The Telegraph
President Robert Mugabe has placed the future of Zimbabwe's
power-sharing
talks in grave doubt by declaring that he will form a new
government without
the opposition.
By Sebastien Berger in
Johannesburg
Last Updated: 5:19PM BST 27 Aug 2008
The main goal of the
talks, mediated by President Thabo Mbeki of South
Africa, was to bring Mr
Mugabe and his opponents together in a power-sharing
administration.
But Morgan Tsvangirai, leader of the Movement for
Democratic Change, refused
to join any government which allowed Mr Mugabe to
keep his executive powers.
One day after the opposition's newly elected
MPs heckled him during
parliament's official opening, Mr Mugabe said he
would choose a cabinet
without them.
"We shall soon be setting up a
government. The MDC does not want to come in
apparently," he said.
In
a speech reported in The Herald, the state newspaper, Mr Mugabe claimed
that
Britain had given new promises to the MDC.
"This time they have been
promised by the British that sanctions would be
more devastating, that in
six months' time the government will collapse. I
do not know when that day
will come. I wish Tsvangirai well on that day," he
said.
But Mr
Mugabe's Zanu-PF party is deeply split and the president signalled
that a
ministerial purge was imminent. "This cabinet that I had was the
worst in
history," he said, conveniently ignoring the fact that he appointed
them and
presided over their actions. "They look at themselves. They are
unreliable,
but not all of them."
Mr Mugabe appears to be positioning Emmerson
Mnangagwa, the cabinet minister
who is closest to Zimbabwe's powerful
military leadership, as his favoured
successor.
"It's very clear that
if he announces the new cabinet it's a declaration of
war against the
people," said Nelson Chamisa, the MDC's spokesman. "You
can't just have a
cabinet without a mandate. Otherwise what he is doing is a
recipe for
disaster."
Five MDC MPs are in custody. Eldred Masunungure, professor of
political
science at the University of Zimbabwe, said he expected Mr Mugabe
to "strike
back" after his parliamentary humiliation.
He expected a
"lull" in the negotiations, saying: "I don't think Mugabe and
his close
advisors will be in a hurry to revive the dialogue. The hardliners
are
likely to harden their position."
But he added: "It will simply delay the
day of judgment. The way I see it,
Zimbabwe is firmly anchored on a
political transition which cannot be
reversed. At most it can be delayed.
They will try to block it but this
transition is irreversible regardless of
the wishes and desires of those who
are in charge."
The Times
August 27, 2008
Robert Mugabe's move came hours after he was heckled
at the opening of
Zimbabwe's parliament
Jan Raath in Harare
Robert
Mugabe today plunged Zimbabwe into a new crisis by announcing he is
to form
a government without the opposition.
Hours after being humiliated at the
opening of the country's parliament Mr
Mugabe effectively demolished the
five-week process toward power-sharing
with the Movement for Democratic
Change.
"We shall soon be setting up a government," the state-owned daily
Herald
newspaper quoted him as saying. "The MDC don't want to come in,
apparently."
Mr Mugabe appears to have decided to withdraw from the
negotiations -
although the MDC has repeatedly committed itself to the talks
- and to go it
alone, in a move that will further deepen his international
isolation.
The talks with the opposition were the outcome of months of
delicate
diplomacy within the Southern African Development Community, the
regional
bloc, and mediated painstakingly by President Mbeki of South
Africa.
It had been hoped they would find a peaceful solution to the
political
turmoil that has gripped the country since elections in March gave
the MDC a
majority in parliament and saw Mr Mugabe come second in the first
round of
presidential voting. The second round of the presidential election
turned
into a bloody affair that saw his opponent, Morgan Tsvangirai,
withdraw from
the poll.
Mr Mugabe's plans to form a cabinet from his
Zanu-PF party mean he will be
drawing his ministers from the minority party
in parliament, in apparent
violation of basic constitutional
principles.
"It's another coup by Mugabe," said a Western
diplomat.
The 84-year-old is risking the censure of the SADC and the loss
of support
of Mr Mbeki who has seen his own credibility suffer because of
his
protection of Mr Mugabe.
The chances of the United Nations
Security Council successfully passing a
resolution - after an attempt
thwarted in July, largely by Russia -
condemning the Zimbabwe government and
opening the way to international
sanctions, will have been made much
stronger, observers said.
Mr Mugabe's move has overtones of the
unilateral declaration of independence
in 1965 by white minority Rhodesian
government of Ian Smith who turned his
back on the world by introducing an
illegitimate, racist constitution.
Significantly, his move came hours
after MDC MPs, now in the majority in
parliament and occupying the
government benches, subjected him to an
ignominious 30 minutes, heckling him
throughout his speech and singing to
drown out his voice.
Mr Mugabe
and Zanu-PF were already in shock after Monday when Mr Tsvangirai's
faction
unexpectedly elected a speaker from its own ranks, stripping his
party of
the advantage of a partial speaker it has enjoyed for the last 28
years.
Mr Mugabe is faced with a parliament that could halt finance
bills, starve
the government of money and abolish the arsenal of repressive
laws he used
to stay in power.
The incidents in parliament either
forced Mr Mugabe to abandon the route of
negotiation, or drove hard-line
members of Zanu-PF to force him to go on the
political offensive again, said
political analyst Eldred Masunungure. "I'm
sure they were saying they had
cautioned him, 'you can't do business with
these people [the
MDC]'.
"The lesson that Zanu-PF learnt in the last couple of days is that
it is
faced with a hostile government and it needs to be neutralised,
otherwise
Zanu-PF would not be able to legislate its intentions," he
said.
"We are likely to see a hardening of postures by Mugabe, and a
repeat of
assaults against the MDC. They want to teach the MDC a lesson.
They will try
to regain parliamentary control, by arresting MPs and
prosecuting them, and
forcing by-elections.
"I don't think the talks
can be resuscitated. I think they are as good as
dead."
nasdaq
HARARE, Zimbabwe (AFP)--Zimbabwe's opposition
said Wednesday it will not
join any new government with President Robert
Mugabe until power-sharing
talks are concluded, after the 84-year-old
president declared he would name
his own cabinet.
The main opposition
Movement for Democratic Change described Mugabe's
intention to form a
government regardless of the opposition as "a
declaration of war against the
people".
Mugabe's move is a blow to power-sharing negotiations which have
been
stalled for the past two weeks and outlines the scale of the task
facing
mediator Thabo Mbeki, the South African president, to get them back
on
track.
Mugabe spoke at a lunch Tuesday after the opening of
parliament when
opposition jeers drowned out parts of his ceremonial opening
speech.
"We shall soon be setting up a government. The MDC does not want
to come in
apparently," the government newspaper, The Herald, quoted him as
saying.
"This time they have been promised by the British that sanctions
would be
more devastating, that in six months' time the government will
collapse,"
Mugabe told the lunch.
"I do not know when that day will
come. I wish (MDC leader Morgan)
Tsvangirai well on that day," Mugabe
added.
The comments drew an angry response from the both factions of the
opposition.
"It's very clear that if he announces the new cabinet
it's a declaration of
war against the people. You can't just have a cabinet
without a mandate,"
MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa told AFP.
The MDC
holds 100 seats to the once all-powerful ZANU-PF's 99 following the
March
general election. A breakaway opposition faction holds 10 seats with
one
independent making up the 210-seat assembly.
Chamisa accused Mugabe of
trying to "hijack the leadership" of Zimbabwe and
said the veteran leader
was trying to ride roughshod over his political
opponents.
"He should
wait for the conclusion of the dialogue together with the MDC,
and Mr
Tsvangirai, on the way forward. Otherwise what he is doing is a
recipe for
disaster."
Chamisa said the talks remained stalled and appealed to Mbeki
and the
Southern African Development Community, which appointed him
mediator, to
urgently intervene as Zimbabwe was "sliding and gliding into
anarchy".
"The talks have not been formally terminated so the natural
conclusion is
that the talks are on," Chamisa said.
"But there hasn't
been any formal communication from SADC, from President
Mbeki, to say this
is the way forward."
Edwin Mushoriwa, spokesman for the smaller MDC
faction with whom Mugabe's
ZANU-PF party could conceivably form a majority
in parliament, said it
wouldn't join a Mugabe government.
"We are
actually looking forward to the conclusion of the dialogue when
Mugabe and
Tsvangirai form a transitional government," Mushoriwa said.
South African
Race Relations deputy chief executive Frans Cronje said
Mugabe's
announcement was a last resort of intimidation and defiance by the
veteran
leader.
"He is now left with limited options and is faced with signs of
disunity
within his ZANU-PF members," said Cronje.
"Mugabe is a
skilled political warhorse who has done so much to buy time for
his term in
power. He can only lose through talks," he said.
On Wednesday, police
were still holding five MDC deputies in custody
following their arrest this
week. A bid by the opposition's number two
Tendai Biti to dismiss treason
charges brought ahead of the presidential
run-off vote in June was adjourned
to November.
(END) Dow Jones Newswires
08-27-081232ET
Washington Times
ANGUS
SHAW ASSOCIATED PRESS
Originally published 11:04 a.m., August 27, 2008,
updated 10:44 a.m., August
27, 2008
HARARE, ZIMBABWE (AP) -
Zimbabwe's opposition accused President Robert
Mugabe of abandoning talks
aimed at forming a unity government, and said
Wednesday he would fail if he
tried to rule alone.
State media said Mugabe had announced Tuesday he was
soon to form a new
Cabinet after concluding the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change did
not want to take part. Coalition negotiations have
been deadlocked over how
much control Mugabe should
surrender.
Opposition spokesman Nelson Chamisa said Wednesday the
Movement for
Democratic Change remained committed to power-sharing talks,
but accused
Mugabe of "giving a death certificate ... to the talks and
negotiations."
"The bottom line is he has to come to the negotiating
table and negotiate
with the MDC as representatives of the people of the
country to find a way
forward," Chamisa said.
Among recent steps
Mugabe has taken that the opposition says undermine
negotiations was the
appointment of his loyalists as senators and governors.
The opposition also
says Mugabe should not have unilaterally convened
parliament on Tuesday, and
accuses him of ordering the arrests of its
members to try to regain a
parliamentary majority. Police have arrested five
opposition lawmakers
allegedly linked to political violence.
While the Movement for Democratic
Change says Mugabe had no authority to
open parliament, the MDC holds the
most seats in the house and its members
participated in the opening session
_ subjecting Mugabe to unprecedented
heckling on national
television.
Mugabe, addressing guests at a luncheon after opening
parliament, said he
planned to announce a new Cabinet. The opposition would
be welcome to join
if it wished, but it "does not want to come in
apparently," the Herald, a
government newspaper, quoted Mugabe as
saying.
"They have been promised by the British that sanctions would be
more
devastating and that in six months time the government will collapse. I
do
not know when that day will come. I wish (main opposition leader Morgan)
Tsvangirai well on that day," Mugabe said.
Chamisa, the Movement for
Democratic Change spokesman, said his party had
hoped Mugabe "would be fair
enough and reasonable enough" to stick with
power-sharing
negotiations.
"But unfortunately he is a driver who is so determined to
crash the vehicle.
He's trying to take us into a ditch."
Chamisa said
that if Mugabe unilaterally appointed a Cabinet, opposition
lawmakers would
simply ignore any attempts it made to introduce legislation.
Parliament,
which was to reconvene to begin work in October, in the past
simply
rubber-stamped sweeping legislation drawn up by Mugabe's
party.
Parliament's first order of business will be to approve funds for
government
ministries and projects.
If there is deadlock, Mugabe
could dissolve the assembly and rule by decree.
It is unlikely the
opposition could summon the two-thirds vote needed to
impeach
him.
Tsvangirai's party holds 100 seats in the 210 seat parliament,
Mugabe's
party has 99, and an opposition splinter group has 10. An
independent who
broke away from Mugabe's party won the remaining seat in
parliamentary polls
on March 29.
Tsvangirai beat Mugabe and two other
candidates in presidential elections
held alongside the legislative
balloting, but did not gain the simple
majority needed to avoid a runoff.
Mugabe held the one-man runoff after a
campaign of violence against the
opposition and declared himself victor
despite Western
condemnation.
The opposition blames Zimbabwe's crisis on Mugabe's
increasingly autocratic
and corrupt rule. Zimbabwe began unraveling after
Mugabe in 2000 ordered the
often-violent seizures of white-owned commercial
farms that disrupted the
agriculture-based economy. Many of the farms went
to Cabinet ministers,
generals and Mugabe loyalists who let them lie fallow,
destroying the
country's economic base.
Mugabe has repeatedly blamed
his country's woes on European and U.S.
sanctions.
More than a third
of Zimbabweans depend of foreign food aid but Mugabe has
barred charities
from handing out the food, charging they were favoring
opposition
supporters. Opposition legislators on Tuesday called on Mugabe to
honor his
agreement to allow food to be distributed, signed as a
prerequisite for the
power-sharing talks.
SABC
August 27, 2008,
19:15
John Nyashanu, Harare
The opposition Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) has handed a petition to
President Robert Mugabe, barring him
from coming to parliament until
on-going talks are concluded.
This
comes as the veteran leader announced yesterday that he shall soon name
a
cabinet that excludes opposition members. Now the MDC is questioning the
legality of the presidency.
"There is no need for Mr Mugabe to come
to parliament masquerading as
president when in fact he is not. Negotiations
have to be concluded first."
says MDC spokesperson Nelson
Chamisa.
Despite its bravado, senior MPs are being targetted by
Zimbabwe's feared
security apparatus. Five members have been detained in the
last two days and
it's uncertain if and when they will appear in
court.
Assistant Commissioner Wayne Bvudzijena says there is a 48-hour
limit, but
extenuating circumstances can warrant further detention. The MDC
has
labelled it political harassment
Zanu-PF is studying the MDC's
petition to bar Mugabe from parliament. State
media reports that Mugabe is
forming a new government, but both MDC factions
have scorned the
move.
Mugabe says MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai is being misled by his
Western
allies. The country has got to move on. However, on the other hand,
some say
should an exclusively Zanu-PF government be formed, that's the
death of the
SADC initiated talks.
By
Lance Guma
27 August 2008
The MDC, fresh from winning the speaker-ship
of parliament on Monday has
accused ZANU PF of plotting to regain its
parliamentary majority by securing
the criminal convictions of its MP's. Two
MDC MP's were arrested on Monday
while a further 3 were picked up at
Harare's parliament building on Tuesday.
Police claim the MP's are wanted
for mostly 'public violence' charges, in
spite of the state sponsored
campaign of violence that has already claimed
the lives of over 120 MDC
activists and officials.
Broadwin Nyaude (Bindura South), Mathias Mlambo
(Chipinge East) and Pearson
Mungofa (Highfield East) were all arrested on
the day MDC MP's heckled
Robert Mugabe during his speech marking the
official opening of Parliament.
On Monday Shuwa Mudiwa the MP for Mutare
West and Eliah Jembere from Epworth
were arrested before they were sworn in
as members of parliament. Mudiwa was
released on the same day. Armed police
raided Harare's Quality International
Hotel around 4 am on Tuesday claiming
they were looking for MDC MP's on a
wanted list. They later arrested the 3
MP's. Another MP Trevor Saruwaka
(Mutasa Central) is now also in
custody.
On Wednesday MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa told Newsreel they
knew of a plot
to drag their members of parliament to court and secure
criminal convictions
that would disqualify them as MP's. Under the country's
laws an MP who gets
a jail sentence of more than 6 months for a criminal
offence can no longer
be or stand as an MP. Most of the MDC MP's face
'public violence' charges
while one of them faces 'rape'
allegations.
The arrests before a crucial vote to elect a speaker of
parliament sparked
accusations ZANU PF wanted to prevent the Tsvangirai MDC
from winning the
post. Chamisa however told Newsreel a more sinister agenda
lay behind the
arrests with a total of 15 MP's being targeted. The
Tsvangirai MDC holds 100
seats in parliament, the breakaway Mutambara MDC
10, ZANU PF 99 while 1
independent MP takes the number to 210. ZANU PF would
need to take back more
than 12 seats to regain its
majority.
According to reliable sources Chief Justice Godfrey Chidyausiku
was heard
muttering in the parliament car park on Monday that 'they' were
going to
deal with all the petitions and cases involving MDC MP's
'expeditiously.'
Apparently angered by the MDC MP's heckling Mugabe during
his parliamentary
speech, Chidyausiku is said to have warned they were going
to deal with the
MDC 'once and for all.' The comments are said to have
shocked policemen and
MP's who were standing within hearing
distance.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.newzimbabwe.com
Last updated: 08/28/2008 09:59:41
THE
faithful multitudes of the Beautiful Game, as that greatest of its
exponents, Pele called it years ago, are familiar with the oft-repeated
claim that no matter the level of the match, a team must always play to win,
if only because winning is a good habit. The same applies; more so, perhaps,
to that other game of life and death, the less aesthetically pleasing one,
called politics.
There can be no doubt that the Tsvangirai-led MDC
scored a significant
political victory over their adversaries with the
election of Mr Lovemore
Moyo as the new Speaker of the House of Assembly,
turning the tables on Zanu
PF, for the first time in 28 years.
These
developments surrounding the institution of Parliament have to be seen
within the context of the negotiating process. Having failed to pin down the
MDC in Pretoria, Zanu PF played what they perceived to be a disarming card,
by going ahead with the convening of Parliament.
For a moment, this
decision appeared to have caught the MDC unawares given
the apparently
conflicting signals over the matter last week by the MDC
leader Tsvangirai
and his Secretary General Tendai Biti. But after the
initial panic, they
made the right decision to play their own card and, so
far, as events have
shown, it was a card that Zanu PF found hard to counter.
Zanu PF,
plainly, miscalculated, thinking erroneously, not only that they
would
benefit from the support of the Mutambara MDC MPs but also in hoping
that
the MDC would carry out its threats of boycotting, in which case they
would
have had ample room to manoeuvre and gain an upper hand in a House of
Assembly in which they are now juniors.
The proceedings also
demonstrated the angst among MPs who showed they can no
longer be easily
manipulated as has been the case in previous Parliaments,
when that
institution was no more than a rubber-stamping organ of the
Executive.
At a time when the confidence in the judiciary as the last
bastion of
protecting fundamental freedoms is very low, Parliament has, like
a phoenix,
risen from the dead to demonstrate, at least fleetingly, that it
can stand
its own ground. One can look to the future and say that gone,
perhaps, are
the days when Parliament was simply part of the gravy train,
which the
Executive took for granted. That can only be a good thing for
Zimbabwe's
fledgling democracy. These are the small but no less significant
gains in
the tortuous road towards democracy.
For my part, this new
found power is something that the MDC must build on.
They should recognise
that, finally, they no longer have to play the
hand-maiden at the party. It
is no longer necessary to resort to the
all-too-familiar tactic of
boycotting because they now have power which can
be used pro-actively. The
MDC should not underestimate the kind of power
that comes with the type of
leverage they now have in the main House of
Parliament. The heckling on
Tuesday is just one form of protest but it not
enough - they now have to be
pro-active in the use of the law-making
process.
Instead of
boycotting and withdrawing into its cocoon for purposes of
scoring moral
victories, the MDC must exploit their parliamentary power and
use it
pro-actively to redress the repressive legislative framework
represented by
laws such as AIPPA, POSA, the Electoral Act, etc. They might
fail because of
obstacles that will be placed in their way but they should
not stop trying.
In other words, instead of saying, 'chitongai tione' (Go
ahead and govern),
they should be saying 'ngatitongei tione' (Let's Govern)
because in this
arena they can now assert a counter-power to its adversaries
in the business
of government.
Clearly, what these developments show is that for as long
as it intends to
use the veil of legal process to govern, Zanu PF has,
rather inconveniently,
driven into a cul-de-suc and the options are very
limited without the
co-operation of the MDC.
A government needs to
make laws, which in terms of the Zimbabwe
Constitution, have to be passed by
both Houses of Parliament - Assembly and
Senate. It is crucial to appreciate
that under Section 32 of the
Constitution, the legislative authority vests
in the legislature which
consists of the President and Parliament. Bills
ordinarily originate from
the Assembly, pass through the Senate and
eventually require Presidential
assent in accordance with the provisions of
Section 51. And herein are the
ingredients of a possible constitutional
crisis, which means no party can
govern effectively without the
other.
The law-making process requires a simple majority except that
where it
involves the amendment of the Constitution, there must be a
two-thirds
majority. This means that on the basis of the precedence set at
the election
of the Speaker, the MDC can, surely, muster a simple majority
to effect
changes to the vast plethora of legislation that it has challenged
without
much success over the years because it has been hamstrung by Zanu
PF's
dominance.
Of course, success will be subject, first, to the
agreement of the Senate,
which is dominated by the handpicked faithful of
Zanu PF and second, the
overall power of the President, who may withhold his
assent to legislation.
But it is important to note that this power of
rejection by the President is
not absolute.
This is because, the
Constitution states under S. 51(3b), that were certain
conditions are met, a
that is Bill rejected by the President may be returned
to him if the House
of Assembly by a vote of at least two thirds majority
resolves that this be
done. In that case, the Constitution states in
mandatory terms that the
President 'shall assent' to the Bill within 21
days. His only other option
at that point would be to dissolve Parliament, a
circumstance that cannot be
ruled out, but is unlikely.
This of course is predicated on the
assumption that the MDC can persuade
some Zanu PF MPs in order to muster
that two-thirds majority. This cannot be
guaranteed but also can no longer
be ruled out given the voting pattern for
the Speaker which appeared to show
that some Zanu PF MPs voted for the MDC
candidate. Zanu PF's failure to
crack the whip on this occasion is unusual
and indicates some fissures
within the ranks, which the MDC might exploit.
There also seems to be a
latent marginalisation of the Mujuru faction,
signalled most prominently by
the relegation to the inferior divisions of
former Mashonaland East Governor
Ray Kaukonde in favour of Aeneas
Chigwedere, who in the wake of electoral
defeat had sought to claw his way
back by claiming the controversial Mubaiwa
Headmanship. The question remains
whether and how they will react to this
apparent marginalisation.
What this boils down to is that Mugabe cannot
go ahead in the business as
usual mode. By convening Parliament, there is
now the realisation that Zanu
PF will need to work with the MDC, as equal
partners, not juniors and his
affirmation that negotiations are still
possible indicate his own
recognition that there is not much way out of this
conundrum.
Conversely, the MDC would also need the cooperation of Zanu
PF, because it
could create the same blockages, through the Senate or the
Presidency, which
might be hard to surmount. In normal democracies, such a
scenario would
ordinarily lead to a coalition arrangement. This indeed is
the cases in
older democracies such as Germany. This reliance on partners
presents an
effective check on the potential excesses of the
Presidency.
But, in the midst of the celebrations, it is important that
the MDC keeps
the eye on the ball. They have now shown that they have the
power in
Parliament which Zanu PF cannot do without unless it decides boldly
to
by-pass that institution and rule by decree. Mugabe of course can still
use
the temporary powers under the notorious Presidential Powers (Temporary
Measures) Act. But these would eventually require Parliamentary approval and
can only buy time for no more than six months.
In addition, having
been forced into a corner, there has to be that old and
familiar fear of how
Zanu PF will react. The security structure, which holds
de facto power will
have been watching from the sidelines and, surely, this
will have caused
some consternation. Knowing Zanu PF and its history of
dealing with
setbacks, one would be naďve not to expect a ferocious
counter-attack from
the old warriors. The challenge for the MDC is to plan
ahead, anticipating,
yet again, another worst case scenario.
In the Beautiful Game, faithful
followers know very well that clinching the
title comes after a marathon -
you have to win the big games as well as the
small games but when you lose,
you learn to pick yourself up and look to
another day. I will be saying a
prayer for my beloved Arsenal. I will also
be saying a similar prayer for
Zimbabwe. It a little hard, I have to admit,
at this stage, to be a Gunners
faithful and Zimbabwean at the same time. But
you have to remain hopeful -
after all, as they say, Hope springs eternal.
If you watched that
inspirational film, The Shawshank Redemption, you should
know that
everything is possible.
Alex Magaisa is based at Kent Law School, The
University of Kent. He can be
contacted at wamagaisa@yahoo.co.uk
http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk
Wednesday, 27 August 2008 10:34
HARARE - A few days before the MDC won the speakership of Parliament
the
following revealing snippet was carried in the state-controlled Herald
newspaper:
Presidential spokesman George Charamba in his weekly
column in the
paper on Saturday, August 23 2008, had this to say: "We need
Government, a
strong Government, which will take bold decisions without
flinching.
Globally, developments pitting Russia against Nato present real
opportunities. Back home, the mature realisation that the enemy within needs
to be handled conclusively, will help. Structures of war - economic war -
are needed and will come shortly. As will leadership. In the few months it
will become apparent whether or not the revolution can or cannot defend
itself. By any means necessary."
Political observers here
describe this as "a clear statement of their
intentions " and are concerned
that the military junta will unleash yet more
violence on the weary, hungry
population which has endured almost a decade
of vicious political
persecution, exacerbated by economic meltdown and the
collapse of all basic
services.
Readers Comments
...
written by
Mafirakureva, August 27, 2008
It is a shame to see a regime putting
structures of war against peace
loving people of this country. What
revolution is this Manheru talking
about. We need a government that is
accountable. Manhheru needs to know that
Gushungo said that the previous
cabinet was the worst since independance. It
was a cabinet of looters and it
is not surprising to be where we are as a
country today. Nathaniel Manheru
nyarawo. It is obvious that Gushungos
cabinet cannot run a tuckshop. Your
propaganda about sanctions cannot fool
us anymore. Ask the good Governor and
he will tell you that CHEFS have run
this country down. Your revolution
Manheru is an illusion. Zanu is a sinking
ship. I rest my case.
Manyepo Aya
written by Gandanda, August 27, 2008
They now
know that ZANU yapera. Reflect on the Iraq issue when they
said they were
still in control!!!!!!!!
I think we are now heading towards
democracy.
Mugabe's kleptocracy
written by Vaughan, August
27, 2008
Believe it or not there are more Zimbabweans who are
against the
current kleptoctratic regime. The problem is we have been
subjected to so
much terror and lawlessness, being reduced to a nation of
intolerant
cowards. We would rather speak ill of each other, and drag
ourselves into
the dirty muck we find ourselves in, instead of working
together to better
our country.
We have turned a blind eye to all
the cronyism, nepotism, tribalism
and racism to find ourselves where we are
today. Our crisis is not an
overnight occurrence, and there is no remedy
without unity and transparency.
United we can rid ourselves of the thieves
and murderers in power, divided
we are forever enslaved by our fear. A
coward dies a thousand deaths, but
the brave only taste death once. We can
all make a difference by doing the
right thing and standing up to these
guys.
By Alex
Bell
27 August 2008
A new multi format exhibition hosted by Amnesty
International is set to
build pressure on the Zimbabwean government to
immediately put a stop to
ongoing human rights abuses in the country. The
exhibit features images of
torture victims and police beating protesters
along with the words of human
rights activists that Amnesty International
hopes will inspire citizens
across Africa to press their governments for
action against Zimbabwe.
Celebrated South Africa human rights activist
Albie Sachs opened the exhibit
in Johannesburg on Tuesday, saying its
strongest images weren't the most
gruesome. They were often taken by
photographers risking arrest for
portraying Zimbabwe in a bad light. He said
the formal portraits of
Zimbabweans like lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa, renowned
for her defense of
opposition politicians, journalists and human rights
campaigners, were
stronger. Sachs said such portraits represent the "spirit
of what the people
of the country can achieve despite all the
difficulties."
The exhibition includes a video and a short play by a
Zimbabwean street
theater group that is set to be performed daily, depicting
Zimbabweans
declaring their refusal to live in constant fear. The portraits
are
accompanied by taped testimonials, such as one from trade union activist
Lucia Gladys Matibenga, who described being beaten at a workers rights rally
in 2006 - a beating that left her with a broken arm and a ruptured ear
drum.
Amnesty International's Simeon Mawanza told Newsreel on Wednesday
that the
exhibition is not only an appeal to Africa to stand in solidarity
with
Zimbabwe, but also for pressure to build on Zimbabwe's government to
force
immediate change. He said the humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe 'is very
desperate,' citing the ban on humanitarian food aid that left millions of
Zimbabweans facing starvation.
Over the next month, the exhibition
titled 'My Rights My Struggle' is
scheduled to travel to countries including
Tanzania, whose president
currently chairs the African Union; as well as
Botswana and Senegal, whose
governments have been unusually critical of
Robert Mugabe.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
By Violet Gonda
27 August
2008
The gulf between the MDC and ZANU PF widened on Tuesday when Robert
Mugabe
went ahead and convened parliament, in breach of the Memorandum of
Understanding signed by the rival parties. The rift cracked further as a
result of events in the House on Tuesday when MDC MPs drowned out Mugabe's
speech with booing and heckling.
This has resulted in South African
President Thabo Mbeki convening a meeting
between the rival parties to
resume the aborted negotiations. It's reported
the six negotiators,
representing the Tsvangirai MDC, Mutambara MDC and ZANU
PF are expected to
meet with South African officials on Thursday.
Because of the media
blackout surrounding the talks it has been difficult to
verify this
information but a senior MDC official, speaking on condition of
anonymity
said the negotiators were expected on Thursday to meet South
African
officials. The official said Mbeki convened the meeting in a bid to
explore
the way forward in light of the developments in Zimbabwe where ZANU
PF has
breached the MOU and has reversed gains achieved in the talks. "The
meeting
seeks to explore opportunities on how the process can be salvaged
from total
collapse," said the official.
South African media reports that Mbeki is
set to travel to Zimbabwe for the
talks. But a South African spokesman
denied this.
Some believe that Mbeki's plan to put pressure on Morgan
Tsvangirai to sign
the deal by pushing for the convening of parliament
backfired when the MDC
won the Speakership, humiliating both Mugabe and
himself. He is now trying
to pick up the pieces by restarting the
talks.
The talks reached a deadlock two weeks ago over the issue of how
power would
be shared between Mugabe and Tsvangirai.
It remains to be
seen if ZANU PF will continue with the talks since Mugabe
appears to be
unfazed by the deadlock and has not only gone ahead and
convened parliament,
but has appointed his loyalists as senators and
governors. The ZANU PF
leader is also making plans to form a new government.
It is feared the
stalemate will result in the regime hardening its position
and hardships
continuing. Already five MDC MPs were arrested this week, and
despite
widespread appeals by humanitarian agencies, a food aid ban is still
in
place.
In a clear sign of the regime's intentions Nathaniel Manheru,
widely
believed to be Presidential spokesman George Charamba wrote in his
weekly
Herald column: "We need Government, a strong Government, which will
take
bold decisions without flinching. Globally, developments pitting Russia
against NATO present real opportunities. Back home, the mature realisation
that the enemy within needs to be handled conclusively will help. Structures
of war - economic war - are needed and will come shortly. As will
leadership. In the few months it will become apparent whether or not the
revolution can or cannot defend itself. By any means
necessary."
Questions are now being raised as to why the MDC is
continuing with this
charade as it is clear that the talks cannot yield
anything. One observer
asked: "Why are both parties not calling off the
talks or announcing that
they have failed? They all claim to be committed
but the events on the
ground are
contrary."
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
Women of
Zimbabwe Arise (Bulawayo)
PRESS RELEASE
27 August 2008
Posted to
the web 27 August 2008
FOURTEEN members of Women of Zimbabwe Arise
(WOZA) appeared yesterday
morning, 26th August, before Magistrate Doris
Shomwe in Harare Magistrate's
Court. They had been arrested near the Zambian
Embassy in Harare on 28 May
2008, where they were to hand over a petition to
the SADC chair calling for
an end to post-election
violence.
Magistrate Shomwe allowed the state's application for the trial
to be
postponed to 15 October 2008 on grounds that the prosecutor, Zvekare,
who
was familiar with the case, had fallen ill and could not be in
court.
Harrison Nkomo, the defence lawyer, had requested that the
group be removed
off remand on the grounds that the state was obviously not
prepared as they
had failed to deliver the court papers by 18th August as
promised and the
continued appearances in court were prejudicial to the
accused. He also
argued that the state had not provided any evidence that
Zvekare was
actually ill, what he was suffering from and how long he had
been ill for.
The replacement prosecutor Kaka had the activists
speechless with his
antics. He insisted that the state was ready to proceed
and could
immediately hand over copies of the docket but when the defence
followed him
to his office following the hearing; it became apparent that
the docket is
not complete.
Just another day in a politicised court
system. WOZA look forward to the day
there will be a democratic transition
in Zimbabwe that results in the
judiciary and police being depoliticised so
that long-harassed human rights
defenders can access a just and fair legal
system.
iafrica.com
Article By:
Wed, 27 Aug 2008
17:29
A court in Harare adjourned on Wednesday a bid by the deputy leader of
Zimbabwe's main opposition party, Tendai Biti, to have treason charges
dismissed, his lawyer said.
"We had opposed the continued
placement of Mr Biti on remand on treason
charges," lawyer Lewis Uriri, told
AFP, after the Movement for Democratic
Change secretary general's case was
adjourned to 17 November.
The charges were brought in June ahead of the
controversial presidential
run-off which saw President Robert Mugabe
declared winner of a poll
internationally condemned as a sham.
Mugabe
was unopposed after the first round winner, MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai,
withdrew due to election violence.
Uriri said a document on which Biti
allegedly outlined a plan to rig the
March elections and install a
transitional government was a forgery.
It was also a photocopy and
therefore inadmissable, he added.
"There is nothing to investigate,"
Uriri said.
"The magistrate said the prosecution should be given more
time to
investigate after they failed to deliver on their undertaking to
provide a
trial date," he added.
Biti was arrested on 12 June minutes
after arriving back in Zimbabwe
following a long stay in South
Africa.
He faces a total of four charges including subverting the
government,
election rigging and "projecting the president as an evil man"
and was
accused of prematurely declaring Tsvangirai winner of the election
after the
29 March first round.
AFP
http://www.zimbabwetoday.co.uk
As old as he is, Mugabe is taking nothing lying
down
If anyone thinks that a surprise triumph in the election for
Speacher, plus
a few boos and jeers and rude songs, in what is laughingly
called our
parliament, will change anything, they are mistaken. That much
became clear
this week, as Mugabe's thugs went back into
action.
Members and supporters of the MDC in Harare's urban areas,
particularly
Glenview and Mabvuku, who were unwise enough to begin
celebrating
parliamentary events on Monday and Tuesday, soon found
themselves under
attack. A gang of members of the National Youth Service,
otherwise known as
the Green Bombers, went into their familiar action with
batons and fists.
I myself was in Glenview, and witnessed a man I know,
Takura Moyo, an MDC
supporter wearing a party t-shirt who was unwise enough
not to flee, catch
the full force of the thugs. He is now in hospital in a
critical condition.
I myself had to run for my life, when Green Bombers
spotted I was taking
photographs of the events.
MDC members of
parliament, those who boldly heckled and humiliated Mugabe
when he
officially opened parliament yesterday, were today seeking police
protection
for their journey between home and office, according to MDC
member Sekai
Holland.
But such reliance on the forces of law and order may be
self-defeating. At
the last count, the police admitted that they had five
MDC members of
parliament currently under arrest, on charges ranging from
sedition to rape.
The five have been named as Eliah Jembere, member of
parliament for Epworth,
Pearson Mungofa of Highfield East, Bednoc Nyaude of
Bindura South, Matthew
Mlambo of Chipinge East, and Trevor Saruwaka of
Mutasa Central.
Much more of this kind of police protection, and Mugabe
will once again have
a Zanu-PF parliamentary majority.
Posted on
Wednesday, 27 August 2008 at 15:29
By Alex
Bell
27 August 2008
The criticism aimed at the Southern African
Development Community has
continued to grow this week after the regional
body failed to facilitate an
end to Zimbabwe's humanitarian and political
crisis at a summit of heads of
state in South Africa this month.
The
once influential group of African leaders has been under fire since the
summit that saw Robert Mugabe invited and welcomed as head of state - a move
which has been described as a disconcerting recognition by SADC of an
illegitimately elected leader. Meanwhile, a leaked confidential document
this week exposed SADC's support for Mugabe as Zimbabwe's leader, after it
revealed that SADC leaders sanctioned an agreement that would see Mugabe
remain as head of State and of the government.
With MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai refusing to sign the deal, SADC's call has
sparked widespread
speculation that it is backing a deal that supports
Mugabe. The regional
body's failure to pressure a signature out of
Tsvangirai has reportedly led
to Mugabe being given the green light to
convene parliament. The speculation
surrounding SADC's preferred leader has
since been justified with the leaked
document exposing that a deal would be
fully in Mugabe's favour.
At
the same time the regional body made no move to pressure an end to the
ongoing violence in Zimbabwe or call for the ban on humanitarian food aid to
be lifted - a ban that has left millions of Zimbabweans facing starvation.
The summit seemed the ideal opportunity for leaders to debunk the growing
belief that the region has no regard for the Zimbabwean people. However
despite pressure on SADC to take action in ending the humanitarian crises,
the body failed to even mention the ongoing abuses.
Tiseke Kasambala
from Human Rights Watch told Newsreel on Wednesday that
SADC's silence on
the humanitarian crisis is an indication that 'SADC has
once again failed
the people of Zimbabwe.' She said SADC has 'rewarded the
main abuser, ZANU
PF, by backing Robert Mugabe,' and said it is now
necessary for the African
Union to take over the role that SADC has failed
at to bring an end to
Zimbabwean crises.
SW Radio Africa Zimbabwe news
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, August 27 2008 - The
Media Alliance of Zimbabwe (MAZ) has
raised concern over the failure by the
government to embrace principles of
freedom of expression and access to
information since the signing of the
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) by
political parties on 27 July 2008.
"MAZ also notes with
great trepidation that the harassment, torture,
threats as well as legal
cases against journalists and media workers have
continued without any
corrective actions by those that are in control of the
state security
services or any statements of condemnation or redress from
the political
parties involved in the current mediation process," said MAZ
in a
statement.
MAZ said it was disturbed by the manipulation of the
government-controlled media, which has shut out dissenting voices and
provided only a partial and partisan account of the talks.
"What is required at this juncture is a media which informs the public
of
the issues at stake and allows a variety of views to be heard.
Journalists
should not behave as government public relations officers and
should adhere
to professional standards. That is clearly not the case at
present.
"The Alliance, therefore, recommends to the
political parties involved
in the negotiations, the SADC appointed mediator,
President Mbeki of South
Africa, his excellency the Chair of the African
Union Commission Jean Ping,
the United Nations Special Representative to
Zimbabwe, Haile Menkerios, the
Members of Parliament elect of the 7th
Parliament of Zimbabwe that any
meaningful negotiations for the people of
Zimbabwe must in them ensure the
following," said MAZ.
The
organisation called for the repealing of the Access to Information
and
Protection of Privacy Act, the Broadcasting Services Act and the
Interception of Communications Act, a constitutional provision that
explicitly guarantees Freedom of the Press in line with other democratic
practices and recognition of the Voluntary Media Council of Zimbabwe, a
professional media self-regulatory body that was endorsed by all media
stakeholders in 2007.
The organisation also proposed that
the Media and Information
Commission, which has been open to official abuse,
be abolished, the
formulation of media laws that guarantee freedom of the
media to criticise
public office bearers and not unnecessarily protect them
from public
scrutiny, and a broadcasting law that promotes media diversity
through a
three-tier system as espoused in the African Charter on
Broadcasting of 1991
that Zimbabwe is signatory to.
"The
current Broadcasting Services Act has failed the nation and the
test of
democracy in the past eight years," said MAZ.
Among the
reforms proposed by MAZ include the conversion of Zimbabwe
Broadcasting
Corporation and Zimpapers from state media to truly public
media that serve
all concerned Zimbabweans, enactment of a broadcasting law
that encourages
foreign investment in the media for growth of the industry,
enactment of
enabling legislation that recognises the convergence of
broadcast, telephony
and other information communication technologies (ICT's);
and the rescinding
of regulations that impede cost effective access by the
public to ICT's,
including wireless spectrum and voice over internet
protocol
services.
MAZ also called for the immediate cessation to the
continuing climate
of repression in the country, including the arrest,
assault and
incarceration of journalists and media workers, and use of hate
speech by
those in public office against alternative voices. People should
not be
afraid to air their views.
VOA
By Carole Gombakomba
Washington
26 August 2008
Health experts are
concerned that most sick people are now opting to stay at
home due to lack
of funds for treatment and the economic and political
climate in the
country.
Some private doctors are now charging for services in
foreign currency,
while medical aid societies are reportedly failing to
honor payments to
hospitals and doctors, as the country's economy continues
to spiral
downwards.
Secretary of Health, Dr Henry Madzorere of the MDC
formation led by Morgan
Tsvangirai, tells studio 7 for Zimbabwe reporter
Carole Gombakomba that the
ongoing strike by junior doctors and nurses at
state hospitals, has worsened
the situation and that there could be far too
many unnenecessary deaths due
to the declining health care
system.
Itai Rusike, executive director of the Community Working Group
also tells
studio 7 that the burden has now been left to community health
care workers
and relatives who are now struggling to take care of the sick
in their
homes.
VOA
By Blessing Zulu
Washington
27 August
2008
United States ambassador to Zimbabwe James McGee
has raised serious concern
with Harare's continued ban of food aid even as
millions are on the verge of
starvation.
Harare banned some NGO's
from distributing food accusing them of
politicizing food distribution to
effect regime change.
More than 5 million Zimbabweans will suffer food
insecurity in the next nine
months, a million people more than the previous
year, the Food and
Agricultural Organization (FAO) and World Food Program
(WFP) said in its
crop assessment forecast released on 18 June.
"The
Mission estimates that 2.04 million people in rural and urban areas
will be
food insecure between July and September 2008, rising to 3.8 million
people
between October and peaking to about 5.1 million at the height of the
hungry
season between January and March 2009," the report said.
Ambassador McGee
told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe
that there is
food available but that Harare has stopped its distribution.
http://www.radiovop.com
HARARE, August 27 2008 - The
state-owned Zimbabwe Broadcast Holdings
(ZBH) has formally notified the
seven journalists, who it once suspended on
accusation of supporting the
opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
in the run-up to the March
29 harmonised elections, of its intention to
retrench
them.
The seven were served with letters on Tuesday,
notifying them of the
company's intention to retrench them, under the guise
of "developing an
appropriate structure to meet the future needs of the
corporation".
"The proposed new structure for our business has
necessitated the
review of the current staffing levels of the corporation.
This means that
there is a need to undertake a retrenchment exercise for the
people who can
not be accommodated in the new organisation structure," reads
part of the
letter from head of human resources, Benania
Shumba.
Shumba said the retrenchment exercise would be handled
in accordance
with the Retrenchment Regulations as outlined in statutory
instrument (SI)
186 0f 2003.
The senior journalists were
suspended three months ago as punishment
for failing to run a favourable
campaign for President Robert Mugabe's
government, which lost elections to
the opposition in March.
Those issued with the retrenchment
letters are news editor Patrice
Makova and producers Monica Gavhera,
Sibonginkosi Mlilo, Joel Mafema and
Lawrence
Maposa.
Two reporters Brian Paradza and Robert
Tapfumaneyi have also been
shown the door.
Makova said they
were told that the retrenchment negotiations would be
handled by Shumba and
the seven's legal representative, Rodgers Matsikidze.
"We are
very lucky because we took the matter to court, these people
wanted to fire
us just like that. I personally have no hard feeeling and I
just have to
move on with life," said Makova.
ZBH runs Zimbabwe's only
television and four radio stations. ZBH was
initially conceived as a public
broadcaster but is tightly controlled by
Mugabe's government, which has the
final say on senior editorial and
managerial appointments.
27 August 2008
The Combined Harare Residents Association
(
While the residents and the councilors will work
together to map out, prioritize and develop strategies to address the service
delivery issues in
The theme of the conference is “Consultation and Participation: The hallmark of good
Local Governance”. This conference is one of the key activities being
rolled out by
Chief Executive
Officer
Combined
Exploration House, Third Floor
Landline: 00263- 4-
705114
Contacts:
http://blogs.thetimes.co.za/hartley/2008/08/27/what-mbeki-must-tell-mugabe/
27 August 2008, 16:18 GMT + 2
PRESIDENT Thabo Mbeki
was set to head out to Harare, Zimbabwe, today to try
and salvage the talks
between Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai over the
future of that
country.
He does so following a dramatic turn of events in that country
as the MDC
won a vote for the position of Speaker and as opposition MPs
jeered Mugabe
as he delivered his opening of parliament
speech.
Mbeki, already regarded with some suspicion by the MDC, goes to
Zimbabwe
with his legitimacy as a mediator at an all-time low.
This
follows the decision by the recent SADC summit that the Zimbabwean
parliament should be allowed to convene despite a memorandum of
understanding between Mugabe and Tsvangirai in which it was agreed that such
institutional action be suspended until a settlement was reached.
It
seemed the decision was designed to pressure Tsvangirai into caving in
because Mugabe had, at the time, cobbled together an alliance with an MDC
splinter group that would give him a majority in the house.
This is
largely academic now as it appears that the MDC splinter group has
thrown
its lot in with Tsvangirai.
But Mbeki will not easily be trusted again by
the MDC.
Fortunately he has a ready opportunity to demonstrate his
neutrality. Mugabe
is now planning to tear up what remains of his agreement
with the MDC by
unilaterally forming a government.
This, coupled with
the repeated detention of opposition MPs, suggests that
he has decided to go
it alone.
Mbeki must refrain from holding hands with Mugabe. He must
refrain from
grinning through garlands of flowers at Mugabe's side. He must
refrain from
continuing the charade that Mugabe is a legitimate head of
state.
He must stand up to Mugabe and deliver one simple message: Step
aside, the
game is over.
The Telegraph
Zimbabwe's opposition leader and President Robert Mugabe set aside
years of
bitter rivalry and talked like a father and son when they met for a
private
dinner last month.
By Heidi Holland in Johannesburg
Last
Updated: 5:27PM BST 27 Aug 2008
Morgan Tsvangirai, who has repeatedly
suffered arrest and assault at the
hands of Mr Mugabe's regime, described
how the tension disappeared during
their first one-on-one meeting.
"A
passer-by might have mistaken it for a lost father-son reunion," said Mr
Tsvangirai. "Initially, there was tension between us but as we chatted about
this and that and became more relaxed, I discovered that he was a human
being after all."
This private dinner, details of which have never
previously been disclosed,
followed the public handshake between Mr
Tsvangirai and Mr Mugabe in Harare.
Only weeks earlier, scores of opposition
supporters had been murdered and
thousands assaulted or tortured during a
bloody presidential election
campaign.
But in an exclusive interview,
Mr Tsvangirai said these traumatic events did
not come between him and the
84-year-old president. "We chatted about
family, about my mother, as well as
about politics and the talks. Mugabe ate
a lot and knew exactly what he
wanted. He is very alert mentally but,
physically, the age is
telling."
Mr Tsvangirai said it would be "unfair" to reveal the political
details of
90-minute dinner with Mr Mugabe. But he said the ageing leader
was concerned
about his place in history and genuinely worried about
Britain's alleged
plots to oust him - a constant feature of his
speeches.
"I got the impression that he has a deep commitment to his
legacy. I
realised that he actually believes a lot of what he is saying;
it's not all
said just for propaganda purposes. He is paranoid about the
British. I think
overall he wants to prove to them that he is right," said
Mr Tsvangirai.
As for the British Government, Mr Tsvangirai discovered
that Mr Mugabe views
Gordon Brown as an even more dedicated opponent than
Tony Blair. "I said,
'Why don't you talk to them?' And he said, 'Well, you
know, Blair was bad
enough but this Brown, he is even worse'."
Mr
Mugabe's regime has been responsible for thousands of deaths since he won
power 28 years ago. But the old leader appeared genuinely pained about how
he is portrayed.
"At one point Mugabe told me, 'You know, some people
say I'm a murderer. But
I'm not. Let the two of us carry on eating together
and showing that we can
go forward in peace'," said Mr
Tsvangirai.
But Mr Mugabe seemed to have blanked out the violence which
scarred the
presidential election campaign and was firmly in denial about
his own
responsibility.
"It felt like a remarkably normal
conversation most of the time, apart from
his denial of the violence in
Zimbabwe," said Mr Tsvangirai. "He seemed to
be unaware or he feigned
ignorance of the atrocities committed by his own
people. I wondered if he
was suppressing knowledge of something he was not
comfortable with. Right up
to the end of the dinner, I kept coming back to
the issue of violence and he
kept denying any knowledge of it."
Only a week after this meeting,
however, Mr Mugabe gave a very different
message. During the annual ceremony
remembering the dead of the war against
white rule, Mr Mugabe said: "We used
violence to defend what is ours."
Mr Tsvangirai remains puzzled by the
president's capacity for double-think
and denial. "I left the hotel
wondering why Mugabe is so violent. Why does
he resort to violence whenever
he is cornered? Being in his company, I
couldn't imagine where the violent
streak was: I think he suppresses it,
even to himself. Or is it the people
around him? He doesn't seem as bad when
you're with him, but I know he was
trying to manipulate me that night."
Despite this friendly meeting, Mr
Tsvangirai later refused to sign a
power-sharing deal that would have left
Mr Mugabe in command of Zimbabwe's
government. But he said he felt "no sense
of bitterness," adding: "I
actually have to admit that I have some respect
for Mugabe, who used to be
my hero."
. Heidi Holland is the author of
"Dinner with Mugabe", published by Penguin
Books.
http://kubatanablogs.net/kubatana/?p=766
I am worried. I am worried that, caught up in the
throes of the fight for
power sharing, we will compromise the principle of
justice and reparations.
I am worried that we will turn the real deaths,
torture and dismemberment of
real people into mere statistics to be read out
on Heroes Day for years to
come. I am worried that the real stories of real
74 year old men in Gokwe
whose limbs have been broken, by design, for daring
to father children who
grew up to be opposition activists, will disappear;
that the stories of real
grandmothers who have succumbed to injuries from
real beating by real hordes
of real youths sent by a real political
machinery to spread fear and rob
people of their dignity will be but a
distant memory.
I am worried that we will achieve peace but not justice.
I am worried that
weary of all this crap, we are now preparing to favour
expediency over
conviction. I look at the Simon Wiesental Centre that has
given some measure
of justice to the Jewish people. I look at the truth and
reconciliation
commission of South Africa that has given some measure of
closure to the
people of South Africa and then I look at the struggle for
"'power sharing"
in Zimbabwe and I worry.
How can you share power
with the people who, by design, not in a civil war,
but by cold, calculated
planning terrorised an entire nation just because
they lost an election?
What manner of pragmatism is this that achieves
results for an elite and
leaves gaping wounds seared into the memories of
thousands upon thousands of
Zimbabwean citizens whose sole crime was to
exercise their right to choose?
Have the chosen ones taken this very real
choice with very real consequences
in vain?
Justice where art thou? Conviction, have you fled our hearts as
we savour
the prospect of wood paneled offices? Shall we pay for this later
and start
the cycle all over again? Who, in "this moment of controversy"
shall remain
true to what we stand for?
"Truth above power, nation
above government!"
This entry was posted on August 27th, 2008 at 11:37 am
by James Hall
http://www.radiovop.com
By Rejoice Ngwenya
Reconciliation talks mean that our self-inaugurated president Robert
Mugabe
is now unlikely to face justice in Zimbabwe but it is hard to see
where he
could run from international law - and he must know
that.
The last colonial-vintage ruler, Ian Smith, spent
the twilight of his
years peacefully at his Shurugwi farm. Credited with a
dirty anti-liberation
war that accounted for 20,000 deaths in the 1970s,
Smith received a
handshake of forgiveness on the eve of freedom in April
1980 from a Mugabe
who had been expected to vent his Marxist-Leninist
vengeance on him. Now
national hatred has turned on Mugabe.
Mugabe's political resume features the Gukurahundi massacres in
Matabeleland
with North Korean-trained troops, Operation Murambatsvina that
"cleaned out
the filth" of slum-dwellers, military intervention in the
Democratic
Republic of Congo, and the abduction, torture, murder and
displacement of
thousands of Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) activists:
These fall
squarely into the category of crimes against humanity.
Now
faced with the real prospect of him losing power, many of us
believe that
for his every past action there should now be an opposite and
equal
retaliation. There might be, however, a substantial part of the
present
generation that will want to adopt a more conciliatory position to
facilitate rapid nation building.
We cannot expect any
support for his prosecution from our neighbors
(except Botswana). Many
Africans of all types support Mugabe and really
believe his economic
vandalism is caused by Western (principally British)
machinations.
Other Africans tell me Mugabe is not as bad
as Uganda's Idi Amin or
Ethiopia's Haile Mengistu -- but this callous moral
relativism means nothing
to the dead, the tortured or the fearful in
Zimbabwe or to more than two
million refugees.
The only
person with the moral authority to stand up and call the
dictator a dictator
is our neighbor Nelson Mandela, but his single mild
comment about "failure
of leadership" last month during the election terror
gave the impression
that all Zimbabwe needs is a few policy adjustments.
In
practice, it is difficult to see what trade-offs Southern African
Development Community-appointed mediator President Thabo Mbeki of South
Africa can demand in order to insulate Mugabe from national or international
prosecution.
Pursuit of consensus like the 1979
British-brokered Lancaster House
Agreement calls for large-scale compromises
but this depends on the ability
of MDC to extinguish the anger of its
supporters and allies who bore the
full brunt of Mugabe's post-2000
political wrath followed by the latest
post-election campaign of
terror.
Many groups are crying foul for being shut out of the
negotiations in
Pretoria between Mugabe's representatives and the MDC: The
1998 People's
Convention that gave rise to the formal opposition was a
concoction of
disparate civil society bedfellows.
Ironically, it is in Mugabe's own interest to encourage an inclusive
negotiating team since reconciliation and forgiveness are backed by the
Zimbabwe Council of Churches, the Christian Alliance of Zimbabwe and the
Evangelical Fellowship of Zimbabwe.
Yet the very
relationship between freedom and justice is a potential
hazard for Mugabe
and his cronies. If Zimbabweans suddenly find themselves
once more with a
credible judiciary, even where Mugabe's legitimacy is no
longer a priority
issue, aggrieved citizens -- and there are millions -- may
use their
new-found freedom to challenge any immunity clause.
And
international law now makes it impossible for dictators to retire
in comfort
to the Cote d'Azur or even inside their own country: The
International
Criminal Court's prosecutor filed charges of genocide, crimes
against
humanity and war crimes against Sudanese President Omar Hassan
al-Bashir
last month, around the time Bosnian-Serb leader Radovan Karadzic
was
mysteriously seized to face justice and while the trial of fallen
Liberian
ruler Charles Taylor continues at the ICC.
Paradoxically, it
makes dictators harder to shift as they have nowhere
to hide. China didn't
seem to want him at the Olympics but they have no
problem selling him arms
so maybe they or his friends in North Korea will
have him. Any
offers?
*Rejoice Ngwenya, freelance columnist since 1986 and
civil society
strategy consultant, has been involved in constitutional
research and
electoral supervision from 2000 to the present. He campaigns
for a free
market economy and liberal democracy and runs a policy dialogue
think-tank
in Zimbabwe, Coalition for Market & Liberal Solutions
(COMALISO).(kubatana.net)
The Foreign Office warns against all but essential travel to Zimbabwe, but
according to the country's tourism chiefs, thousands of people from overseas
still head there every year. So who are Zimbabwe's tourists and why do they
go? With its economy shattered, poverty endemic and political strife and
repression widespread, the state once described as an "outpost of tyranny" by
the US is probably not at the top of everyone's holiday destination list. But Zimbabwe boasts one of the natural wonders of the world in the
magnificent Victoria Falls, the ruins of Great Zimbabwe and herds of roaming
wildlife, and some hardy tourists are still being drawn across its borders. According to the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority, more than 218,000 tourists from
outside Africa entered the country last year, some 109,119 from Europe. One of those who included the country in their travel itinerary was Adrian
Wright, originally from Hampshire, who wanted to witness the elections earlier
this year. "I've always had an interest in the economy and politics and it was the most
interesting time," says the 29-year-old, on a career break. After a trip to Victoria Falls, Adrian headed to capital Harare, where he
found he was the only tourist at the city's grand Meikles Hotel. The only other
overnighters were election observers, he says, and the tourist industry appeared
to have "completely shut down". "I realised it wasn't going to be Disneyland. I saw a couple of other
tourists in a backpacker place - but basically there was nothing to do for
tourists." Although the shops and shelves "were empty", if travellers have US dollars,
supplies can always be bought on the black market which is "working
proficiently", says Adrian, who now lives in Australia. 'Not recommended' Safety was one of Adrian's main concerns and he ensured he always stayed near
other people. The suburbs in particular "felt more intimidating", he says. However, despite the challenges, Adrian says Zimbabwe was the most
interesting part of his travels so far, but reluctantly admits: "I wouldn't be
recommending people to go there." As well as those attracted to Zimbabwe by history-in-the-making, the
country's wildlife still acts as a draw for hunters, those on safari and
volunteers on working holidays. For former gym manager Ffion Bishop, of Kent, the desire to get involved with
a lion conservation project was stronger than her safety concerns. The
reassurances of her volunteer placement organisers, African Impact, also helped
her feel more comfortable. "I would have considered it [Zimbabwe] due to what I heard about the variety
of wildlife here, although it would have been a harder decision if the project
was not here to help," she says. Although the 21-year-old has experienced daily power cuts, problems with
telephone lines, the impact of food shortages and currency difficulties, she
admits she has been shielded from much of Zimbabwe's troubles thanks to the
protective environment at Antelope Park, in the country's midlands. A generator on site allows her to "straighten her hair" and internet access
means she can update her Facebook page to let family and friends know how she is
doing. Ffion has even extended her original one-month working holiday until
September. "I may even come back to Zimbabwe given half a chance," she adds.
Falling numbers But Adrian and Ffion remain in the minority. Tourism in the country is not
what it once was. In 1999, before the government began its forced seizures of white-owned
commercial farms in 2000, the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority recorded 597,000
overseas arrivals. But by 2005, after the collapse of the economy, the number of
visitors from outside Africa was down to a low of 201,000. "Tourism has slowed to a trickle in the last few years," says Tom Hall,
travel editor of the Lonely Planet guides. "It is a shame because as well as Zimbabwe being the bread basket in that
area of Africa - with agriculture and farming - it was also a tourism success
story." However, Zimbabwean authorities claim figures are now slowly climbing again,
with 217,600 overseas tourists arriving last year. This includes a massive 42%
rise in visitors from the Middle East. "It has been a real challenge for us because not always what the media says
is what is going on on the ground," says Felicia Munjaidi, who promotes Zimbabwe
tourism in the UK for the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority. The country remains a "value-for-money" destination, she says, and insists
Zimbabweans are still "known worldwide as the most welcoming hospitable people".
However, not everyone accepts the optimistic figures quoted by tourism
chiefs. "I don't believe them," says John Robertson, an independent economist in
Harare, who states the government is "desperate to express what is happening in
more upbeat terms". Although tourism is probably no worse than it was a few years ago, it cannot
be argued there has been a recovery, he says. "We have very, very under-occupied hotels, a very low degree of trade of
tourist type items - those shops are barely functioning." He believes it will take years for the industry to get back on its feet.
Hotels need overhauling, new aircraft bought, fuel and food shortages resolved
and favourable exchange rates brought in before tourists will be drawn back in
any great numbers, he says. But, he adds, the biggest challenge will be restocking the country's
wildlife, which he claims could take 25 to 30 years. The Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force estimates game ranches have lost between
80% and 90% of wildlife to poachers, with national parks down almost 40%. "The wildlife is nowhere near as abundant as it was because of all the
poaching and illegal hunting. This is all linked to the failing economy," says
Johnny Rodrigues, the task force's chairman. "Unemployment is rife so the locals
have no money and no food. They see the wildlife as meat for the pot." Economic benefits So what of the ethics of visiting a country with such a poor record on human
rights and conservation? Tourism Concern does not advise against going, but says travellers should
bear in mind tourist dollars spent at "big international hotels or foreign-owned
safari lodges" will not necessarily benefit local people or the wildlife. But Timothy George, of British-based tour company African Sunset, is more
positive about the power of tourist cash. For every 22 tourists, one job is
created for a local person, he says. He believes visitors will return to Zimbabwe because the country still has
what tourists are looking for and this will, in turn, help the country get back
on its feet. "Yes, there is political strife and things that are not right in terms of
what the government is doing, but the country is really something to behold.
People go on holiday to have an experience and that place has that ability...it
has the wow factor." Yet, however optimistic some in the industry remain, most appear to agree
Zimbabwe will only truly win back its rightful place on travellers' itineraries
when it achieves genuine economic and political stability. Add your comments on this story, using the form below. I was at Victoria falls, Zambia, last year and there were many tourists
paying the 50 USD for a Zim visa simply to see the falls from the other side of
the border. I wonder how many of the 218,000 visitors are only venturing about
1km into Zimbabwe to see Vic Falls for the day..... This was an interesting story but I would have liked to know what 'value for
money' means. There were no prices in the report. How much is it for one of the
empty hotel rooms, a safari, beer or taxi? The western scribes exaggerate the safety concerns for tourists in Zimbabwe.
This place is safer than what you may think of. We concur that there is economic
meltdown, but there is more to that. Zimbabweans are a resilient lot showing
tremendous energy even in the hardest times, beaming with every aura of warmth
for visitors. Come visit us here in our little piece of heaven of Mutare, one of
the less beaten tracks for the tourists
http://cityofmutare.googlepages.com/ Read the article with interest and can concur with a lot of the comments. As
to our feelings, we visited for the first time Christmas and New Year 2008 with
our 15 year old son and so fell in love, that we are returning this Sept 08 for
3-4 more weeks. The country is amazing, wildlife was abundant (even in the worst
rainy season for years)but the people made it very special. I am not sure about
the visitor numbers quoted above, I think Christmas/New Year would be one of the
busiest times and we saw nobody at Vic Falls at Christmas! We are partaking in a
national game count at Mana Pools this year so will also have accurate info on
game numbers after that. We are taking the majority of food with us (dried
goods) as it is near impossible to buy except through some hotels. It is not a
place for folk who are not prepared to be flexible but it does make our
whingeing about minor inconveniences seem rather pathetic! As Ffion's sister, I know she has had the time of her life in Zimbabwe. She
is due home in 2 weeks, though I fully expect FFion to return in the near
future, regardless of the current problems the country is facing. She has loved
every minute! (However we miss her terribly) I visited Zimbabwe in 2006 and have declared to visit again. The situation
was not good then, and it pains me to see the situation the country is now in,
just 2 years on. I only travelled through the western side, from Vic falls to
South Africa, but during the 2 weeks found the people the most friendly, and the
countryside the most stunning of all 4 Southern African countries I visited
during my trip. I have utter admiration for all the local park rangers and lodge
owners in Hwange & Matopos NPs, all pooling in together to ensure the
welfare of the remaining wildlife. Some of the rangers used to work on the farms
until the land re-distribution, but had to seek other work to feed their
families as they did not have the skills to the run the farms. Their dedication
to the cause is bordering on heroic in light of the political
situation. I visited Zimbabwe last year & I'm due back in 2 weeks time. We found
everyone, officials & citizens very welcoming & helpful. If you want "away from the maddening crowd" here it is! I do not see my money
as supporting Mugabe but as giving life to wonderful people! I think many people would like to visit countries like Zimbabwe which have a
lot to offer but most tourists would find that there were too many
complications, such as travel insurance and currency issues. I recently went on
an overland tour from Cape Town to Nairobi and most of the overland companies
are unfortunately no longer entering Zimbabwe. Our tour company was still
planning on entering Zimbabwe when we left Cape Town but when we got nearer
political tensions had intensified and at the time Zimbabwe was on the list of
countries the Foreign Office advised against all travel to. I was disappointed
because I would like to have seen even a small part of Zimbabwe and if it had
been a few weeks either side of the elections we still would have gone in. Some
people from my tour went across from the Zambian side of Victoria Falls but
British people only get single entry visas into Zambia which cost more than any
other nationality (USD140) so it wouldn't have been worth paying all that money
to get back in to Zambia again which I needed to do to continue my tour. I would
consider going to Zimbabwe in the future but only if the political and economic
situation there stabilised. My wife son and I spent 6 weeks in Zim last Sept. and it was the best holiday
we have ever had. We did have inside help as my sister lived there at the time
(she has since left) but we never felt unsafe. Wonderful people, wonderful
place. We stayed out of trouble spots, (there are some parts of London I
wouldn't walk around after dark!) and as long you had US dollars you could get
stuff. Hotels in Victoria Falls had food, beer wine and the like but you paid in
US. Wangi game park had more food and drink than you could eat and enough fuel
to get us around. Again paid in US. They just popped across to Botswana
periodically for supplies. The problem is the people who have to live there and
get paid in Zim dollars. Desperate!!!! As an ex Zimbabwean, I agree that the beautiful country has a lot to offer,
but it must not be forgotten though that every amount of foreign currency that
goes into the country helps to prop up the Government. I think it is pretty disgusting to visit Zimbabwe at this time as a tourist.
Too flaunt your western wealth in the faces of people who have suffered so much
at the hands of a wretched and despicable dictator is frankly brainless. I
visited Zimbabwe in the mid nineties and even then the poverty in the rural
areas was obvious. I hate to think what it is like now and I would not spend one
more penny propping up such a nasty regime whose clear aims and objectives are
to annihilate life on earth too fill it's on coffers. The story is very good because it tells the real truth about the issue of
tourism and reality about political situation in Zimbabwe. so, tourism authority
in the country should be independent from the government problems and provide
security measures to protect tourists. Zimbabwe is a good place for tourism
especially its some times called a home for lions and elephants without
forgetting Victoria falls created by God him self. Authorities should really
work hard to provide security so that we the nature lovers can visit all animals
and good nature created by God. if you do not do that, i think God will ask you
many question and even question why you make those animals remain in starvation
for good tourists. Backpacker tourists still flocking to Zimbabwe does not surprise me at all.
Backpackers are usually very tight with cash, but desperately yearning to have
impressive and "hard-core" tales to tell in a blase manner when they get home.
So, going to a destination like Zimbabwe fits the bill perfectly. Backpackers
perceive that it's not an all out "shooting war", which would seem actually
dangerous. They see that it's just suffering "economic and internal political
problems", which is interpreted as seeming cheap and non-threatening to
outsiders. Many feel that the kudos amidst peers that they can earn through
vicariously dropping in and scooting around the country with their fistfuls of
Rands and Pounds in a country in the news all the time is just the
ticket.
BBC
News Magazine
Zimbabwe Conservation Task
Force
Tour operator
Alex, Norwich
Chris Allen,
Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Lovemore Dzakamenywa, Mutare,
Zimbabwe
Becca Charron,
Corfe Castle, direst, UK
Elin Bishop, Manchester
Stuart, Netherlands.
roger,
Ashford, Kent. UK
Amy Bryant, Hertfordshire, UK
Brian, Potton
Lesley Strasser,
Seaford. UK
E C, Whetstone
UK
John Sesonga, Kigali, Rwanda
T Miller, London, UK