-General Tendai Biti said the party may take part in the
opening
out of respect for the new speaker, one of its members, but that
"must not
be construed as recognition of Mugabe."
IOL
August 25 2008 at
04:29PM
By Nelson Banya
Harare - Police in Zimbabwe
arrested two opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) MPs in
parliament on Monday and the party responded
by saying it would stop the
election of the parliamentary speaker.
Power-sharing talks between
Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF and Morgan
Tsvangirai's MDC are deadlocked about
what the opposition says is the
veteran Zimbabwean leader's refusal to give
up executive power.
The MDC also said President Robert Mugabe's
appointment of three
non-constituency parliamentarians were a threat to the
talks which began a
month ago.
"Clearly they have chosen the
path of arrogance, unilateralism that's
a serious blow to confidence
building in the talks," said Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC)
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa.
The MDC said its two MPs were arrested
as they entered the
parliamentary building and police also attempted to
arrest another MDC MP
but he was rescued by other
parliamentarians.
MDC spokesperson Nelson Chamisa said the
opposition party will prevent
the election of a parliamentary speaker to be
held later on Monday.
"We are not going to allow the election to go
ahead without our
members, even a single one. We will not allow them to rig
this process,"
Chamisa said.
There was no immediate comment
from police on the arrests. Soon after
the March elections, police announced
a manhunt for several MDC politicians
over charges of murder, rape and
electoral violence.
Parliament began swearing in MPs, including
those of the MDC, in
groups of 10 despite the arrests of the two opposition
lawmakers, a Reuters
reporter said.
Opposition and ruling party
MPs exchanged light-hearted exchanges and
taunts across the floor in front
of a packed public gallery.
Mugabe appointed three members of
parliament's upper house, the
Senate, and eight provincial governors, state
media said.
Mugabe intends to officially open parliament on Tuesday
despite
protests by Morgan Tsvangirai's opposition Movement for Democratic
Change
(MDC) that this would scuttle negotiations on forming a unity
government to
end the current political impasse.
Tsvangirai
maintains that a power-sharing agreement is being held up
by Mugabe's
refusal to give up executive powers. Mugabe says Tsvangirai
wants to strip
him of all authority.
The MDC won 100 seats in March elections and
Zanu-PF 99, a breakaway
MDC faction has 10 seats and there is one
independent seat.
Whoever the breakaway MDC faction of Arthur
Mutambara sides with gets
an effective majority in the legislative
chamber.
Western countries, key to the funding that Zimbabwe needs
to emerge
from economic collapse, have said they would only recognise a
government led
by Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in a
first round presidential vote in March
but without an absolute majority.
Mugabe won a run-off election in June
which was boycotted by Tsvangirai over
political violence which he said
killed over 120 MDC
supporters.
Mugabe has often accused Tsvangirai of being a puppet
of the United
States and former colonial power Britain and ignoring Western
sanctions he
blames for Zimbabwe's economic decline.
Both
Mugabe's Zanu-PF and the MDC under intense pressure from within
Africa and
around the world to reach an agreement that will pave the way for
rebuilding
Zimbabwe's devastated economy.
Zimbabwe's inflation rate rocketed
to about 11-million percent in June
and chronic food, fuel and foreign
currency shortages are worsening.
http://www.monstersandcritics.com
Africa News
Aug 25, 2008,
11:24 GMT
Harare - Zimbabwe's parliament was sworn in Monday five
months after it was
elected, in a ceremony marred by a police crackdown on
the opposition
Movement for Democratic Change.
Police detained
two members of parliament from the MDC when they arrived at
parliament to be
sworn into their posts, the party said in a statement.
Shua Mudiwa, MP
for Mutare West, was later released and returned to
parliament ahead of a
tense vote for speaker, but Eliah Jembere, MP for
Epworth, who was
apparently one of seven MDC MPs on a police 'wanted' list
was still in
detention.
The MDC had expressed fears the state might move to arrest
some of its MPs
to shrink its numbers ahead of the vote.
'Clearly the
sinister agenda of this regime is to tilt the balance of
numbers in their
favour during the voting for the speaker of parliament,'
the party
said.
Mudiwa and Jembere had been among the nearly 10 MDC MPs detained,
and later
released, in recent months as part of what the MDC says is an
attempt by
President Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF to overturn its defeat in
parliamentary
elections in March.
On Tuesday Mugabe will convene
parliament despite warnings from the MDC that
to do so will kill talks
between Zanu-PF and two MDC factions - the majority
one led by Tsvangirai
and a breakaway faction led by Arthur Mutambara.
Those talks are
currently deadlocked over how Mugabe and Tsvangirai would
share power if, as
proposed, Mugabe remains president and Tsvangirai becomes
prime minister in
a Kenya-style deal aimed at ending months of political
violence.
Mugabe, Tsvangirai and Mutambara had agreed at the outset
of their
negotiations in July not to convene parliament or form a
government, 'save
by consensus.'
But Mugabe later got the nod to
forge ahead from Zimbabwe's neighbours in
the 14-nation Southern African
Development Community (SADC).
After being sworn in, the MPs' first act is
to choose a speaker. Zanu-PF has
not fielded a candidate, fuelling
suspicions it may support Mutambara's
choice of speaker in return for a
promise to work with Zanu-PF in
parliament.
Tsvangirai's MDC has 100
MPs, Zanu-PF has 99, and there is one independent.
Mutambara's faction holds
the balance of power with 10 seats.
Talks between the three parties
mediated by South African President Thabo
Mbeki stalled earlier this month
over what role Tsvangirai and Mugabe would
have in the unity government,
with each insisting on having the lion's share
of power.
The MDC is
calling for Tsvangirai to have complete control of government.
Zanu-PF
insists that Mugabe remain executive president.
Reuters
Mon 25 Aug
2008, 13:13 GMT
HARARE (Reuters) - President Robert Mugabe's ruling
ZANU-PF party has won
the election for presidency of the Zimbabwean upper
house of parliament, the
Senate, a parliamentary official said on
Monday.
Clerk of parliament Austin Zvoma said ZANU-PF candidate Edna
Madzongwe
received 58 votes against 28 votes cast for a candidate from
opposition
leader Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change.
By Alex
Bell
25 August 2008
A leaked, confidential document, has exposed the
Southern African
Development Community's support for Robert Mugabe as
Zimbabwe's leader,
after it revealed that SADC leaders sanctioned an
agreement that would see
Mugabe remain as head of State and of the
government.
Zimbabwe's political rivals left the SADC summit in South
Africa a week ago
with the regional leaders, led by South African President
Thabo Mbeki,
calling for all "outstanding agreements" to be signed to pave
the way for a
new government in Zimbabwe.
With MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai refusing to sign the deal, SADC's call has
sparked widespread
speculation that it was backing a deal that supported
Mugabe. The regional
body's failure to pressure a signature out of
Tsvangirai reportedly led to
Mugabe being given the green light to convene
parliament. SADC's blessing,
which allows Mugabe to preside over the opening
of parliament on Tuesday,
ran contrary to the spirit and letter of the
Memorandum of Understanding
signed by the negotiating parties. The
speculation surrounding SADC's
preferred leader has since been justified
with the leaked document exposing
that a deal would be fully in Mugabe's
favour.
According to The
Zimbabwe Standard, who reported on "leaked documents" and
"information
gathered from various sources", the unsuccessful deal would
have entrenched
Mugabe's grip on power. The documents reportedly show that
Mugabe would
remain as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and head of
government, as
well as head of state.
The Standard reported that top among Tsvangirai's
worries was paragraph 2 of
the document titled Role of the Prime Minister.
While the paragraph
stipulated that the prime minister would carry the
responsibility to oversee
the formulation of policies by the Cabinet, it
also spelt out that
Tsvangirai would not be the man in charge - he would
only be "a Member of
the Cabinet and its Deputy Chairperson". This
arrangement left Mugabe, in
accordance with the Zimbabwe constitution, as
the head of Cabinet. To make
matters worse for Tsvangirai, who had insisted
that he heads the cabinet,
according to paragraph 11 he would "report
regularly to the president".
Tsvangirai is said to have strongly
disagreed with this provision that would
have left him "without adequate
authority to engineer economic recovery and
overcome repression". The
Standard said Tsvangirai would find himself
undermined if his authority is
not spelt out, because if things go wrong he
would be
blamed.
Meanwhile, the president, according to sources quoted by The
Standard, would
retain broad powers to declare a state of emergency, declare
war or make
peace and to grant amnesty. Mugabe would also retain control of
the Joint
Operations Command (JOC) which would remain in place, save for a
change in
name.
Human rights activist Elinor Sisulu told Newsreel on
Monday that such a deal
is "scandalous and cynical" and SADC's support of it
is "a serious threat to
the region". She said it is obvious that SADC is
putting pressure on
Tsvangirai because he will be a "conduit" for foreign
investment. She added
SADC is again setting the wrong precedent and that
regional security now
hangs in the balance, because of SADC's support of
Mugabe.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.mmegi.bw
Monday, 25 August
2008
By Monkagedi
Gaotlhobogwe
Staff Writer
The Delegation of the European Commission to
Botswana and SADC has condemned
the decision by Robert Mugabe to convene the
Zimbabwean Parliament tomorrow.
The delegation said in Gaborone
that opening Parliament, when talks between
ZANU-PF and MDC are stalled,
will not solve anything. "Everything right now
depends on whether Morgan
Tsvangirai is happy with the deal. It is better
not to have a deal than a
bad deal. The European Union supports Tsvangirai
in this matter. Our
understanding is that the MDC will attend the official
opening only, and
will boycott the rest," Phillip Mahieu, the political
advisor in the French
embassy in Gaborone said on Saturday. France currently
holds the rotating
presidency of the European Commission. "In my view, the
facilitator of the
talks (South African President, Thabo Mbeki) should step
back, as he is now
the chairman of SADC. He should delegate negotiations to
a wider mandate. He
cannot be the chairperson of SADC and the facilitator at
the same time...
that will be the logical thing to do. That is my point of
view," Mahieu
said.
Botswana Minister of Foreign Affairs, Phandu Skelemani, expressed
misgivings
about the opening of the Zimbabwean Parliament. "We are at a loss
as to what
good the Parliament will do to serve the people of Zimbabwe. We
don't
necessarily have problems with the Zimbabwean Parliament. It was
properly
elected. However, if it starts work, as a legislative body led by a
president then we have a problem there, because their electoral process
failed to produce a president. They do not have a president. I'm yet to read
their constitution and understand it, but the opening of Parliament will
also be followed by cabinet appointments, which is done by a president,"
Skelemani said.
Meanwhile the Chinese embassy in Gaborone, whose head
is also China's
representative to SADC, refused to comment on the Zimbabwean
issue. "China
doesn't prefer any party politics. All that we are hoping is
that whatever
conclusion is reached, it should be for the good of the
people," Chinese
embassy's political attachZ Zhijang Zhou said yesterday. "I
don't have a lot
to say on internal affairs of a sovereign state. We just
hope the talks will
be concluded in a good way... we support mediation
efforts by President
Mbeki, and we hope it will be a great success," he
said. He added that he
cannot determine whether Tsvangirai is right in
insisting that Parliament
must not be convened before the talks are
concluded.
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=3117
August 25, 2008
Statement by
Nelson Chamisa, Member of Parliament and Secretary for
Information and
Publicity of the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai
THE will of the people of
Zimbabwe who voted for change on 29 March today
reverberated in Parliament
when elected 110 MPs from across the political
divide voted for MDC national
chairman, Lovemore Moyo, as the Speaker of the
7th Parliament of
Zimbabwe.
This historic occasion has taken five months to fulfil; with at
least 200
Zimbabweans having lost their lives due to political violence
while
thousands were brutalised or had their homes burnt.
Hon Moyo
won against Paul Themba Nyathi, who polled 98 votes. Nyathi's
candidature
was co-sponsored by the unholy alliance of Zanu-PF and Mr
Welshman Ncube, Mr
Arthur Mutambara and Jonathan Moyo who tried in vain to
subvert the will of
the people.
The MDC extends its profound gratitude all the MPs who voted
for Hon Moyo,
including those from Zanu PF and from the other MDC who saw it
worthwhile to
reinforce the will of the people as expressed on 29 March.
They showed their
strength and desire to be true ambassadors of the people
of Zimbabwe. There
is no doubt that the people of Zimbabwe have expressed
themselves through
their elected representatives.
Some MPs braved
arrest, intimidation and violence to come to Parliament to
give meaning to
the people's wishes and aspirations as expressed on 29
March. Parliament has
now become a true deliberative platform; the bastion
of real democracy.
Today's voting pattern is a harbinger of good things to
come. With unity of
purpose, the seventh Parliament will become a vehicle of
bringing change and
a new culture in the way the people's affairs are
managed.
Today's
election shows that the nation is guaranteed of robust debate and a
new era
in which Parliament will cease to be a rubber-stamp of the whims of
the
executive but becomes a true deliberative platform of the people's
aspirations.
History has been made. The onus is now on Parliament to
deal with the people's
affairs taking into cognisance their basic needs for
food, jobs, transport,
better health care and education.
We believe
that the MPs will come up with a legislative agenda that
addresses the
people's needs.
God is on our side. The people are on our side. History
is on our side. The
people shall govern.
Reuters
Mon 25 Aug 2008, 13:03
GMT
Aug 25 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition party on Monday won the
vote
for parliament speaker, dealing a blow to President Robert Mugabe in a
post-election power struggle.
The Movement for Democratic Change's
Lovemore Moyo, 43, takes one of the
most powerful positions in Zimbabwean
politics.
Here are some details about Moyo:
* He was national
chairman of the Movement for Democratic Change and won 110
votes in the
210-member assembly, beating a candidate from a breakaway
opposition
faction.
* Moyo was born in 1965. At the age of 12, he left the rural
district of
Matobo in Matabeleland for Zambia to help liberate Rhodesia from
white
minority rule.
* He stayed in Zambia for several years and
whilst there, received military
training for one of the liberation
movements, ZAPU. The group was led by
Joshua Nkomo, a rival of
Mugabe.
* Moyo became a legislator for Matobo North, in a stronghold of
the
opposition, in 2000.
* During election campaigning in June, Moyo
was detained by police with MDC
leader Morgan Tsvangirai for several
hours.
Reuters
Mon 25 Aug 2008, 13:48
GMT
Aug 25 (Reuters) - Lovemore Moyo of Zimbabwe's main opposition party
won the
vote for parliament speaker on Monday with 110 votes, dealing a blow
to
President Robert Mugabe in a post-election power struggle.
In
Zimbabwe's upper house, Edna Madzongwe, a candidate of President Robert
Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party, won the election for presidency of the
Senate.
Mugabe intends to officially open parliament on Tuesday
despite protests by
Morgan Tsvangirai's opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) that
this would scuttle negotiations on forming a unity
government to end the
current political impasse.
Here are some
details about Zimbabwe's parliament.
A BICAMERAL CHAMBER:
*
Zimbabwe's parliament is bicameral, consisting of a Senate or upper house,
and a House of Assembly, or lower house.
* Senate - There are 93
seats, 60 elected by popular vote for a five-year
term, 10 provincial
governors nominated by the president, 16 traditional
chiefs elected by the
council of chiefs, two held by the president and
deputy president of the
council of chiefs, and five appointed by the
president. * House of Assembly
- the lower house is made up of 210 members,
increased from 150 last
March.
* Lovemore Moyo was elected on Monday as Speaker of the lower
house, a
senior position in Zimbabwe's political hierarchy. He succeeded
John Nkomo.
The speaker will be a powerful figure in Zimbabwe's new hung
parliament. He
is likely to take charge of controversial debates if there is
no
power-sharing deal. The speaker can also act as president in the absence
of
the vice president or Senate president.
* The Cabinet is appointed
by the president and responsible to the House of
Assembly.
PARTY
SEATS:
* Neither of the two major parties holds a parliamentary majority
--
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC holds 100 seats in the lower
house, against the ruling ZANU-PF's 99.
* The breakaway MDC has 10
seats and there is one Independent seat. Whoever
the breakaway MDC sides
with gets an effective majority in the legislative
chamber.
* The
Senate results after the 2008 elections showed contested seats split
30-30
between the combined opposition and the ruling party. Control of the
Senate
will depend on the president, with powers to directly appoint 15
members and
strongly influence who gets other positions.
DEADLOCKED
TALKS:
* Mugabe's aides say the government must continue functioning, but
the
formation of a new cabinet could scupper or delay further talks with the
opposition.
* Tsvangirai said that Mugabe's intention to open
parliament was a
"repudiation" of a Memorandum of Understanding on the basis
for talks to end
a political deadlock that followed disputed June
elections.
* Tsvangirai confirmed that the talks were deadlocked over the
roles of
president and prime minister in a new government. Mugabe is
expected to
remain as president but, backed by security chiefs, he is
reluctant to cede
key powers.
By Violet
Gonda
25 August 2008
For the last 28 years Robert Mugabe has had total
power in parliament, but
his power base has for the first time in Zimbabwe's
history come under
threat after the main MDC party won the influential
position of Speaker of
Parliament on Monday.
For years this position
has not been significant because of ZANU PF's total
control but it has
become a powerful position, now there is a viable
"opposition" in
parliament.
Last week the Southern African Development Community
recommended the
reconvening of parliament after the talks by the Zimbabwean
political rivals
reached a deadlock. This development ignited debate on its
implications for
the unresolved talks. While the mediator, South African
President Thabo
Mbeki, had indicated that the talks would resume soon, he
possibly wanted to
use the parliamentary elections to put pressure on Morgan
Tsvangirai to
append his signature to the agreement. But the MDC's winning
of the
Speakership bolsters Tsvangirai's position and negotiating platform,
and
reaffirms his victory on 29 March.
The MDC national chairperson,
Lovemore Moyo, won 110 seats, while the other
candidate received 98. ZANU PF
did not field a candidate preferring to
support Paul Temba Nyathi from the
Mutambara MDC, but the majority of the
MPs from the smaller faction rebelled
against their own party and voted for
the main MDC Tsvangirai formation. The
fielding of separate candidates by
the MDC factions also shows that the
coalition between the two formations
has disintegrated.
It's reported
the vote, which was conducted in secret, led to four ZANU PF
MPs also
breaking rank to support Lovemore Moyo.
The Speaker confirmed on SW Radio
Africa that he received votes from ZANU PF
and the other MDC. He said this
goes to show that some MPs are willing to
put aside their differences and
work together in parliament for the good of
the nation. Nomalanga Khumalo,
the Umzingwane MP for the Mutambara MDC was
nominated Deputy
Speaker.
In his acceptance speech Moyo said parliament will "cease to be
a rubber
stamping house. It'll ensure that progressive laws are
passed."
What are the implications now for the democratic struggle in
Zimbabwe?
Commentators say the Speaker can block the convening of
Parliament, which is
scheduled to be opened by Mugabe on Tuesday, a ceremony
the MDC has
threatened to boycott.
Glen Mpani, the Regional
Co-ordinator at the Centre for the Study of
Violence and Reconciliation in
Cape Town, said the agenda for what happens
in Parliament is now in the
hands of the Speaker and that, in theory, the
new Speaker can block any
directives from the Executive until the talks
between the political rivals
are complete, or the issue of Mugabe's
legitimacy has been
solved.
The commentator went on to say the victory of the MDC Tsvangirai
today
brings new impetus to the current negotiations between the two MDCs
and ZANU
PF. He added: "The result is an indictment of the leadership of
Arthur
Mutambara and Welshman Ncube. Mbeki as the mediator needs to question
this
formation's significance in the negotiations in the face of outright
rebellion from its members. They have displayed high moral fortitude in the
face of immense pressure from their leadership and ZANU
PF."
Meanwhile, ZANU PF could only find consolation in the smaller senate
prize.
Edna Madzongwe from Zanu PF was on Monday elected the President of
the
country's upper house of parliament, the Senate. Parliamentary clerk
Austin
Zvoma announced that Madzongwe received 58 votes while the other
candidate
Gibson Sibanda received 28. Sibanda was supported by both MDC
formations.
However critics say the MDC Speakership and the ZANU PF
control of the
Senate will pose a problem, as bills tabled in parliament
will still have to
go through the ZANU PF dominated Senate, as Mugabe has
the powers to
directly appoint non constituency Senators.
On Sunday,
Mugabe appointed governors to eight of the country's 10
provinces, as well
as three non-constituency senators ahead of the
parliamentary swearing-in
ceremony. This was a clear sign that Mugabe is
desperate to form a
government without the MDC, in clear violation of the
Memorandum of
Understanding signed by all parties.
The Herald reported that Vice
President Joseph Msika, former Justice, Legal
and Parliamentary Affairs
Minister Patrick Chinamasa, and former Speaker of
Parliament John Landa
Nkomo, were appointed as non-constituency senators.
SW
Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Reuters
Mon 25 Aug 2008,
14:45 GMT
Aug 25 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's main opposition Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) party won the vote for parliament speaker on Monday,
dealing a blow to
President Robert Mugabe in a post-election power
struggle.
But Zimbabwe's balance of power remains delicate.
Here
are some questions and answers on Zimbabwe's political
uncertainty.
WHAT IS THE BALANCE OF POWER?
ZANU-PF won a later
vote for the presidency of the upper house of
parliament, the Senate --
where it has a majority -- meaning it can block
legislation passed by
parliament.
The MDC, with support from MPs of a breakaway faction, can
pass some bills
in the lower house but these can be blocked in the
Senate.
HOW WILL THE MDC BENEFIT?
The election of the MDC's
Lovemore Moyo to Speaker of the Lower House of
Assembly -- one of the most
post powerful positions in Zimbabwean
politics -- will strengthen party
leader Morgan Tsvangirai's position in
deadlocked power-sharing
talks.
WHAT'S MUGABE'S NEXT MOVE
Mugabe is due to open
parliament on Tuesday, and is expected to name a new
cabinet this week
although he may leave some slots -- already agreed with
the opposition --
for both Tsvangirai and the breakaway MDC faction led by
Arthur
Mutambara.
WHERE DO POWER-SHARING TALKS STAND?
Analysts say
Mugabe is unlikely to give in to Tsvangirai's demands for more
executive
powers but officials from both sides are expected to resume
efforts to break
the stalemate this week.
CAN REGIONAL POWERS SECURE A
BREAKTHROUGH?
South African President Thabo Mbeki, the main mediators in
the Zimbabwe
talks, and some other regional leaders are expected to press on
with
behind-the-scenes talks aimed at reaching a settlement.
Analysts
say most of the them blame Tsvangirai for the deadlock, easing
pressure on
Mugabe.
WHAT CARDS DOES TSVANGIRAI HAVE?
Although regional
leaders are leaning on Tsvangirai to do a deal, Western
powers have made
clear they want him to have a strong executive role in a
power-sharing
government.
Any attempt to form a government without him could lack
widespread
recognition and fail to win the funding needed to revive the
crippled
economy.
HOW INFLUENTIAL IS MUTAMBARA?
Mutambara
has emerged as a possible kingmaker.
Mugabe's party lost control of
parliament in March elections for the first
time since independence from
Britain, gaining 99 seats, but Tsvangirai's
party only got 100 seats so does
not have an absolute majority either.
That leaves control in the hands of
Mutambara's breakaway wing of the MDC,
which has 10 seats. There is one
independent.
But Mutambara faces dissent in his own MDC breakaway
faction.
A silent revolt by MPs representing the faction -- who are
believed to have
voted for Tsvangirai's candidate for speaker in a secret
ballot -- has
undermined and could scuttle ZANU-PF plans for cooperation or
a
power-sharing deal with Mutambara's group.
HARARE, 25 August 2008 (IRIN) - The
crisis in Zimbabwe is set to deepen, analysts said, as President Robert Mugabe
appeared to be "digging in" by trying to wrest control of parliament on 25
August, and hopes of a transitional government are waning.
Photo:
Robert
Mugabe "digging in"
The convening
of parliament and the appointments are a breach of a Memorandum of Understanding
(MOU) signed by the ZANU-PF and the two factions of the MDC in July to pave the
way for talks to resolve the political impasse, said Lovemore Madhuku,
chairperson of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), an NGO lobbying for a
new, people-driven constitution.
The MOU stipulated that none of the
parties could make unilateral decisions before a deal for an inclusive
government was announced, but talks being mediated by the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) representative, South African President Thabo
Mbeki, have been deadlocked over how power should be shared between Mugabe and
Tsvangirai.
Mugabe's ZANU-PF backed a candidate from the smaller faction
of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-M) to be the speaker of
parliament, against the candidate proposed by main faction, MDC-T, led by Morgan
Tsvangirai.
In a surprise result, Lovemore Moyo, chairman of the
Tsvangirai-led MDC, became the first opposition speaker since the country's
independence in 1980.
However, Mugabe has also
appointed three non-constituency members of the Senate and eight provincial
governors without consulting the opposition.
I foresee a situation in which industry will grind
to a complete halt in the next six months, thousands of people will join
millions of other Zimbabweans who are living outside the country as economic
refugees, and there will be more political tension
"It should be borne in mind
that the MOU is a political document, not a legally binding one, and ZANU-PF
could feel at liberty to put it aside," Madhuku commented.
"As it is, it
is likely that Mugabe will go ahead and announce a full cabinet, considering
that he has already taken the first step by announcing provincial resident
ministers [governors], and that could make the signing of a deal impossible," he
added.
Mugabe lost the general elections on 29 March, and won the
presidential run-off on 27 June as the sole candidate after MDC leader
Tsvangirai withdrew because his supporters were being violently attacked.
Chris Mhike, a legal expert and political commentator, told IRIN that
indications on the ground were that Mugabe was digging in and going for broke.
"The voting trends for the speaker's post indicate a purely party
political agenda and not a national agenda," he said. "The fact that Mugabe
appointed governors only from his party is another indication that the talks are
in trouble."
Brian Raftopolous, a Zimbabwean academic and analyst, said
Mbeki could call for a resumption of talks soon, as it seemed that Mugabe "will
not give any ground. He [Mugabe] has forced the MDC MPs [members of parliament]
to be sworn in, and that will see the impasse continue."
Economic crisis
Zimbabwe's economic crisis is
set to worsen, Innocent Makwiramiti, a Harare-based economic analyst, told IRIN.
Almost everything is in short supply and annual inflation has risen above 11
million percent.
"Hopes of an economic turnaround were pinned on a
successful political deal. Given the direction in which things are moving, the
economic crisis will worsen," Makwiramiti commented.
"I foresee a
situation in which industry will grind to a complete halt in the next six
months, thousands of people will join millions of other Zimbabweans who are
living outside the country as economic refugees, and there will be more
political tension."
Tension brewing
Signs of
political tension have resurfaced, after a lull in the political violence that
erupted following the March elections. Police briefly detained two members of
parliament from the Tsvangirai-led MDC on 25 August.
The police also
reported two bombings in the capital, Harare: in the first incident, earlier in
August, several offices at Harare central police station were blown up; the
second damaged a railway track 30km west of the city on 21 August.
Police commissioner general Augustine Chihuri recently admitted that
they had not been able to establish who was behind the bombings, but hinted that
disgruntled officers could be behind the police station incident.
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United
Nations]
http://blogs.thetimes.co.za/hartley/2008/08/25/surely-mbeki-will-not-save-mugabe-this-time/
25 August 2008, 14:58 GMT + 2
THE
arrest of two Zimbabwean MPs - both later released - as they entered
parliament to be sworn in is about as blatant a slap in the face for
democracy as one could conjure.
But Robert Mugabe has been conjuring
slaps in the face for democracy for
decades, so it was all in a day's work
for the ageing autocrat.
What is now clear is that Mugabe has decided that he
will hold onto power
until the grave.
In recent negotiations, he was
offered a graceful exit which included the
rather generous offer that he
continue as a ceremonial head of state.
For an 84-year-old man who polled
fewer votes than his opponent in the March
elections, this was surely an
offer he could not refuse.
But refuse he did, insisting that he retain full
executive powers, a
negotiation position so patently unreachable that the
talks have collapsed.
That was Mugabe's plan. He has strung South Africa's
President Thabo Mbeki
along for more than a decade. What's another year or
two of subterfuge?
Mbeki, on the cusp of a diplomatic breakthrough that would
have finally
offered his rapidly melting legacy some respite, must be
furious.
Even he must surely see that he has been manipulated and made to
look rather
silly by Mugabe?
The fact that Mugabe now intends to ramrod
his continued dictatorship
through parliament should come as no
surprise.
He is counting on the prevarication of Mbeki, who has been
exceedingly
accommodating in the past.
He is hoping that Mbeki will more
or less ignore the latest shenanigans and
claim that talks will
continue.
Mbeki must not fulfill this expectation.
His reputation is
hanging by the thinnest thread. If he indulges the
delusions of Mugabe one
more time, that thread will break and he will lose
what little face he has
left.
Africa News, Netherlands
Posted on Monday 25 August 2008 - 11:17
Munyaradzi Mugadza,
AfricaNews reporter in Harare, Zimbabwe
President Robert Mugabe was at his
game again on Sunday when he appointed
eight resident ministers and
governors ahead of the parliamentary swearing
in ceremony on Monday despite
the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding
(MoU).
Zanu PF chief
negotiator and loosing candidate in the March 29 harmonised
election,
Patrick Chinamasa bounced back as non-constituency senator
together with
former Speaker of Parliament John Nkomo and vice president
Joseph
Musika.
Mugabe also retained a number of loosing candidates in the
March elections
to boost his support in the lower and upper houses. Former
minister of
Education and Culture and newly elected headman for a Wedza
Village, Aneas
Chigwedere takes over from Ray Kaukonde as provincial
governor for
Mashonaland East Province.
Former Bindura mayor,
Advocate Martin Dinha replaces Zanu PF politburo
member, Ephraim Masawi as
Resident Minister for Mashonaland Central
Province.
Christopher
Mushohwe, the former Minister of Transport and Communications,
is now the
Resident Minister and Governor for Manicaland Province,
succeeding Tinaye
Chigudu.
The new Resident Minister and Governor for Mashonaland West
Province is
Faber Chidarikire, who takes over the reins from Nelson
Samkange, the House
of Assembly Member-elect for Zvimba West.
Angeline Masuku (Matabeleland South), Thokozile Mathuthu (Matabeleland
North), Cain Mathema (Bulawayo Metropolitan) and Ishemunyoro David
Karimanzira (Harare Metropolitan) retained their posts.
However,
resident ministers and governors for Midlands and Masvingo
provinces are yet
to be appointed.
On the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding in
July, the three
parties involved in the negotiation process agreed that
Parliament should
not be convened while the appointment of ministers was to
be shelved until
the power sharing negotiations are concluded.
But
Mugabe with the help of the SADC leaders resolved that Parliament
should be
convened whilst talks continue to enable the newly elected
legislators
execute their duties.
This is not the first time that Mugabe has
neglected his negotiating
partners. During the brokered talks between Zanu
PF and the opposition MDC,
Mugabe announced the election date without the
consent of other negotiating
partners.
Meanwhile the power sharing
talks currently between the two parties have
collapsed after Zanu PF's
decision making body the Politburo resolved that
no more powers should be
ceded to Morgan Tsvangirai despite his reluctance
to endorse the power
sharing deal.
The talks were adjourned ahead of the SADC heads of state
summit in South
Africa because they were arguments as to who would appoint
cabinet
ministers, prime minister or the president and before the issue was
finalized, Mugabe rushed and appointed his loyalists and losers in the just
ended election.
From The Cape Times (SA), 25 August
Peter
Fabricius
Kids have a pretty foolproof method of ensuring the cake is
divided equally;
one cuts and the other chooses. Zimbabwe's Movement for
Democratic Change
(MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai tried that method last
weekend. President
Thabo Mbeki, Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and other
leaders of the
Southern African Development Community (SADC) offered him the
prime
ministership in a new "power-sharing" government in which Mugabe would
remain president. Tsvangirai didn't think this new prime minister was being
given any real executive powers. So he said to them: "Ok, why don't you, Mr
Mugabe, become prime minister and I will become president?" Mugabe, Mbeki
and the rest all declined. Not surprisingly, when you examine the deal on
the table. On the face of it, it looks alright. It divides cabinet positions
among the parties fairly equally, though Mugabe's Zanu PF gets a few more
than Tsvangirai's MDC (MDC-T) even though MDC-T has one more seat in
Parliament. But when you add the few that would go to Arthur Mutambara's
smaller MDC (MDC-M), the MDCs together would have a majority. One of the
documents accompanying the deal says the executive authority of the
"inclusive government" would reside in the president and the prime minister,
and would give cabinet the principal responsibility for formulating and
implementing policy. The prime minister would oversee the formulation of
policies by the cabinet.
So far, so good. Then the catch:
Tsvangirai would only be deputy chair of
cabinet, while Mugabe would remain
in the chair. That would effectively
leave Mugabe in charge of government
and negate MDC-T's proposal, to share
power by leaving the president in
charge of the state - the army, foreign
relations etc - while putting the
prime minister in charge of government.
Apart from leaving Mugabe in charge
of government, Mbeki seems deliberately
to have given the Mutambara MDC -
which he reputedly favours - the balance
of power in cabinet. But with the
coalition between the two MDCs apparently
crumbling, this distribution of
ministries could leave Zanu PF with an
effective majority in cabinet too -
though presumably MDC-M would not agree
to anything nasty. With Mugabe
chairing cabinet, it is not clear whether
this potentially pivotal role by
MDC-M would count for much.
For rejecting the deal, Tsvangirai has
been accused - by MDC-M and
presumably also the South African government and
most other governments in
SADC - of demanding power transfer to himself
rather than power-sharing.
However, Marinus Wiechers, former professor of
constitutional law at Unisa
and veteran of South Africa's own negotiations
for a new constitution,
believes that Tsvangirai was right to reject the
Mbeki-SADC offer because it
is not a real power-sharing deal. "It's just
jostling for positions - the
really operative side is not addressed." He
says that despite the attempt to
dish out ministerships and deputy
ministerships fairly equally, the clincher
is that Mugabe retains the chair
of cabinet, which could prove decisive
(there is no suggestion in the deal
that cabinet will decide issues by
voting - the implication, at least, is
that decisions would be made by
consensus). Wiechers dubs the deal an
"incestuous merging" of presidential
and prime ministerial systems. Wiechers
says there is no other
conflict-resolution mechanism in the deal, which
becomes, therefore, a
"recipe for disaster" - in the form of inevitable
deadlock. Wiechers
suggests that SADC should take a leaf out of the
international community's
handling of the Kosovo crisis by creating a
superior SADC body standing
above all the Zimbabwean parties to arbitrate
the deadlocks which he
believes must inevitably arise from the power-sharing
deal.
http://www.mg.co.za
NELSON BANYA | HARARE, ZIMBABWE -
Aug 25 2008 10:59
Zimbabwe's opposition MDC warned on
Monday that President Robert Mugabe's
appointment of parliamentarians were a
threat to power-sharing talks after
it said police had arrested two of its
members in parliament.
"Clearly they have chosen the path of arrogance,
unilateralism that's a
serious blow to confidence building in the talks,"
said Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) spokesperson Nelson
Chamisa.
Power-sharing talks between Mugabe's ruling Zanu-PF and Morgan
Tsvangirai's
MDC are stuck by what the opposition says is the veteran
Zimbabwean leader's
refusal to give up executive power.
The MDC said
the two MPs were arrested as they entered the parliamentary
building and
police also attempted to arrest another MDC MP but he was
rescued by other
parliamentarians.
There was no immediate comment from the police on the
arrests. Soon after
the March elections, police announced a manhunt for
several MDC politicians
over charges of murder, rape and electoral
violence.
Parliament began swearing in MPs, including those of the MDC,
in groups of
10 despite the arrests of the two opposition
lawmakers.
Talks in danger
Opposition and ruling party MPs exchanged
light-hearted exchanges and taunts
across the floor in front of a packed
public gallery.
Mugabe appointed three non-constituency members of
Parliament's upper house,
the Senate, and eight provincial governors, state
media said.
Mugabe intends to officially open Parliament on Tuesday
despite protests by
Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC that this would scuttle
negotiations on forming a
unity government to end the current political
impasse.
Tsvangirai maintains that a power-sharing agreement is being
held up by
Mugabe's refusal to give up executive powers. Mugabe says
Tsvangirai wants
to strip him of all authority.
The MDC won 100 seats
in March elections and Zanu-PF 99, a breakaway MDC
faction has 10 seats and
there is one independent seat.
Whoever the breakaway MDC faction of
Arthur Mutambara sides with gets an
effective majority in the legislative
chamber.
Western countries, key to the funding that Zimbabwe needs to
emerge from
economic collapse, have said they would only recognise a
government led by
Tsvangirai.
Tsvangirai defeated Mugabe in a first
round presidential vote in March but
without an absolute majority. Mugabe
won a run-off election in June which
was boycotted by Tsvangirai over
political violence which he said killed
over 120 MDC
supporters.
Mugabe has often accused Tsvangirai of being a puppet of the
United States
and former colonial power Britain and ignoring Western
sanctions he blames
for Zimbabwe's economic decline.
Both Zanu-PF and
the MDC are under intense pressure from within Africa and
around the world
to reach an agreement that will pave the way for rebuilding
Zimbabwe's
devastated economy.
Zimbabwe's inflation rate rocketed to over 11-million
percent in June and
chronic food, fuel and foreign currency shortages are
worsening. - Reuters
By Alex
Bell
25 August 2008
Stockpiles of food desperately needed by a
starving nation is beginning to
rot in warehouses, as the Zimbabwean
government ban on food aid remains
firmly in place.
The ban was
announced during the run up to the election run-off in June,
after 'Welfare'
Minister Nicholas Goche accused aid groups of supporting the
MDC's campaign
during the first round of elections in March. A partial
lifting of the ban
was announced later, but only for groups providing
assistance to people
living with HIV/AIDS.
The Memorandum of Understanding signed between ZANU
PF and the MDC last
month called for the lifting of all restrictions on the
work of aid groups.
A subsequent joint statement condemning violence also
called for all
humanitarian assistance to be allowed into the country and
for aid to reach
thousands of victims of political violence.
But
despite the statements and agreements, aid agencies have remained barred
from operating in Zimbabwe, leaving millions of Zimbabweans, with no other
resources, to face the reality of starvation.
In rural areas of
Mashonaland East and Manicaland maize supplies have dried
up and households
that previously produced maize on their homestead plots
have been hit by
poor harvests, made worse by the lack of fertiliser. At the
same time, the
Zimbabwe Crop and Food Security Assessment report says the
number of people
in need could rise to five million by January because of
the poor crop
projections. Meanwhile in comparatively wealthy areas such
Harare, food is
becoming increasingly scarce, and because of a severe
currency shortage,
people cannot buy basic food to survive.
SW Radio
Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.morningmirror.africanherd.com
Lord, give us a vision for our country.
May it be a land
of justice and peace,
Where people do not take unfair advantage of each
other;
Where all have sufficient and poverty and evil will have no place to
fester;
Where seeking to serve others means more than honour and
success,
Where order does not rest on force;
Where faith, hope and love
flourish,
And all work for the will of God.
Cherylynn
http://www.ipsnews.net
By Ephraim Nsingo
HARARE, Aug 25 (IPS) -
There was jubilation at Gokwe Centre in Zimbabwe's
Midlands province when
the Herald newspaper published a story headlined
"Deal Sealed" on August 13
-- a clear indication of the hopes Zimbabweans
have pinned on the deadlocked
talks over power-sharing between ZANU-PF and
the two MDC
formations.
Bus operators at the terminus in front of Rujeko Supermarket
at the centre
announced they had reduced the fare from Gokwe to Harare from
Z$300 to $250
(roughly US$4 at the prevailing parallel market on that
day).
Fares to Kadoma, Kwekwe, Gweru, Nkayi and Binga were also reduced
significantly. But a few hours later, when it turned out that no deal had
been signed, the operators reverted to the older price. The following
morning, the fares had doubled. A week later, the fare to Harare was
Z$1000.
Noel Hove, who was among travellers waiting for transport to
Burure, close
to 100 kilometres to the North, summed it up when he said:
"Does this mean
we have to wait a bit longer before we get out of this? How
do they expect
us to survive? As you can see, we only get power at night,
and our cellphone
network is always down," asked Hove.
At this time
of the year, Gokwe Centre is usually among the busiest rural
service centres
as cotton farmers come to cash their cheques. However, this
year there is a
conspicuous decline in activity. Not much cotton was
harvested because of
floods that hit most parts of the district early this
year. A prolonged dry
spell worsened the situation.
"People have no money. Cotton is our major
cash cow, but this year, things
did not work well. It's now affecting even
other businesses. For example,
fruit and vegetable vendors are forced to
sell their stuff at uneconomic
prices because very few people can afford the
high prices being charged
elsewhere. People just do not have money," noted
Hove.
Clarence Ndlovu, from Chitekete, further north in the district,
says he has
been camping at Gokwe Centre after failing to withdraw enough
money from the
bank. Members of the public and corporates are allowed to
withdraw only
Z$300 daily. The money is however not enough to cover long
distance
transport fares.
"I came here last week to withdraw some
money from the bank. I realised the
first withdrawal was not enough for bus
fare, so I decided to hang around
for a few days to make a few more
withdrawals. It appears all the money will
be finished on transport, as
fares have gone up before I finished
withdrawing. I won't be able to buy any
groceries," said Ndlovu.
Some villagers are substituting small livestock
like chickens and guinea
fowls for cash. For a trip that costs Z$500,
villagers now pay with two
guinea fowl or three hens.
"Before the
elections, we were told that we would get food aid. We are now
being told
the organisations that were supposed to give us food have been
told to wait,
pending the finalisation of some issues. The BACOSSI (Basic
Commodities
Supply Side Intervention) we got from government is now
finished," said
Maritha Shoko, also from Chitekete.
In June, the government suspended the
work of all private humanitarian
organisations, accusing them of meddling in
the country's internal affairs.
Through the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ),
the government then introduced
BACOSSI to cushion ordinary Zimbabweans from
hyperinflation by offering them
groceries at subsidised prices. Under the
programme, the RBZ provides
grocery hampers to rural and high-density urban
households at highly
subsidised rates.
There are however concerns
from some civic organisations that most of the
goods do not reach the
intended beneficiaries. Instead, they are diverted to
the parallel market by
government officials and the same people who are
implementing the
programme.
Unlike NGOs that distributed supplies from international
donors, BACOSSI is
funded solely by the RBZ. Due to declined agricultural
productivity over the
last few years, most of the foodstuffs have to be
imported, and paid for in
foreign currency. This has plunged the future of
the programme into
uncertainty.
Living with the
perpetrators
As the villagers await the outcome of the talks, there is
another source of
tension: the co-existence among victims of violence and
the perpetrators.
"When these talks started, we were told that we were
now supposed to
reconcile with the people who were harassing us in the run
up to the
presidential run-off. Some of them have sought forgiveness, but
others are
remorseless. For example, I know a boy who stays three homesteads
away from
mine who led militias to burn down my hut on 27 May.
"I
have met him many times, but he hasn't bothered even to greet me," said
Mbuya Lilian Marufu, from Chief Njelele. She was beaten up and had her
property burnt for her alleged support for the opposition.
The pastor
of a protestant church at Gokwe Centre, who spoke on condition
that he not
be named, told IPS that over the last few weeks, he has been
holding a
series of reconciliation and forgiveness sessions with
villagers.
"Generally, there has been a significant decrease in violent
activity. There
are still some pockets of violence here and there, but the
situation is much
calmer now," said the pastor.
He said his church
was listed among those viewed as enemies of the state in
the run up to the
second round of the presidential elections.
"Together with other pastors,
we've been holding community outreaches
preaching the gospel of forgiveness
and reconciliation, as prescribed in the
scriptures. In some cases, the
message appears to be falling on deaf ears,
as the people now hate each
other with a passion. But there are many
instances where we have made great
strides, bringing rivals to the same
table and having them share a
meal."
While many ordinary people pin their hopes on the talks, a leading
political
analyst, Professor Eldred Masunungure, has warned that the talks
may fail to
solve the crisis.
"The deal is not sustainable and it is
not going to solve the crisis the
country is experiencing. At least it
provides a starting point for a
settlement, but it's certainly not the
solution," said Masunungure.
Another professor, Jonathan Moyo -- a former
University of Zimbabwe
political science lecturer, who is now the
independent Member of Parliament
for Tsholotsho North -- said the crisis
would "not be resolved overnight".
"The first 100 days after the
implementation of the deal are likely to be
the most challenging. It's not
about the signing of a document, it's about
the implementation," said Moyo.
a
Vision from the European Commission
Xavier Marchal, Ambassador,
Head of
Delegation of the European Commission in Zimbabwe
Chiredzi, 22 August
2008
It is particularly important for me to be here on the occasion of
the inception seminar of this innovative programme, the
PARSEL[1]
Politically, it would have been best if the context would be
of a new Zimbabwe, led by a legitimate Government representing the will of
Zimbabweans, and endorsed by the European Union.
Indeed, without such
an environment, what you plan to do, in spite of your efforts, will
unfortunately remain limited in scope.
Technically, the programme is
about Food Security. It is in line with current restrictive EU policy towards
Zimbabwe. It connects poverty eradication to holistic management of natural
resources. Rural communities will become stakeholders in and beneficiaries of
Conservancies. It brings all stakeholders as Partners to optimizing land use:
rural communities and traditional authorities, Parks, local and public
authorities, the private sector, the civil society, the scientific community,
implementing institutions. I will call them the "Secret Seven".
This is
an approach in which complementarities are transformed into opportunities, a
test for comprehensive sustainable development. Context permitting, your
programme could then become a catalyst for action at wider level.
Assets
of and Vision for the South East Low Veld
Having just spent an inspiring
week deep into the Gonaredzou, the place for elephants, let me focus on how this
could be done in the South East Low Veld.
Talks around a wood fire with
seasoned Low Velders, each of them cumulating massive knowledge and experience,
under an immaculate blanket of stars, greatly helped me to develop a Vision for
comprehensive development of this magnificent part of Zimbabwe.
A
Vision in which Food Security rhymes with biodiversity, with Sugar Industry,
with Public-Private complementarity, with connectivity and interdependency and,
necessarily, with democracy.
The South East Low Veld can achieve its
full potential, by building up effective complementarities between its four
assets: location, pristine natural environment, huge agricultural potential,
human resources. I will call them the "Big Four".
Conservation as a land
use option to the benefit of local people is a key principle of the recently
established Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park, the world’s biggest animal
Kingdom, and it’s associated Transfrontier Conservation Area. Each of the
participating countries, Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, brings in
uniqueness into mutually reinforcing complementarities.
In this
endeavour, Zimbabwe offers a unique patchwork of natural environment, composed
of a major national park, the Gonaredzou, surrounded by top end private
conservancies. And also a very well located airport. There is extreme diversity
and potential here, and Zimbabwe has always been at the forefront in term of
best management practices. It is here, in the South East Low Veld, that
traditional extensive cattle ranching was replaced by wildlife management and
exploitation as a better socio-economic development option.
The
combination of climatic, geographic, and soil factors, enhanced by innovative
hydro-engineering man made work, have turned the South East Low Veld into a
world class sugar production area. Here best yields can be achieved at lowest
costs.
Most importantly, the South East Low Veld is endowed
with a population, the Machangana, who have learned to forge survival alliances
with their environment. Years before the nationwide “Campfire” programme was
launched, they were already engaged in sustainable management of their natural
resources. Conservation as a land use option is a key principle for
them.
Current situation and what the Commission can offer
But
today, this huge potential of four interdependent assets, is not realized. Men
have settled illegally in conservancies, while vast irrigation projects are
abandoned. Private entities are constantly threatened. Tourists are gone, and so
are crucial investments. Poaching is rampant. Communities have been abandoned,
or forced into political submission. "Campfire" is dormant or deviated from its
real goals. Foot and Mouth Disease is prevalent. The Sugar Industry is in
critical stage. Farms are invaded and sugar growers expelled. There is a
breakdown of the Rule of Law.
In short, the four formidable assets of
the South East Low Veld are in conflict, instead of being in
symbiosis.
But this can be changed. The South East Low Veld can become a
jewel of and a key development engine for Zimbabwe.
The European
Commission could significantly contribute to that goal, if and when the European
Union has normalized its relationship with Zimbabwe, on the basis of clear
principles, and following a genuine and legitimate Political
Agreement.
Significant current or new resources could be made available,
from different origins in term of budget, brought together in a formidable
"critical mass" of coordinated support.
In 2007, we made funds (15
million euros nationwide) available to improve Food security in Zimbabwe through
Non Governmental Organisations. We welcomed projects which would establish a
link with the management of natural resources. The PARSEL programme was proposed
and accepted, and I would like to warmly recognise here its key Partners: CIRAD
as applicant, WWF-SARPO, Save Valley Trust and Malilangwe Trust. PARSEL is
paving the way for a Vision as outlined above.
We are now launching a
new food security initiative (9.5 million euros nationwide). We have decided to
go further towards including environment as a basis for food security, and it
will be mandatory to do so for a proposal to be eligible. A significant part of
this fund could benefit to the South East Low Veld. This is in addition to an
additional amount of 16 million euros earmarked for programmes to support Food
security throughout the country, including of course the Low
Veld.
Zimbabwe could take full advantage of an EC funded Sugar
Adaptation Strategy, aimed at bringing back her Sugar Industry from abyss to
world class level again. The amount possible for this could reach 45 million
euros over six years. An initial amount of 2.7 million euros is being considered
for preparatory measures and studies, including funding related to environment.
We could for example support moving settlers from a Conservancy to an abandoned
irrigation scheme.
Part of the funds of a vast (total nationwide is 20
million euros) EC funded Stabex programme, implemented through the main
Agricultural Unions, the CFU, the ZFU, and the ZCFU, could also be allocated to
the South East Low Veld. The same applies for a 6 million euros project aimed
at supporting small scale irrigation.
We could also integrate what we
do in health, and basic education, to better serve our Vision for the South
East Low Veld.
Then, there is the 10th European Development Fund, of
which one of the two focal sectors is focused on land, agriculture, food
security, and environment. The amount to be dedicated to this would be around 50
million euros nationwide.
Finally, the South East Low Veld could also
benefit from significant resources from a major new initiative of the
Commission, aimed at helping farmers of Africa to tackle high food prices,
access farming inputs such as seeds and fertilizers, and boost
output.
In conclusion
Let me conclude with three
points.
First. The Constitution of one of the Conservancy of the South
East Low Veld outlines one of its objectives as follows, and I quote: “to
promote the development of a programme to enhance communication with neighboring
communities and to stimulate the economic and social advancement of such
communities through durable linkages with the Conservancy’s wildlife industry”.
This is evidently the way to go.
Second. I would like to make a very
strong appeal to all Zimbabweans, that they should make full use of these real
possibilities offered by all stakeholders directly concerned to properly manage
theirs assets, for the benefit of all. The objective is clearly to achieve
sustainable management of natural resources for the benefit of current and
future generations. My call covers of course the urgent need for a fair and
legitimate agreement between political forces, indispensable to take Zimbabwe on
the path of recovery.
Third. I am tabling a concrete offer: that as soon
as the context permits, the European Commission funds a one day high level
strategic meeting, bringing together all stakeholders of the South East Low Veld
to further reflect on how to implement the Vision I have outlined, and to take
concrete steps towards its implementation. I hope that this can be done very
soon.
Thank
you
[1]
Partnership in Conservation and Development