The Zimbabwe Situation

http://news.radiovop.com/

25/08/2010 15:38:00

Harare, August 25, 2010 - Zimbabwean police have torched more than 100
shacks at an informal settlement in Borrowdale in a fresh reminder to
Operation Murambatsvina, which left more than 700 000 families homeless.

Influential rights group, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) said the
police raided and destroyed the informal settlement at Borrowdale Race
Course in Harare just after midnight on Tuesday.

The police from Harare Central Police Station and the nearby Highlands
Police Station ordered the settlers to remove their possessions from the
shacks and go and built homes in their rural areas. After 10 minutes
elapsed, the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) members, some of whom were
armed, and also accompanied by police dogs, ordered all the settlers to
embark into the police vehicle and proceeded to torch at least a hundred
shacks.

This was done despite the fact that some of the settlers had not managed to
remove their possessions. The settlers were then detained in the cold
weather until the early hours of the morning when they were taken to Harare
Central Police Station.

Most of the settlers whose shacks were torched down are victims of Operation
Murambatsvina and some of them are employees of the Borrowdale Race Course.
They moved to the settlement after being rendered homeless when their houses
were destroyed under the widely condemned clean-up campaign while some of
them started to reside at this settlement in 2000.

ZLHR lawyers said they had a torrid time trying to locate the detained
settlers at Harare Central Police Station on Wednesday due to the fact that
the police had not made any entries in their detention book.
Fifty five settlers who included five minor children were eventually located
at 13:30 hours on Wednesday.

But the lawyers were denied access to the settlers by the Criminal
Investigation Department section represented by one Superintendent Muchengwa
who advised them that their clients would only be allowed legal
representation once they have been formally charged.

The rights group, which in 2005 represented several victims of Operation
Murambatsvina denounced the police for their unlawful and unprocedural
actions.

"Evicting and burning down the settlers' houses without adequate notice and
without providing alternative accommodation and the arbitrary deprivation of
property that ensued following the illegal torching of the shacks is a
violation of their right to shelter and to family life, which are guaranteed
under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, to which Zimbabwe is
a voluntary State Party," ZLHR said in a statement seen by Radio VOP.

The human rights group said it was disheartening that the police chose to
carry out such a vindictive action against the settlers during this cold
spell when they don't have any powers to evict people.

The torching of the settlers homes is reminiscent of the clean up campaign,
which was undertaken by President Robert Mugabe's previous government in
2005 which left more than 700 000 homeless after the demolition blitz.

Police blatantly violate the right to shelter in raid and burning of Borrowdale settlement

zlhr logo 25 August 2010

Press Statement

Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR), is greatly shocked at the unbecoming conduct of identified members of the Zimbabwe Republic Police (ZRP) who at about 00:30 hours on 25 August 2010 raided and destroyed an informal settlement at Borrowdale Race Course in Harare.

At least thirty police officers, easily identifiable due to their police uniforms believed to be stationed at Harare Central Police Station and the nearby Highlands Police Station proceeded to order the settlers to remove their possessions from the shacks and go and built homes in their rural areas. After 10 minutes elapsed, the ZRP members, some of whom were armed, and also accompanied by police dogs, ordered all the settlers to embark into the police vehicle and proceeded to torch at least a hundred shacks. This was done despite the fact that some of the settlers had not managed to remove their possessions. The settlers were then detained in the cold weather until the early hours of the morning when they were taken to Harare Central Police Station.

Most of the settlers whose shacks were torched down are victims of Operation Murambatsvina and some of them are employees of the Borrowdale Race Course. They moved to the settlement after being rendered homeless when their houses were destroyed under the widely condemned clean-up campaign while some of them started to reside at this settlement in 2000. From time to time the police were said to have raided the said settlement, arrested the settlers on the pretext of hunting down thieves and eventually releasing them without any charges being leveled against them.

ZLHR lawyers attended to Harare Central Police Station to assist the detained settlers who were not easily locatable due to the fact that the police have not made any entries in their detention book. ZLHR lawyers, managed to locate the 55 settlers who include 5 minor children at 13:30 hours. Lawyers have since been denied access to the settlers by the Criminal Investigation Department section represented by one Superintendent Muchengwa who advised lawyers that the clients will be allowed legal representation once they have been formally charged.

ZLHR condemns the unlawful and unprocedural actions taken by the police. Evicting and burning down the settlers’ houses without adequate notice and without providing alternative accommodation and the arbitrary deprivation of property that ensued following the illegal torching of the shacks is a violation of their right to shelter and to family life, which are guaranteed under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, to which Zimbabwe is a voluntary State Party.

It is also disheartening that the police chose to carry out such a vindictive action against the settlers during this cold spell when they don’t have any powers to evict people. Only the messenger of court or Deputy Sheriff can carry out evictions on the strength of a valid court order which does not exist in the case at hand. Further, it is also sad to note that these arbitrary illegal actions were carried out after the Mayor of Harare had written a letter to residents assuring them that all informal settlers will not be evicted unless alternative accommodation is secured.

No lessons have been learned from the failures and illegalities of Operation Murambatsvina, and the state – through the City Council and the Ministries concerned are urged to bring to an end such illegalities and attend to issues of lack of adequate housing in a lawful and orderly manner.

ZLHR, urges the police to carry out investigations into this illegal conduct that is tantamount to arson as defined in the Criminal Law (Codification and Reform) Act and bring those accountable for these inhumane acts to justice.

ZLHR, further wishes to remind the police to be mindful of the right of all accused persons to legal representation of their choice, and the right to be informed of any criminal charges upon arrest.

ZLHR calls upon all state actors to desist from violating the economic and social rights of innocent citizens but to work towards the progressive realization of these rights as in accordance with Zimbabwe’s human rights obligations.

ENDS

Military chefs to head business takeovers under indigenization program

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tererai Karimakwenda
25 August, 2010

A group of military chefs and Mugabe cronies were this week named to the
committees that are to manage business takeovers, under the guise of the
indigenisation Program. The law was billed as an attempt to redress past
inequalities, but the list reads like a military who's who and a "Friends of
Mugabe" list.
Among them is retired Major-General Gilbert Mashingaidze, retired Air
Commodore Mike Karakadzai and retired Colonel Karikoga Kaseke, who also
heads the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority.
University of Zimbabwe Professor John Makumbe said he was not surprised at
these appointments; "This is the way ZANU PF is going about militarizing all
the structures of state. This indigenous committee is very much pro-ZANU PF
people and the military are in the forefront of such an approach."

When the Mugabe government passed the Indigenization Act into law, requiring
the majority of business shares to be owned by so-called "locals", many
analysts predicted it was nothing more than a ploy to loot the business
sector and distribute the wealth to ZANU PF allies. The list of appointees
announced this week by Indigenization Minister Saviour Kasukuwere appears to
be a confirmation of this.
Other appointments to these committees include presidential spokesman George
Charamba and Affirmative Action Group President Supa Mandiwanzira. Charamba
has been Mugabe's voice for decades and Mandiwanzira was part of the
government orchestrated takeover of the Mighty Movies media company.
The presence of so many military chefs did not surprise political
commentator Professor Ken Mufuka either. Commenting from the United States,
he said: "You can militarize agriculture for example, but can you force the
cows to produce milk."

Less obvious was the appointment of musician Oliver Mtukudzi, an appointment
that Professor Mufuka saw as a ZANU PF tactic to attempt to give credibility
to the process.
He said: "They can argue that they want diversity or secondly he might have
been nominated by the MDC, or they may want to humanize the committee. They'll
say look we are not all military guys. We have the nice, soft-hearted nice
face of Oliver Mtukudzi."
Another appointment worthy of comment was that of the Econet Wireless boss,
Douglas Mboweni. The mobile phone company recently took part in a lobbying
mission to the UK to raise funds for the development of their network, using
the coalition government as the foundation for support. MDC officials
fronted the mission, accompanied by a number of intelligence agents and ZANU
PF deputy ministers.
Professor Makumbe said Econet is trying to maintain its position as the
largest mobile network in Zimbabwe. In that case they need to be seen as
participating in government ventures.

Media commissioner Chris Mutsvangwa, a former chief executive at the state
owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation and Zimbabwe's former ambassador to
China, is also on one of the newly appointed Indigenization committees.
Professor Mufuka explained that this may be a ploy to keep Chinese companies
interested in investing in Zimbabwe.
The committee is reportedly scheduled to produce a list of stakeholding
targets by the end of next month. The law requires them to target companies
with assets of more than US$500,000.
Professor Mufuka warned that many companies will run away. He said: "If you
say in advance that you are going to get 51% shares in their companies, why
would anyone give up a majority of shares to a newcomer? You will frighten
them away."

Ten days pass with no GPA implementation

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Alex Bell
25 August 2010

Ten days have passed since the unity government was set a 30 day deadline to
implement the Global Political Agreement (GPA), and there is still no sign
of any movement towards meeting this deadline.

Regional leaders in the Southern African Development Community (SADC)
resolved earlier this month to give Zimbabwe's troubled coalition more time
to implement the almost two year old GPA. The principals in the government
apparently agreed on how to implement 24 of the outstanding 27 issues that
have been in dispute. These include; the process of the land audit, the
appointment of the board of the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe and the
Mass Media Trust and issues of 'external interference'.

The coalition leaders also agreed that the remaining three outstanding GPA
issues, including the appointment of Roy Bennett to his position as Deputy
Minister of Agriculture, would be 'resolved' in the coming month. MDC
spokesperson Nelson Chamisa told SW Radio Africa that the 30 day countdown
started on the same day it was set by the SADC Troika, meaning ten days have
now passed.

But during the past ten days there have only been signs that ZANU PF once
again is playing by their own rules, and serious doubts are being raised
that the SADC deadline will be met. Robert Mugabe, who appeared to calmly
agree to the 30 day deadline, just days later said he would not make any
more "concessions" to the MDC, until targeted sanctions still in place
against him and his inner circle are lifted.

ZANU PF's Patrick Chinamasa then insisted that the agreed-upon appointment
of governors would not happen, until the targeted sanctions were lifted.

The MDC has vehemently denied that this was agreed to at the SADC Summit,
saying in a statement that it was a "misleading and mischievous" report by
the state media. The party also accused ZANU PF of using "primitive tactics"
to delay the implementation of the GPA and further complicate issues in the
divided coalition government.

The MDC also insisted that the targeted sanctions issue was between ZANU PF
and the countries that have enforced the measures, saying that "the
authorship of restrictive measures is located on the doorstep of ZANU PF."
But this position is obviously not shared by ZANU PF, who are once again
using the sanctions issue as a trump card, to ensure there is no meaningful
change that will see them lose their grip on power.

Foreign Affairs Minister Simbarashe Mumbengegwi demonstrated this on Monday
when he clashed with foreign diplomats over the sanctions issue. He echoed
Mugabe's sentiments that there will be no GPA implementation until the
targeted sanctions are dropped. Mumbengegwi was addressing foreign
ambassadors on the outcome of the SADC summit. But what began as a normal
briefing ended with Mumbengegwi shouting at German Ambassador Albrecht
Conze, who rightly said sanctions were only targeted at a few people.

In reply Mumbengegwi loudly challenged Conze, accusing the European Union
and its allies of imposing the sanctions directly on Zimbabwe. Mumbengegwi
then added that Zimbabwe's unity deal will only be implemented once all the
sanctions are removed.

So what can Zimbabweans expect over the next 20 days? SADC has not said
anything about how they will deal with the unity government if it doesn't
stick to the deadline. Dewa Mavhinga from the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition
said this was a major challenge threatening SADC's ability to effectively
deal with Zimbabwe's political crisis.

"This is the problem with SADC's rulings and decisions, in that they are not
backed up by clear prescription on what action will be taken in the then
event of non-compliance," Mavhinga told SW Radio Africa.

Mavhinga added that SADC should have put into writing how to deal with the
government, if its does not meet the 30 day deadline, but conceded it was
unlikely the regional leaders will take any action.

"We would like to see SADC admitting that they cannot resolve this issue,
because they can't just sit on the problem and expect it to go away,"
Mavhinga said.

Commentator Trevor Maisiri, the co-founder of the think-tank African Reform
Institute, told SW Radio Africa on Wednesday that the GPA is now nothing
more than "water under the bridge." He said that the parties are more
focused on preparing for upcoming elections, warning that "no one wants to
lose their grip on power when elections are so close.

"In the next 20 days we are going to see more strategising, more
politicking, more rhetoric, more propaganda," Mairsiri said. "The next 20
days will be days of contention."

Maisiri warned that the MDC must not wait for ZANU PF to give-in and start
implementing the GPA, saying Morgan Tsvangirai's party will be "surrendering
the destiny of the unity government into the hands of ZANU PF," if they do
so. Maisiri said the MDC must make the people their primary concern and
urged the party to start engaging "internally" ahead of elections

"The party needs a critical balance of its internal as well as its external
mobilisation for support on issues that have much to do with Zimbabweans,"
Maisiri said. "They should also engage with civil society, the churches,
even SADC, to ensure there is safety ahead of elections."

DPM Mutambara blasts Mugabe

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

By Own Correspondent
Wednesday, 25 August 2010 16:19

HARARE - Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara has viciously attacked
President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF party for refusing to confer hero's
status on their late party deputy president Gibson Sibanda.

Mutambara said Mugabe had no right to declare who is a national hero or not.

Addressing a press conference in the capital Harare, Wednesday, Mutambara
confirmed that his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party and Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC wrote to Mugabe for Sibanda to be declared
a national hero but this was rejected.

"We communicated to President Mugabe before cabinet and we wrote to him
formally after cabinet in the afternoon. Our colleagues from MDC-T have also
supported our recommendation by writing to the President saying the same
thing that in their mind, in their consideration, Gibson Sibanda must be
accorded national hero's status," Mutambara said.

"We have since received communication from Dr Sibanda who is the chief
secretary to Cabinet and also from Minister Mutasa who is the minister in
the President's office saying that the Zanu PF politburo has decided that
Gibson Sibanda is not worthy of being declared a national hero, instead they
have taken a position where he has been accorded a state assisted funeral
status by the Zanu PF politburo."

"Robert Mugabe and his party have no authority and locus standi in this
country to determine who is a hero and who is not a hero. So we reject the
message from Mutasa; we reject the message from Mutasa," said Mutambara.

Mutambara said they have left Sibanda's family to decide where the late
veteran trade unionist and former ZAPU Welfare secretary will be buried
adding that a time will come when the people of Zimbabwe will have the
opportunity of deciding who their true heroes are.

"We believe that in the fullness of time, Zimbabweans will be able to
determine who their hero is and when that time comes the appropriate
designation for the status of Gibson Sibanda will be achieved," Mutambara
said.

"In so far as we are concerned as a political party, Gibson Sibanda is a
national hero, if there is any definition of a hero either by way of what
you get from literature, what you get from political interpretation, this is
an epitome of heroism that we are celebrating today," Mutambara said.

Sibanda (66), died at Mater Dei Hospital in Bulawayo on Monday night after
battling with cancer.

Mutambara has often been accused of being too close to Mugabe and
unnecessarily defending him while attacking Tsvangirai at any given
opportunity. In the two years since the Global Political Agreement (GPA)
talks began, Mutambara had conveniently sided with Mugabe against
Tsvangirai.

Zanu PF members in court for assaulting chief

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Energy Bara
Wednesday, 25 August 2010 15:48

MASVINGO - Eleven Zanu PF members accused of assaulting Chief Phineas
Makore of Gutu South three days before the presidential run off in 2008
appeared before the Masvingo magistrates court yesterday charged with
public violence.

The eleven, six war veterans and five Zanu PF youths are Emmanuel Makufa,
Happy Chipanga, Benjamin Rwokuda, Ephraim Musakaruka,Vitalis Chida,Luke
Chinhendere, Richard Roso, Kudzai Mwenje,Albert Muchocho, Taruvinga
Matsvai,and Peter Matambu.

Masvingo magistrate Stanford Mambanje heard that on 24 June 2008 the 11
connived to go and assault Chief Makore for allegedly refusing party youths
to camp at his homestead during the run up to the presidential election run
off.

The party youths also did not want Chief Makore to continue residing at farm
number 17 Lothian farm because of a boundary dispute with Chief Chikwanda.

The state, led by prosecutor Takunda Chikati alleged that the 11 accused
persons proceeded to chief Makore's homestead armed with sticks ,logs and
iron bars.

They forced open the gate and gained entry into the chief's yard. The
marauding war veterans and party youths were singing revolutionary songs
dancing and chanting slogans.

While in the yard they allegedly forced opened the door and found the chief
and his family having retired to bed.

The 11 accused allegedly started assaulting the chief with booted feet ,
logs , sticks and iron bars and left him unconscious.

They accused him of supporting the main stream MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirayi
and of barring Zanu PF youths and war veterans from camping at his
homestead and campaigning for president Robert Mugabe.

The chief allegedly fell unconscious and was hospitalised for days at
Masvingo General Hospital.

His family according to the state also fled the homestead fearing for their
lives.

It also emerged in the court that when the chief's family fled they left
their cattle unattended and grazed several hectares of the tomato crop
valued then at 718 trillion Zimbabwean dollars.

The 11 who were represented by Advocate Isaac Muzenda of Muzenda and
partners law firm all pleaded not guilty to the charge of public violence.

Magistrate Mambanje postponed the matter to September 7 for continuation of
trial.

Gaddafi visit: Police raid Vic Falls

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

Written by Thabani Shumba
Wednesday, 25 August 2010 07:02

VICTORIA FALLS - Police here raided street vendors and flea market operators
on Sunday prior to the arrival of Libyan President Mammar Gaddafi's son,
Moatassem-Billah Gaddafi.

Billah Gaddafi arrived in Harare on Thursday claiming that he had come to
seek investment opportunities. He was detained at Harare International
Airport for two hours by immigration officials after jetting into the
country without a passport.

Tourism and Hospitality Minister Walter Mzembi, who was present at the
airport to welcome the 18-member delegation, quickly phoned Home Affairs
Ministry who then ordered the release of the Libyans.

However, just a few hours before his arrival in Victoria Falls from Harare
on Sunday morning, this reporter witnessed police in riot gear going on a
rampage in the resort town - shutting down flea markets and arresting street
vendors.

"Police came early in the morning to our flea markets and ordered us to
shutdown although we have valid operating license from the town council.
They said we would be allowed to open for business after Billah Gaddafi has
left," a flea market operator told The Zimbabwean.

Contacted for comment Victoria Falls Mayo,r Nkosilathi Jiyane, said there
was nothing sinister about the police raid as "it was just a routine
operation to clean up the town."

After touring Victoria Falls, Billah Gaddafi told journalists that "Zimbabwe
is beautiful and I am very interested in investing here."

Qaddafi's Son Is Considering Investing in Dam, Ethanol Project in Zimbabwe

http://www.bloomberg.com/

By Lauren van der Westhuizen - Aug 25, 2010 9:43 PM GMT+1000

Saadi Qaddafi, one of Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi's sons, has expressed
interest in building an ethanol plant in Zimbabwe's Masvingo Province, the
Zimbabwe Reporter said.

Gaddafi is visiting the southern African country this week to assess Libyan
investment opportunities in agriculture and tourism, the newspaper said. The
former professional football player met with Zimbabwe President Robert
Mugabe on Aug. 23.

During the visit he expressed interest in reviving the Tokwe-Mukosi dam
project to irrigate a sugar cane plantation that will be used for the
manufacture of ethanol, the newspaper said.

Situated south of Masvingo City in the vicinity of Zimbabwe's sugar estates,
the $130 million project has been stalled since 1998 due to lack of funds.

Billy Rautenbach, a Zimbabwe investor slapped with sanctions by the European
Union for links to Mugabe's regime, attempted to develop an ethanol project
in Masvingo last year but was forced to relocate the project to the
Manicaland Province due to a shortage of water, the Zimbabwe Herald reported
in March.

MDC Wants Chombo Probed for Corruption

http://news.radiovop.com

25/08/2010 15:18:00

Harare, August 25, 2010 - Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) has called upon the inclusive government to
investigate the Local Government, Rural and Urban Development minister,
Ignatius Chombo for abuse of office following his suspension of seven MDC
Harare councillors.

Chombo, who started fighting the ministers soon after they produced a
dossier implicating him in theft of vast tracts of land in Harare four
months ago, is said to be on a crusade to distract councillors from
investigating the land scandal.

He appointed his own committee to investigate the same councilors who were
probing the grabbing of land in Harare accusing them of illegally taking
away houses from Zanu (PF) supporters in the high density areas.

"The MDC notes with concern that Chombo continues to unnecessarily interfere
in the operations of the MDC led councils across the country, having managed
to foist losing Zanu PF local government candidates as "special
councillors."

"Chombo's suspensions of the Harare councillors come barely a month after he
suspended another six MDC councillors in Rusape, including the chairperson.

"The latest suspensions are nothing but part of Chombo's grand political
plot to stop Harare councillors from investigating him and Zanu (PF)'s
Phillip Chiyangwa after they looted prime council land in Harare.

"The MDC calls for the immediate arrest of Chombo and Chiyangwa for stealing
council land. Chombo has no right to suspend the councillors who are
investigating him for his corrupt activities," said the MDC in a statement.

The MDC said instead of the councillors being the complainants, Chombo is
now abusing his office by ensuring that he becomes the complainant in a
trumped-up case.

The MDC urged the police to immediately follow-up on Chombo's case abuse of
office.

"We strongly reject Chombo's continued machinations to further the interests
of Zanu (PF), which was overwhelmingly rejected by the voters in March 2008.

"Chombo has also blocked several investigations in Kwekwe, Chinhoyi and
Chegutu that are being carried out by the councils on senior Zanu (PF)
officials who corruptly acquired council land," read the MDC statement.

Outreach program bogged down by shortages of funds

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
25 August 2010

The constitutional outreach program has been bogged down by shortages of
funds, after the process was extended by another 23 days on top of the
original 65.

The first 65 days of the program elapsed on Monday, forcing the
Parliamentary Select Committee to send out an urgent call for the injection
of more cash from the government.

Our correspondent Simon Muchemwa told us there were reports suggesting
government has yet to meet its full obligation of funding the program as
promised at the start of the program.

'The program has generally been under funded and this caused a whole lot of
problems for outreach teams. The first 65 days ended on Monday and most
teams are just stuck in their hotel rooms waiting for funds to continue with
the outreach program,' Muchemwa said.

Muchemwa told us the outreach was in some areas still plagued by problems,
especially those to do with transport and accommodation.

'There are rumours going around saying the money from the UNDP (United
Nations Development Fund) cannot be accounted for, such that COPAC leaders
have informed the three principals about the latest setback of money
shortages,' Muchemwa added.

Recently, the constitutional and parliamentary affairs Minister Advocate
Eric Matinenga, said the first draft of the new constitution should be ready
by end of the year or early next year.

Despite facing this cash crisis, which he hopes will be resolved soon,
Matinenga said COPAC was on course to finish the outreach at the end of
September or the first week of October. At the completion of the outreach,
thematic committees will meet to analyze the information from public
meetings and this information will then be placed before legal drafters, who
will come up with a draft constitution document.

The draft constitution would then be tabled to a second All Stakeholders
Conference, before it is brought to Parliament for deliberation.

Parliament would have no more than a month to conclude debate on the draft
before it is gazetted and sent to a referendum. The GPA instructs that the
referendum should be held within three months of the gazetting of the draft.

Gvt gets US$30 million from diamond firms

http://www.zimonline.co.za

by Tobias Manyuchi Wednesday 25 August 2010

HARARE -- The government has received US$30 million from Canadile and Mbada
diamonds, the two firms currently operating in Marange fields.

The dividend comes months after Finance Minister Tendai Biti had raised
concerns in July that the money could not be accounted for.

According to a payment breakdown, Mbada paid $24,438,457.00 to the
government, while Canadile miners paid $5,568,174.00

Government shareholding in Canadile and Mbada is represented through the

Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation (ZMDC).

The schedule indicates that ZMDC received a total of $19,388,721.17
comprising a dividend of $15,540,627.29, depletion fees of $2,294,031.15 and
a $1,554,062.73 non-resident shareholders tax on dividend.

The under fire Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe got $401,455.45
while the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority (ZIMRA) received $60,218.32 in value
added tax and $4,588,062.30 in royalties.

The Minerals Marketing Corporation of Zimbabwe received $5,049,736.07 from
the diamond miners.

The breakdown of figures also comes two weeks after Zimbabwe resumed diamond
sales after receiving the world diamond regulator Kimberley Process (KP)
permitted sale of the Marange diamonds. The government sold 900,000 carats
of diamonds on that day and raised $45 million.

The Marange gems have divided world opinion, with African and Asian
countries backing Zimbabwe's bid to sell the diamonds, while the West and
rights groups opposed the sale, charging that the military killed several
people while driving out illegal miners from the fields in 2008.

Zimbabwe finally won its battle to sell the Marange diamonds after President
Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai's MDC put
up a united front urging the West to drop its opposition to the auctioning
of the gemstones at a World Diamond Council meeting last month in Russia.

Revenue from diamond sales could go a long way to providing much needed cash
for the Harare government that has failed to attract meaningful financial
support from Western governments and international financial institutions.

Mbada and Canadile are joint ventures between the ZMDC and some little known
South African private companies.

However critics say the diamond firms are fronting powerful political and
military elites close to Mugabe. - ZimOnline.

Zimbabwe Minister Matinenga Sees Draft Revised Constitution by Late 2010

http://www1.voanews.com

Though the anticipated constitutional referendum is still months away,
questions are already being raised as to how that process will be structured
and unfold

Jonga Kandemiiri, Brenda Moyo and Benedict Nhlapo | Washington, Johannesburg
24 August 2010

Zimbabwe Constitutional Affairs Minister Eric Matinenga said Tuesday that a
draft constitution could be ready by the end of this year or early next,
depending on when public outreach is concluded.

Though the anticipated constitutional referendum is still months away,
questions are already being raised as to how that process will be structured
and unfold.

Matinenga told VOA reporter Jonga Kandemiiri that the referendum will
present voters with a "Yes" or "No" choice, not a range of propositions on
which voters might express preferences. Matinenga said the latter process
which some have urged would be time-consuming and hard to manage.

Co-Chairman Edward Mkhosi of the parliamentary select committee in charge of
constitutional revision said the outreach process in the Matebeleland region
is going smoothly though not without hitches. He told VOA reporter Brenda
Moyo that when public opinion has been sounded through the outreach process,
an all-stakeholders conference will be called to finalize the draft
constitution.

Elsewhere, the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition told reporters in Johannesburg
that it was calling on the Southern African Development Community to begin
putting measures in place to ensure that the next round of elections in
Zimbabwe do not fall into chaos and violence as in 2008.

VOA Studio 7 reporter Benedict Nhlapho reported from Johannesburg.

Suspended Zimbabwe Mining Execs Said to Have Played Money Market

http://www1.voanews.com

Banking sector sources said the executives, accused of looting US$40 million
in gold and diamond proceeds, used part of the money to invest in
fixed-return securities

Gibbs Dube | Washington 24 August 2010

Four executives of the state-owned Zimbabwe Mining Development Corporation
accused of diverting tens of millions of dollars in mineral receipts are
said to have invested some US$9 million in the Harare money market even as
related state-controlled firms were in collapse.

Banking sector sources said the executives, accused of looting US$40 million
in gold and diamond proceeds, used part of the money to invest in
fixed-return securities.

The sources said various sums were invested at Interfin Bank, Fidelity Asset
Management, Kingdom Bank, Premier Asset Management and Premier Bank between
March and April of this year.

They said ZMDC Chief Executive Dominic Mubayiwa, Finance Director Robert
Karemba, Group Technical Services Manager Albert Chitambo and Corporate
Secretary Tichaona Muhonde made the investments while some state-controlled
mines were closing for lack of operating capital.

Economist James Wade said the four could have realized huge profits as
Harare money market interest rates are considerably higher than in most of
the world.

Economic commentator Bekithemba Mhlanga said the investments allegedly made
by the executives were relatively risk-free as the funds were put into bank
money market instruments.

Elsewhere, Shabanie-Mashaba Mines owner Mutumwa Mawere said government has
not yet returned his asbestos mining property though he was released from
so-called specification two months ago for allegedly having illegally moved
foreign currency offshore without state approval in 2006.

Mawere said he is in touch with the government on the return of his assets,
but said he has had no encouragement. But critics said Mawere should not
expect the return of his industrial assets as he has been dumped by former
ZANU-PF cronies now focused on business indigenization.

Sources said his assets continue to be held under the Reconstruction of
State Indebted and Insolvent Companies Act. The state administrator of
Shabanie-Mashaba Mines, Afaras Gwaradzimba, said recently that
reorganization of the mines would continue despite Mawere's despecification.

Mawere told VOA reporter Gibbs Dube he wants his assets back even if he
remains abroad.

Economic commentator Walter Nsununguli Mbongolwane said Mawere has no reason
to cry foul as he was part of the ZANU-PF apparatus that brought about the
collapse of the economy.

Mugabe rejects MDC's request for Sibanda's hero's status

http://www.thezimbabwemail.com

25 August, 2010 01:55:00

THE two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) factions closed ranks on
Tuesday night to condemn President Robert Mugabe's refusal to grant national
hero status to the party's founding leader Gibson Sibanda, who died on
Monday night.

Mugabe took just hours to consider a written request for hero status on
Tuesday before writing back to Deputy Prime Minister Arthur Mutambara -
leader of a faction of the MDC - saying the former trade union leader would
be accorded a "state assisted funeral".

A state-assisted funeral means he will be buried wherever the family chooses
with financial and material help from the state - which is different from
'national hero' status which comes with a burial at the National Heroes'
Acre shrine in Harare.

The decision made with no known consultation came as a surprise because
Mugabe agreed in a meeting with his ruling coalition partners Mutambara and
Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai on August 4 to appoint a cross-party
committee to confer hero status - replacing the Zanu PF politburo.

That committee is yet to be formed, and it had been expected Mugabe would at
least have talks with Tsvangirai and Mutambara before the decision was
announced.

Nelson Chamisa, spokesman for the Tsvangirai-led MDC said Mugabe's Zanu PF
party was "showing its true colours".

"Cruelty is their oxygen, revenge their fuel and contempt their daily
bread," Chamisa said. "Any meaning of hero -- either a dictionary meaning
or a political interpretation - would fit Sibanda. There is no debate at
all."

Priscilla Misihairabwi, the deputy secretary general of the Mutambara-led
MDC said: "This may be a good time for Zanu PF to come out and tell the
country that the tax payer has been funding what is essentially a misnamed
Zanu PF honorary club and burial society."

In his condolence message, Robert Mugabe said he learnt with grief and
sadness of Mr Sibanda's death.

"Better known for his role as veteran trade union leader, Mr Sibanda,
alongside fellow trade unionists who include Prime Minister Morgan
Tsvangirai, decided to found and launch an opposition political party more
than a decade ago.

"Always measured, humble and unassuming, he became a voice of temperance and
maturity in tempestuous political times, a disposition which made him a
natural candidate for championing the national healing and reconciliation
programme launched under the inclusive Government.

"His contribution in developing that important programme shall be sorely and
sadly missed by all of us. On behalf of the inclusive Government, my family
and on my own behalf, I wish to express heartfelt condolences to the Sibanda
family on this saddest loss. May his soul rest in eternal peace," he said.

The Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet Dr Misheck Sibanda said Mr
Sibanda had been accorded a State-assisted funeral.

Vice President John Nkomo hailed Mr Sibanda for dedicating his life to the
fight for the total emancipation of the downtrodden.

"His selfless and staunch commitment to the motherland is also codified in
his illustrious career as a trade unionist.

"Honourable Sibanda was a man of principle, soft-spoken but profound, he
could disagree without being disagreeable.

"In all his statements and actions pertaining to the political situation in
his motherland he was guided by
spirit of constructive engagement and problem-solving.

"He shunned superfluous and effervescent posturing and always focused on the
broader national interest and agenda.

"His personal sacrifice for the independence of Zimbabwe coupled with his
numerous and multi-faceted contributions to the revolution of our political
matrix in the post-independence era will forever remain etched in our
collective psyche as a nation," he said.

VP Nkomo said Mr Sibanda's enthusiastic and sober contribution to the
formulation of a consensus-based approach to national healing and
reconciliation would be missed.

"On a personal note, I have lost a friend, a brother, a compatriot who was
ready to listen and would simultaneously proffer sound advice," he said.

Prof Mutambara added: "Mr Sibanda was a great unifier, a great leader who
was humble and dedicated to the collective good of Zimbabwe.

"This is shown by the role he played in the liberation struggle where he was
a leader in PF-Zapu and his imprisonment during the struggle and the work he
did with the trade unions after independence.

"It is also shown with the work he did for the unified MDC before the split
and in our party after the split."

Prof Mutambara said Mr Sibanda was also a major stabilising force as
evidenced in his work in the Organ on National Healing, Integration and
Reconciliation.

MDC secretary-general Prof Welshman Ncube said: "Gibson Sibanda was a
fearless fighter for the downtrodden, the workers' rights and human rights.

An MDC-T statement read: "His soft but wise quietude, his frankness and
honesty were the running thread of his patriotic exactitude."

Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions secretary-general Mr Wellington Chibebe
said the nation had been robbed of a great leader.

"On behalf of Zimbabwean workers, the ZCTU sends its condolences to the
Sibanda family . . . Your wise counsel will be greatly missed."

Mr Sibanda was born in Filabusi in 1944 and worked for the National Railways
of Zimbabwe as a locomotive driver from 1965 to 1982.

He became president of the ZCTU's Railway Association of Enginemen from 1982
to 1984.

In 1987, Mr Sibanda became president of the then Zimbabwe Amalgamated
Railwaymen's Union, a ZCTU affiliate.

In 1988, Mr Sibanda was elected ZCTU vice president subsequently leading the
union from 1989 to 1999.

He also served in the International Labour Organisation.

Before independence, he was PF-Zapu's secretary for welfare from 1976 to
1979.

Mr Sibanda was arrested and detained by the Rhodesian government for his
political activities.

A holder of a Diploma in Industrial Labour Relations, Mr Sibanda was elected
MDC vice president at its inaugural conference in 1999 and was elected MP
for Nkulumane in 2000.

In 2005, he refused to side with a decision barring the party from
participating in the Senate elections, a development that saw him join a
breakaway group that became the current MDC.

When Zanu-PF and the two MDC formations formed the inclusive Government via
the 2008 Global Political Agreement, Mr Sibanda was appointed to the Senate
opening the way for his appointment as Minister of State for National
Healing.

He stood for election for Senate president but lost to Cde Edna Madzongwe
(Zanu-PF).

Mr Sibanda lost his ministerial post after failing to secure a parliamentary
seat within the statutory three months of being appointed.

He was then appointed special advisor in the organ.

Mourners are gathered at Number 4 Harewood Road, Woodlands, Bulawayo.

Mr Sibanda is survived by five children and three grandchildren.

His wife, Zodwa, died in 2003.

Zimbabwe invites fresh bids for state steel firm

http://www.reuters.com

HARARE | Wed Aug 25, 2010 6:19am EDT

HARARE Aug 25 (Reuters) - Zimbabwe is inviting fresh bids for the takeover
of state steel-maker ZISCO, a minister said on Wednesday, after rejecting
earlier offers from South Africa's ArcelorMittal (ACLJ.J) and Jindal Steel
and Power (JNSP.BO) of India.

A power-sharing government formed by bitter rivals, President Robert Mugabe
and Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai last year has sought to attract foreign
investors in a bid to raise at least $10 billion needed to fix the economy.

The government has identified cash-starved ZISCO, once a major foreign
currency earner, with capacity to produce 1 million tonnes of steel per
year, as the first state-owned enterprise to be disposed of in a bid to
revive its operations.

"The ministry wishes to advise interested parties that bids for a strategic
partner for ZISCO are now open," Industry and Commerce Minister Welshman
Ncube said in a statement.

ZESA attacked for load shedding

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/

Written by Paul Ndlovu
Monday, 23 August 2010 16:13

BULAWAYO - Residents here have alleged bias in the Zimbabwe Electricity
Supply Authority's (ZESA) load shedding regime. Angry residents alleged that
some areas go for up to 19 hours a day without power while others, in which
they claimed Zesa bosses resided, never experience power cuts.

A number of consumers with a fixed charge (load limiters), also said they
would start calculating their monthly bills based on the fraction of the
time they have power. Some people said they wanted to sue the power utility
company for electrical
gadgets which they claimed were damaged by power surges caused by arbitrary
power cuts.
Livid residents called for equitable load shedding that should be spread
evenly among all suburbs.
In the western suburbs, furious fixed charge residents threatened to stop
paying bills.
"We will either stop paying completely or start paying for the hours in
which we have power. We are mobilizing each other as residents to bring a
collective lawsuit against Zesa for property that has been destroyed by
power surges," said Sikhulile Sibanda of Gwabalanda.
Residents from the low-density suburbs also had similar complaints. "I live
in Hillside East. We are now subjected to daily cuts that sometimes last for
up to 17 hours. Friends of mine who stay at Queenspark say they have the
same problem. We pay about US$70 for electricity. It is therefore
frustrating to note that homes along Fairbridge Road never suffer load
shedding," said Margot Cunningham.
Residents of Morningside, Burnside, the city centre and parts of Montrose
said power cuts were selective because they often had less than eight hours
of electricity a day.
"People in Bradfield and most of Montrose are not subjected to power cuts.
Why then are we paying Zesa when they turn round and bite the hand that
feeds them?" an irate resident said.
Residents asked for a clear load shedding schedule from Zesa that would
cover all areas.
"We are not against load shedding because we understand it is a national
problem. We are just asking Zesa to be fair about the procedure. We should
know exactly when to expect cuts and they should last a reasonable time so
that we at least get time to use the power we pay for," said Butista Ndlovu
of Gwabalanda.
No comment could be obtained from ZESA.

Zimbabwe Weekly Bulletin - Week ending 24 August 2010

Should Zimbabwe join the SA Customs Union?

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

Written by The Zimbabwean
Tuesday, 24 August 2010 10:40

Promoting Zimbabwe's integration with the Southern African Customs Union
(SACU) has the potential to impact significantly on the economic and
political stability of Zimbabwe and southern Africa. But now is not the time
for such a move, says a paper published last month by the Brenthurst
Foundation.

The paper's author, Professor Richard Gibb, the Pro Vice-Chancellor at the
University of Plymouth, in the UK, said aligning Zimbabwe with the most
effectively functioning customs union in Africa offered great opportunities
to promote cooperation, coordination and integration with South Africa.

But he described the Zimbabwe-SACU relationship as complex, dynamic and
multi-layered, and concluded that 'now is not the time for Zimbabwe to join
SACU'.

The following are excerpts from his paper:

Zimbabwe's integration with SACU, its major trading partner, could also
lock-in domestic policy reform and, if accepted into SACU, add considerable
legitimacy to the Zimbabwe policy environment.

Aligning Zimbabwe with the most effectively functioning customs union in
Africa offers great opportunities to promote cooperation, coordination and
integration between South Africa, undoubtedly Africa's most powerful
economy, and Zimbabwe. It also has the potential to offer a rules-based and
transparent governance structure to Zimbabwe's tariff and trade regime, and,
albeit to a lesser extent, industrial policy.

Although Zimbabwe's trade data are notoriously unreliable and inconsistent,
and should therefore be interpreted with caution, SACU accounts for
approximately 70 and 45 per cent of all imports and exports, respectively.
Equally, Zimbabwe is a significant export market for SACU.

Throughout the 1990s Zimbabwe was SACU's fifth most important export market,
equal to Germany. Zimbabwe's trade policy regime, either within or outside
of SACU, will play an important part in that country's reintegration into
both the southern African and world markets. In short, Zimbabwe's trade
regime will help determine the future growth and development of the state.

SACU, established in 1910, is widely regarded to be the most effectively
functioning regional trade agreement in Africa as well as the oldest customs
union in the world.

Zimbabwe's extraordinary and extreme economic collapse has been well
documented.
In 2008, Zimbabwe's unemployment rate was estimated to be around
For the majority of its existence, SACU has been a profoundly undemocratic
institution. Historically, it had little positive impact on good
governance and democratisation in Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, South Africa
and
Swaziland. Hence, following South Africa's first democratic election, the
democratisation of SACU's institutional infrastructure became a key
priority.

Article 2 of the 2002 Agreement sets out eight objectives for the new SACU,
including a desire 'to create effective, transparent and democratic
institutions that will ensure equitable trade benefits to Member States'.

The 2002 Agreement has profound implications for Zimbabwe. At the moment,
Zimbabwe could join SACU as its sixth Member State, sharing sovereignty over
tariff and SACU matters equally with South Africa and all other Member
States.
For the first time in SACU's long history, joining SACU does not necessarily
mean ceding large elements of economic sovereignty to South Africa.

There are, however, serious reservations and disquiet about the 2002 SACU
Agreement amongst the existing five Member States. In reality the
institutional agreement proposed by the 2002 SACU Agreement has, thus far,
not been implemented.

By 2010, the all-important Tariff Board was not operational, with South
Africa's International Trade Administration Commission (ITAC), a South
African national body, undertaking the functions of the SACU Tariff Board.
Furthermore, only
South Africa had an established 'National Body' (the ITAC) making the
operation of the proposed SACU Tariff Board problematic.

The fact that three SACU institutions have not yet been established, several
years after the 2002 Agreement was signed, reflects and raises concerns over
the 'democratic' nature, credibility and effectiveness of the 2002 SACU
Agreement.

There is widespread disquiet in South Africa, throughout business,
government and the third sector, concerning the democratic credibility,
efficacy and practicality of implementing the framework proposed by the 2002
Agreement. Is it democratic for South Africa, with approximately 90 per cent
of SACU's population and GDP, to share power equally with Swaziland, with
just 2 per cent of SACU's population, or Lesotho, with 0.5 per cent of GDP.
Some form of renegotiated
democratic institutional framework is already high on the agenda.

On the issue of Zimbabwe's catastrophic record of poor governance, it is
unlikely that SACU membership alone
could fundamentally redress or address this problem. However, the example of
EU expansion may be of relevance.

Once the states of east-central European decided to embark on economic and
political reform, EU membership provided political legitimacy, policy
credibility and stability, so-called lock-in, to the reform process, both
domestically and internationally. A similar positive outcome could emerge if
Zimbabwe, having chosen to reform its economic and political governance,
then chose to join SACU. It is very unlikely that this process could operate
in reverse, with Zimbabwe first joining SACU and then deciding to pursue
national reform.
The dangers to the existing Member States of SACU, as well as to the
neo-patrimonial state-structure represented by Zanu (PF) patronage, means
that it would not be in the interests of either SACU nor Zimbabwe, as
currently configured, to join SACU.

Mugabe and the struggle for the African Self

Mugabe's 'liberating' fist

Facebook is great for observation. A short while ago I eavesdropped on a rather heated facebook debate that one of my friends (let's call her Priscilla) was having with a dyed-in-the-wool Mugabe supporter (we'll call him Albert). What struck me was that rather than engage with any of the charges of human rights abuse or economic ineptitude that Priscilla laid at the feet of ZANU-PF, Albert simply insisted rigidly that Mugabe was fighting for emancipation of all Africans. What's more, Priscilla's critiques only demonstrated her indoctrination via "eurocentric, colonial propaganda". At one point he referred to her "white-girl mentality". Impervious to any of the evidence that Priscilla cited, Albert blindly maintained his stance and finally rounded off his remarks with the rather chilling insistence that "it's great being a black man in Zimbabwe cos we call the shots".

Priscilla then pointed out that Albert has been living in America for the past 6 years.

I thought about Albert and Priscilla's conversation for some time. Aside from the hypocrisy, what bothered me about it most was that Albert is a university-educated, intelligent Zimbabwean and he has access to information far beyond the control of Mugabe's propaganda machine. Moreover, he has friends like Priscilla. Despite all that, he still thoughtlessly insists that Gono is an economic saviour, that Mugabe is an African hero and that all Zimbabwe's woes are the fault of Western imperialists and their puppets. To say that his inability to see the flaws in the regime perplexes me would be a drastic understatement.

Western critics have often registered surprise at the extent to which Mugabe's nativistic, victim ideology still curries considerable favour across the African continent. But as political scientist Goran Hyden once wisely pointed out, "those of us who study politics in Africa have usually underestimated the symbolic power of the collective experience of colonialism". The fact is that Mugabe's rhetoric of anti-imperialism and black nationalism resonates loudly with a genuine concern that the African self still needs to be regained from a deeply scarring historical degradation. Zimbabwean commentator Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni summarises this as the heartfelt desire by Africans "to know themselves, to recapture their destiny (sovereignty), and to belong to themselves in the world (autonomy)". ZANU-PF's genius has been in ensuring that this legitimate desire for black liberation be manipulated to sanction the party's every ignoble move.

Albert is not the first to swallow the story. One of Mugabe's greatest survivalist strategies has been in getting this legitimising language of anti-imperialism and black victimisation to be absorbed and reinforced by other African leaders. Mugabe called his land reform programme 'a success for all of Africa', and heads of state such as Thabo Mbeki were swift in declaring support for such nationalistic sentiment in the face of Western criticism. Even where Southern African leaders accepted that there were significant social and economic issues in Zimbabwe, they have insisted that the real blame lies with a colonial legacy and "neo-imperialism". According to Namibian President Sam Nujoma, Zimbabwe's problems were not caused by Mugabe, but by Blair "who went out to campaign for sanctions against Zimbabwe while the British owned 80 percent of Zimbabwe's land". For South Africa's Kgalema Motlanthe, "ZANU-PF is in trouble not because it does not care about ordinary people, but because it cared too much". Motlanthe insisted that the problems in Zimbabwe were not of Mugabe's making but were rather the inevitable result of trying to redress inequalities of the colonial past.

ZANU-PF has consistently attempted to de-legitimise any discourse that stands in opposition to it by aligning it with 'the evil other'; the white coloniser who wishes to trample the African self. When American Secretary of Defense (at the time) Colin Powell condemned Mugabe's political oppression, the Zimbabwean Information Minister, Jonathan Moyo was quick to discredit him as 'a self-effacing servant of his white masters'. The South African press referred to Powell as 'a disgraceful Uncle Tom who always sang his master's voice to the detriment of social justice and the rights of people of colour'. African leaders who were outspoken against Mugabe's leadership were swiftly condemned as emasculated, Western puppets and traitors to their 'Africanness'. Of MDC, Mugabe has insisted that 'they should try to be part of us, they should try to think as Zimbabweans, as Africans'. The state-sponsored media has been at the forefront of creating a narrative that paints all of ZANU-PF's disagreements with MDC as differences between nationalistic and imperialistic ideologies, between "true Africans" and "traitors". In this polarising light, violence and oppression of the opposition are easily encouraged as "patriotic".

For me, a significant low point came on July the 3rd in 2004, when the African Union's Commission on Human and People's Rights presented its long-delayed report on the situation in Zimbabwe. Based on a fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe in June 2002, soon after the disputed presidential elections, the report found that there was sufficient evidence "to suggest pervasive human rights violations". Enraged that the report's damning contents had finally found their way into the public domain, Zimbabwe's Foreign Affairs Minister, Stan Mudenge, insisted that the whole thing was the work "of British agents in Zimbabwe . [and] fit only for the dustbin". Other African voices, most notably South African Minister of Foreign Affairs Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, rushed to Mugabe's aid and very soon succeeded in ensuring that the report was shelved indefinitely. That the African Union was incapable of adopting its own human rights report was certainly an ominous sign of the ideological weight behind Mugabe's closed fist.

There's a part of me which remains hopeful that Mugabe's rhetoric is wearing thin. My head says that pretty soon everyone must see it for what it is; a content-less populism, mobilised so that he can allocate blame whilst accepting none, thus ensuring political survival. The Emperor will soon be left standing painfully exposed before a crowd of disdainful Zimbabweans and fellow Africans.

But am I simply burying my head in the sand? Is there really any evidence that Mugabe is finding it increasingly difficult to garner support from other Africans?

Last week I watched sadly as the Southern African Development Community comprehensively dissolved under Mugabe's mighty, "liberating" fist. In 2008 the SADC Tribunal ruled against Mugabe's land reform program, stating that 78 white farmers could keep their land since their farms had been targeted for compulsory seizure to resettle landless blacks "primarily on considerations of race". Despite having signed a treaty that created the court, Zimbabwe refused to obey the ruling. With its ruling flaunted and SADC's credibility so seriously questioned I naively hoped that this would be the impetus for African heads of state to say "enough is enough" and label Mugabe a pariah. But on August 18th 2010, instead of challenging Mugabe, Southern African leaders decided that they would suspend the court for at least six months while a review is carried out into its "role, functions and terms of reference". My heart sinks at the news.

Speaking at the summit, Mugabe didn't miss the chance to emphasise the unassailability of his liberative ideology. He took the opportunity to warn the younger generation of African leaders that they should learn from "the principled stance of the continent's founding fathers if they are not to undo the selfless work in liberating the continent". His threat is as clear as it has always been; The overwhelming ideological superiority of Mugabe's nationalistic sentiment will tolerate no differing or even complicating views. Step in line or face the consequences. Along with the political opposition, human rights and democracy shall also be re-cast as dangerous ideals that cannot be allowed to stand in the way of absolute liberation.

Mugabe's skilful manipulation of liberation ideology always make me thinks of the biblical warning that 'the Devil masquerades as an angel of light.' The notion of empowering the black self is of course essential for Africa's growth, but there is little about Mugabe's version of it that has anything to do with true empowerment. Postcolonial theorist Achille Mbembe insists that within the type of anti-imperialistic pan-Africanism that Mugabe promotes, "there is a shadowy zone that conceals a deep silence - the silence of guilt and the refusal of Africans to face up to the troubled aspect of the crimes that directly engage their own responsibility."

It is my own feeling that the demise of Mugabe's destructive and divisive populism is by no means inevitable. If anything, it is gaining increasing footholds in the hearts and minds of young Africans like Albert. We must arm ourselves better in this ideological battle. It is our task to actively show our brothers and sisters that true African empowerment will let no amount of rhetoric act as a cover for authoritarianism and social oppression. As Martin Luther King Jr said " I am not interested in power for power's sake, but I am interested in power that is moral, that is right and that is good." True empowerment cannot allow blind celebration of the struggles of liberation without any critical reflection on human rights abuses, political violence and corruption.

We must fight now for an African self that refuses to be built on the bloodied backs of our fellow men and women.

This entry was posted by Glow on Wednesday, August 25th, 2010 at 12:26 pm

Angus Shaw’s Harare

http://www.swradioafrica.com

Over a lifetime, the Harare skyline has changed beyond recognition. With
notable exceptions – the High Court, the foreign ministry, the Prime
Minister’s office ( time on the clock tower has long been stopped at twenty
five past four) - most of the squat colonial buildings are gone, giving way
to gleaming towers of steel and glass.

A while ago an old man on his first trip from deep in the rural areas
marvelled at the new buildings and remarked that us the townspeople appeared
to be obsessed with glass. “You even cover your eyes with it,’’ he said to a
bespectacled me.

He wasn’t impressed at all by the soaring Karigamombe Centre, the faded gold
façade of the Rainbow Towers – “Golden Delicious” as it was known to taxi
drivers before the elements of sun and storm took their toll on the then
Sheraton - or the imposing new edifice of the central bank.
On the bus on the main road from the west he could see the Reserve Bank from
some 20 kilometers away. He didn’t know yet that the bank’s octagonal design
is symbolic of an upended maize cob - maize being the once abundant staple
food with the cob-like skyscraper representing the Horn of Plenty, the
nation’s cornucopia.

Inside, it has marble trimmings and suites and boardrooms to match the best
in Frankfurt or London. Alas, as the economy took strain in recent times,
the Horn of Plenty emptied, though now efforts are under way to replenish
it.

A few blocks away, across my home town, is Eastgate, a fine shopping mall
and office complex behind Meikles hotel that has rows of rooftop chimneys.
When the building is lit after dusk it looks like an old steamship ploughing
into the night. It was Zimbabwe’s first really “green” construction project,
based on nature’s self-ventilating anthill. Its designers insisted it saved
70 percent of the energy costs the central bank building would gobble up.

Walking on chill winter mornings in the multiple green belts and vleis of
Harare, I have often watched condensation steaming from the conical anthills
as the worker ants aerated the depths of their nest.
Beautiful Harare is much like other former British colonial capitals whose
planners allowed for plenty of tree-lined avenues and open spaces, quite
unlike the cities in former French or Portuguese territories. Late in the
year, we are washed with the magnificent lavender blossoms of the prolific
jacaranda tree. The main square, Africa Unity Square, has been a sight to
behold for as long as I can remember at jacaranda time.

The flower sellers and curio stalls add their colour to the square but the
central fountains don’t seem to perform their kaleidoscopic water dance
anymore.
I wondered in the 1970s why they pulled down the fine old fashioned Meikles
hotel, but it was progress, we were told. The old Meikles had a Palm Court
orchestra in the ballroom playing jazz standards and tea-room waltzes.

The square on Meikles’ north side was where the colonial era settlers raised
the Union flag right opposite The Herald offices of today. They hadn’t
intended to set Fort Salibury here, but it was unclear where a better site
for the catchment of natural water was to be found. By the time it was, it
was too late to move the settlement. So Harare is actually in the wrong
place.

An underground water course runs along Seke Road and Julius Nyerere Way up
to Harare Gardens and the Avenues district of apartments and townhouses.
When I lived in the Avenues, my uncle, a water diviner, believed one reason
I slept uneasily could be that my bed was placed east-to-west, against the
flow of the water beneath. I was in its negative field. I moved the bed
north-to-south. It worked. But it might have been a psychological thing, I
suppose.

Back then, the dormitory township of Chitungwiza was mushrooming 25
kilometers to the south of the city centre and it was proposed by various
armchair engineers that the underground river could be excavated and made
into a canal for commuter barges. We could become the Venice of Africa…
The idea, of course, never got past the armchairs, nor did another
hare-brained one to build a Panama-type canal from Harare to the port of
Beira in Mozambique to solve our troubles in getting our goods to and from
the sea. Harare is about 5,000 feet above sea level. All we were trying to
do was think of ways to make our city more important. Enough said.

In any city, there is always a dividing line between the ritzy executive
offices and the hugger mugger of real life. Ours is Julius Nyerere Way.
Cross it going west and enter a bustling tumult of wholesalers, shoe shops,
stores for cheap clothing, haberdashery and aromatic spices, cafés,
take-aways and liquor marts blaring loud Afro-pop over the pavement. And
beyond that, of course, there are the “high density” suburbs, once the
segregated townships where colonial planners put the workers needed for
Harare’s factories and businesses.

Harare’s political nationalism has its mother lode in Highfield township
where as young reporters many, many moons ago we enjoyed the bars, shebeens
and hotels – notably the Mushandire Pamwe hotel _ and listened to real
township music at the Saratoga nightclub. Given some constraints on free
movement in recent times, I carry a copy of Roberts Birds of Southern Africa
in my car. I can always say I’m looking for the Larvon bird sanctuary beyond
the western townships and I seem to be lost.

My own beloved “low density” suburb of Eastlea awakens with the
surround-sound of the dawn chorus that no iPod could ever match. An artist
friend of mine advises the best way to start the day is to listen to the
birds for five minutes before switching on news programmes or beginning
other stressful activities. The dawn chorus today may be accompanied by the
rumble of petrol generators.

I regard Harare, even though it’s looking a bit worn, littered and potholed
right now, as my town and I love it. I and colleagues of my vintage knew
almost all the nationalists after whom streets were renamed after
independence. In my travels over the years, I met Jason Moyo and Herbert
Chitepo, both later to be murdered, and after 1980 I lived in a flat on
Herbert Chitepo Avenue.

I had met Josiah Tongogara, I had befriended George “TG” Silundika, I knew
Josiah Chinamano and I had spoken with or interviewed Nelson Mandela, Julius
Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, Samora Machel, Sam Nujoma and – it should go
without saying - President Mugabe. Kwame Nkrumhah was a little before my
time.

The museum at Heroes Acre displays the old VW beetle in which a bomb killed
Herbert Chitepo. We as reporters had dealings with almost all the fallen who
lie at Heroes Acre.
What’s more, if you have lived as a journalist in a city as long as I have
there’s hardly a block of flats or an office building I haven’t been inside
at some time or another, nor a bar, school, hospital, church, courthouse or
even the jails. You can’t say that about many capital cities of the world.

That’s where my father’s remains rest, there are the offices where the
corporate vipers lied to us, that’s where my pension evaporated in
hyperinflation, that’s where we held the wake for dear but tormented Frank
Moore, a school friend, after his suicide 35 years ago. That’s the cemetery
where Frank’s bones sleep, that’s where Catherine lived … reminding me
whenever I pass it of John Le Carre’s words: there were some women who
carried their bodies as if they were citadels to be stormed by only the
bravest.
Maybe it’s a small town thing. Indeed, we are comparatively small and my
Harare roots may well be comparatively shallow. But my dictionary defines:
Roots, pl, n, the close ties one has with some place or people as through
birth, upbringing, long association etc.

I don’t care what anyone says. Harare, my birthplace 60 years ago, is home
and, God willing, I’m not going anywhere else.

Zimbabwe Police Torch Squatter Camp