Drafting of new constitution resumes after 3 month deadlock

http://www.swradioafrica.com

By Tichaona Sibanda
1 August 2011

Work on the long-delayed new constitution for Zimbabwe resumed on Monday,
following a three month deadlock on the method to use in compiling views
gathered during the public outreach program.

SW Radio Africa correspondent Simon Muchemwa said that COPAC’s management
committee held a day-long workshop for rapporteurs, team leaders and other
stakeholders signalling, the start of this long delayed process, due to
partisan antagonism and a lack of funds.

New timelines set for a referendum were released last week and it is
expected a draft constitution will be ready in October or November, which in
turn will help pave the way for a referendum by January next year. The
country is still using the Lancaster House Agreement adopted prior to
independence nearly 30 years ago.

Muchemwa said the new timelines effectively rule out elections this year as
demanded by ZANU PF and Robert Mugabe. The drafting of a new constitution is
part of reforms meant to entrench democracy in the country.

It is hoped the new charter will guarantee human rights, strengthen the role
of parliament and protect civil, political and media freedoms. Initially, it
was expected that the draft would be presented to parliament by end of
September so that the referendum could be held before the end of the year.

“COPAC’s management committee and the parties agreed to use both qualitative
and quantitative methods in the compilation of district and provincial
reports for the constitution-making process,” Muchemwa said.

Did UK warn Mugabe and Nkomo about assassination attempts?

1 August 2011 Last updated at 00:16 GMT

By Mike Thomson Presenter, Document, Radio 4

Did the UK ensure Nkomo and Mugabe were alive to sign a peace agreement?

 

Successive British governments have accused Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe of brutal, corrupt and incompetent rule, but new evidence suggests that without British help, he might not have lived long enough to come to power.

In the late 1970s, Mugabe and fellow leader of the Patriotic Front Joshua Nkomo were waging war against Ian Smith's white minority government in what was then Rhodesia.

Mugabe, backed by the Chinese, based his Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu) forces across the border in Mozambique, while Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu) were camped in neighbouring Zambia.

Smith's government had declared unilateral independence (or UDI) from Britain in 1965, and so London watched from the sidelines as the vicious conflict unfolded during the late 1970s.

Nkomo targeted

On 3 September 1978, the conflict took a turn that outraged even war-weary Rhodesia.

Nkomo's forces shot down a civilian jet carrying 56 passengers.

Eighteen people survived the 1978 crash but 10 of them were murdered by guerrillas

Ten of the survivors, who included women and children, were then butchered on the ground.

Five months later, his men shot down another civilian plane killing all 59 on board.

White Rhodesia demanded revenge.

On Good Friday 1979, a column of Rhodesian SAS soldiers crossed into northern Zambia, bound for the country's capital, Lusaka. Their mission - codenamed Operation Bastille - was to assassinate Joshua Nkomo.

This audacious attack was witnessed by Britain's deputy high commissioner in Lusaka, Mark Chapman.

In a telegram he said, "At 03:00 hours heavy machine gunfire broke out, punctuated by explosions. It lasted about 15 minutes and Nkomo's house was set ablaze".

But Nkomo had escaped.

Rhodesian special forces were stunned. Suspicions soon turned to the possibility that he had been tipped off.

But, they wondered, who within their ranks would have passed on such information?

'Pretty clear link'

It was widely suspected that the British had somehow got wind of the raid and warned Nkomo's men.

New evidence seen by the BBC's Document programme, suggests they might have been right.

UK Foreign Secretary David Owen worked towards a settlement

Just a few days after the failed raid, this confidential note was written by then foreign secretary David Owen's political adviser David Stephen, to the Rhodesia Department of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office:

"Dr Owen told me this morning that he has been considering how to respond to Mr Nkomo's request that Dr Owen's request to Mr Nkomo should be made public. Dr Owen sees difficulties in such a course of action."

So what message had Dr - now Lord - Owen, sent to Nkomo? More than 30 years later, this was his answer:

"I think it was connected to whether or not we had tipped him off about an assassination attempt. It seems to be a pretty sensible thing, a pretty clear link."

As to how the British government could have come by information about such planned assassinations by the Rhodesians, Lord Owen can clear up that mystery too.

"The head of Rhodesian Intelligence, Ken Flowers, was also on our side. So I was well aware of what Ken Flowers was claiming was being done, and I used to read the reports."

The British government, which was opposed to Ian Smith's white minority government, was working hard to find a peaceful end to the war.

London believed this could only come about if rebel leaders Joshua Nkomo and Robert Mugabe were part of any solution.

So the Foreign Office was desperate to ensure that both men would make it to the Lancaster House peace talks that were due to take place in London later that year.

'Mugabe was called'

This might explain why British officials kept in regular touch with both Nkomo and Mugabe.

Peter Petter-Bowyer is sure Mugabe was warned by the British

Lord Robin Renwick was then a member of the Foreign Office team working on the Rhodesian conflict.

"We did at the time have a colleague in Lusaka who was in almost daily contact with Nkomo, and a colleague in Mozambique who was in daily contact with Zanu leadership too," he said.

Peter Petter-Bowyer, a senior figure at Rhodesian Military Headquarters at the time, believes Britain also helped foil one of several attempts on Robert Mugabe's life.

It took place, he said, with the help of the South African Navy at Mugabe's base in the Mozambique capital, Maputo.

"We had absolute proof. The guy who lived across the road from Mugabe, he happened to be a South African, I met the man, confirmed that Mugabe was at home and all was well.

"But, when we got there, [he had] gone. No question, Mugabe was called, there's no doubt. That's exactly what happened."

I asked Mr Petter-Bowyer who he believes called Mugabe.

"The Brits," he replied firmly.

The confidential memo below, sent to the British Embassy in Maputo, shows how closely Mugabe's forces there were being monitored by London:

"In view of Mozambique's importance as one of the front-line states with respect to Rhodesia, and of the presence of the Zanu (Mugabe) headquarters in Maputo, the Embassy is called on to provide constant reporting on the activities of Zanu and the Mozambican attitude to Rhodesia."

Continue reading the main story TOWARDS INDEPENDENCE

• 1953 - Britain creates the Central African Federation: Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Northern Rhodesia (Zambia), Nyasaland (Malawi)
• 1963 - Federation breaks up when Zambia and Malawi gain independence
• 1965 - Rhodesia's prime minister Ian Smith unilaterally declares independence from UK under white minority rule
• 1972 - Guerrilla war against white rule intensifies, with rival Zanu and Zapu parties operating out of Zambia and Mozambique
• 1978 - Smith yields to pressure for negotiated settlement. New government of Zimbabwe Rhodesia fails to gain international recognition Civil war continues
• 1979 - British-brokered all-party talks at Lancaster House in London lead to new constitution guaranteeing minority rights
• 1980 - Robert Mugabe and Zanu win British-supervised independence elections, Mugabe becomes prime minister and independence is internationally recognised
• 1987 - Mugabe changes constitution and becomes executive president

In the end, both Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo survived the various attempts on their lives and made it to London for the Lancaster House talks which proved successful.

Mugabe won the elections that followed and decades later is still in power.

During his time in office, he has virtually bankrupted his country and killed, beaten or jailed tens of thousands of his people.

Britain took pride in opposing his assassination.

With the benefit of hindsight, was this one occasion when London should have abandoned normal rules and simply turned a blind eye?

Despite what has happened since, Lord Owen is still convinced that what Britain did was right.

"I think assassination was not the route to peace. Mugabe was at that time, I think, the genuine choice of the Rhodesian people.

"What went wrong? If we could have avoided Mugabe being the top man, then the history of Zimbabwe would have been a great deal better one.

"The 'ifs' of history."

You can hear Mike Thomson's full report in Document on Monday 1 August at 2000 BST on BBC Radio 4. Or catch up later on the BBC iPlayer.

Army biggest obstacle to reforms: PM

http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Own Corespondent     Monday 01 August 2011

KWEKWE – The armed forces have emerged as the biggest obstacle to democratic
reforms in Zimbabwe, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai said on Sunday, as he
made fresh calls for restructuring of the security forces.

Tsvangirai, who said he would not pull out of his coalition government with
President Robert Mugabe, said the administration has failed to live up to
its promise to restore the rule of law, human rights and democracy.

The former opposition leader, who agreed to join Mugabe in a government of
national unity following inconclusive elections in 2008, said the coalition
was tottering towards dysfunction chiefly because one half of the
administration was persecuting the other.

He was referring to an ongoing crackdown on his MDC party by the security
forces working together with hardliners from Mugabe’s ZANU (PF) party.

Tsvangirai, who was addressing supporters here, said: “Talk that we are
making progress is misleading, we are not going anywhere until there are
reforms within the security sector.

“When we signed the Global Political Agreement (the power sharing agreement
that gave birth to the unity government) the security sector was not an
issue, but now it is because ZANU (PF) is abusing these national
institutions to making them spokespersons of the party. If we had known that
this was going to be the case, we would not have entered into that
agreement.”

Tsvangirai also called for elections next year to choose a new government to
replace the troubled coalition. But he said the country must adopt a new
constitution, reform the security sector and agree an elections charter
before the polls can take place.

“These are the three key issues in the election roadmap. Once these have
been guaranteed we will then sit down after the constitution and decide when
to hold elections, but that will not be this year. We want elections and we
don’t want them in 2013, we want them next year after these guarantees,” he
said.

Zimbabwe’s powerful military generals are seen as the true backbone of
Mugabe’s 31-year rule, while analysts say the security chiefs wield a de
facto veto over the country’s transition process.

The generals, with the support of some ZANU (PF) elements, still believe
that Tsvangirai – most likely to win a free and fair presidential ballot -- 
should not be permitted to lead the country regardless of the outcome of
elections and have in thinly veiled statements threatened to topple him in a
coup.

Analysts believe the generals’ strong opposition to change is driven by fear
that any new government, especially one led by Tsvangirai, could prosecute
them for gross human rights abuses committed in recent repression campaigns,
especially those associated with violence-marred elections in 2008 as well
as a 1980s anti-insurgents campaign in the provinces of Matabeleland and
Midlands.

At least 20 000 innocent civilians form the Ndebele ethnic minority were
reportedly killed in the two provinces during the bloody counter-insurgency
drive by the army. -- ZimOnline

‘Zanu PF finished’

http://www.dailynews.co.zw

By Xolisani Ncube, Staff Writer
Monday, 01 August 2011 13:45

HARARE - Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai says Zanu PF is finished due to
their use of violence to intimidate people and is now using elements in the
army and security structures to hang on.

Addressing a huge crowd in the Midlands town of Kwekwe yesterday, Tsvangirai
said Zanu PF was virtually non-existent but was using force to remain in
power.

“Zanu PF has lost the love of the people. It has failed to realise that you
don’t use violence against the people. Don’t use violence,” he said.

Tsvangirai said a few individuals in the army are the only ones who are
still supporting their 87-year-old leader, President Robert Mugabe and his
party. Service chiefs have always maintained that they will not recognise a
President who did not participate in theliberation struggle.

“Police and soldiers are national institutions, but they have now turned to
them for support. Zanu PF is no longer there, they are now using the police,
soldiers and the CIO to defend the party saying the country has now gone…”

“You cannot defend an illegitimate regime when the people have turned their
back on it,” said Tsvangirai to a thunderous applause from supporters.

He accused president Mugabe’s party of stifling the proper running of the
Sadc-brokered inclusive government through selective application of the law
which has seen two of his cabinet ministers arrested while thousands of his
supporters are being beaten up by Zanu PF supporters.

“The problem in the inclusive government is that Zanu PF has not changed its
old tactics, how can we have a situation where one half of the government is
busy focusing on persecuting the other half of government?” asked Tsvangirai
adding that “the situation in the inclusive government is very frustrating.

“We are not in agreement at negotiations, the real crisis is on the real
power of government that is where we are not agreeing with each other.”

He said it is because of the people that his party has remained steadfast in
the inclusive government despite the discord in the fragile coalition.

“Have you ever seen violence being perpetrated against Zanu PF members? Even
if it becomes so hard, we as your leaders are committed that until we reach
Canaan, we will fight for you,” he said.

Tsvangirai accused defence minister Emmerson Mnangagwa of being one of the
leaders in Zanu PF at the forefront of unleashing violence in the province.

“The reason why you see the Midlands province is full of violence is because
of Mnangagwa’s culture of violence,” said Tsvangirai.

Turning to elections, the MDC leader told the rally that his party will not
participate in elections if there is violence.

He also said that at long last, regional leaders have come to realise that
Mugabe is the real cause of the crisis in Zimbabwe and applauded them for
taking a tough stance against Mugabe’s party to ensure that the will of the
people is respected and elections are held in a non-violent environment.

“Even Sadc is now supporting the people of Zimbabwe, it does not support
MDC, it is not supporting Zanu PF, it is supporting the roadmap which will
ensure Zimbabweans elect a leader whom they want,” said a jovial Tsvangirai.

“Sadc states are now supporting the people of Zimbabwe because they are now
fed up with locals flooding their countries,” he added.

Tsvangirai urged his supporters to avoid violence but at the same time not
to allow themselves to be intimidated by their opponents.

“This time around, MDC will not be beaten while folding its hands, but we
don’t provoke any one and we will not allow anyone to beat us,” said
Tsvangirai.

Addressing the same rally co- Home affairs Minister Theresa Makone warned
army general Douglas Nyikayaramba against making inflammatory statements
which have the capacity of inciting public violence.

“We love our soldiers, but we have one soldier whom we don’t like, it is one
who says if MDC wins elections we will not allow them to rule, those words
were said by one Douglas Nyikayaramba, he must be disciplined under the
Defence Act because he was inciting mutiny in the army, who is he?” she
asked.

Tsvangirai has been on a whirlwind tour of the country addressing supporters
in preparations for elections which might be held next year if the
Sadc-sponsored election roadmap is agreed to by parties in the inclusive
government.

Mugabe family owns 39 farms, says report

http://www.timeslive.co.za

Sunday Times Correspondent | 31 July, 2011 02:11

Zimbabwe's President Robert Mugabe and his family own 39 farms, according to
a report by the outgoing president of the country' s Commercial Farmers
Union .

In his address to the CFU congress in Harare this week, Deon Theron said
Mugabe's claimthat blackZimbabweans had been empowered under the land reform
rules wasa lie.

He said that less than 1% of the country's 1.8 million commercial
farmworkers and their families had received land, and even then the land was
often merely loaned to them under a system of political patronage.

"The continued use and occupation of the land is dependent on their
political affiliation and loyalty. There is no genuine empowerment or farmer
autonomy, there is no security of tenure and there is no collateral value to
the land. It is a dead asset, which cannot drive its own development," he
said.

Theron said Mugabe and members of his inner circle owned multiple farms -
despite the government's policy of allowing no more than one farm per
person.

"If the aim of the land reform was to evict whites and replace them with
blacks then it can be deemed a success. However, if the aim was that it
should benefit the majority and not only a chosen few, then it has been a
failure."

Soldiers beat up ROHR activist after prison release

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Lance Guma
01 August 2011

A member of a local human rights group was savagely assaulted over the
weekend by about five soldiers hardly 48 hours after being released from
police custody.

Cosmas Ndira and 12 other activists from the Restoration of Human Rights in
Zimbabwe (ROHR) group were released on Friday, after being arrested at the
High Court on Wednesday for taking part in a protest against the continued
detention of eight Glen View residents charged with the murder of a
policeman.

On Sunday at around 8pm Ndira “was heavily assaulted by a group of more than
5 people identified as members of the Zimbabwe National Army,” ROHR said in
a statement. The attack, which took place in Mabvuku on the outskirts of
Harare, saw Ndira sustaining serious head injuries and losing a lot of
blood.

ROHR said “he is currently battling for his life at a local hospital.”
Efforts by the Ndira family to report the assault at Mabvuku police station
were fruitless as the police there are said to have refused to open a docket
for unspecified reasons. The incident highlights once again the selective
application of the law in the country.

ROHR spokesperson, Stendrick Zvorwadza condemned the assault as an act of
“brutality against civilians’ by the security forces. A statement by the
group said an ‘unreformed security sector’ is the biggest threat to peace
and stability in the country.

Block failed farmers from mines: Gono

http://www.newzimbabwe.com

01/08/2011 00:00:00
    by Gilbert Nyambabvu

CENTRAL bank chief, Gideon Gono has said failed farmers must not benefit
from the takeover of foreign companies under the country’s indigenisation
programme and warned the government against a rushed and wholesale transfer
of equity to locals.

In a statement on indigenisation accompanying his monetary policy review
last week, Gono – who has previously stated that the current approach would
only benefit the well-connected few -- dismissed suggestions that he was
against the programme.

“It has been suggested that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, in particular this
Governor, is against the indigenization and economic empowerment
legislation,” Gono said.

“This of course is absolutely nonsensical. To begin with, the Governor is
not a Member of Parliament, and, therefore, has no jurisdiction or powers to
reverse legislation formulated, debated and passed by the country’s August
House.”

Gono urged a review of the current approach to indigenisation and insisted
that beneficiaries of the country’s land reforms should be kept away from
companies acquired under the programme.

“There ought to be a deliberate bias towards or in favour of those who have
not benefited from other Government programmes before, so that a broad-based
empowerment
model can be achieved,” he said.

“It would be wrong to continue to concentrate new and scarce resources and
opportunities on a few individuals, some of whom are even struggling to
utilize what they already have to the economy’s advantage.”

The RBZ chief said government must especially ensure that failed farmers are
blocked from the country’s mines and other economic assets targeted for
indigenisation.

“This economy is littered with cases of productive farms lying idle, farms
which have been turned … Our view is that it is time we became tough with
economic non-performers in whatever field they are,” he said.

“Where an individual has benefited from the historic Land Reform Programme,
and was allocated a farm(s) which they are not making full use of, those
people, in our view, should not be allowed to go and multiply that failure
into other sectors such as mining, manufacturing and many others, unless
that beneficiary is starting his or her own entity afresh!”

Gono also repeated his criticism of the equity-based approach being pursued
by the government arguing it would only benefit the privileged few and
potentially harm the country’s economy.

Under current indigenisation laws, foreign companies are required to
transfer at least 51 percent of their shareholding to locals.
However, Gono expressed reservations over the approach.

“Recognizing the fact that that only a few can fit or benefit from the
equity-ownership model (currently) being pushed the Central Bank is
advocating for an (alternative) which is premised on the participation of a
broad spectrum of the population, through the supply and distribution chain
of the country’s economy, as opposed to primarily focusing on equity
holdings,” he said.

“The model also envisages a gradual approach to attainment of the company
ownership thresholds by indigenous Zimbabweans, in a manner that ensures
sustainable empowerment, inflows of much-needed foreign capital and minimal
disruption to economic activity.”
The RBZ governor added that the equity transfer model was also not suitable
under Zimbabwe’s current economic situation.

“Equity or shareholder benefits also only when dividends are declared, which
is normally annually, bi-annually or even at longer intervals, thus
depriving indigenous people of much-needed immediate and basic
 requirements,” he said.
“The situation is worse in an environment like ours, where most companies
are making losses or insignificant profit levels.”

Gono pushes indigenisation re-think

http://www.newzimbabwe.com/

01/08/2011 00:00:00
    by Gideon Gono, RBZ Governor

Below is the statement presented by RBZ governor, Gideon Gono on the
country's indigenisation programme. The statement was a supplement to his
July 2011 Monetary Policy Review. Gono suggests an alternative approach
which, he argues, would benefit more of the country's majority poor.

THE issue of indigenization and economic empowerment has attracted a lot of
national debate and interest, and with it also, some misconceptions and
misrepresentations of the views of some individuals, groups and
institutions, on the subject.

In this Supplement to the July 2011 Monetary Policy Statement, the Governor
clarifies the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe’s position and advice to Government,
on our modest views on the implementation of the Indigenization and Economic
Empowerment Act (Chapter 14:33).

It has been suggested that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe, in particular this
Governor, is against the indigenization and economic empowerment
legislation.

This of course is absolutely nonsensical. To begin with, the Governor is not
a Member of Parliament, and, therefore, has no jurisdiction or powers to
reverse legislation formulated,
debated and passed by the country’s August House.

What we have spoken against before, and we still do today and tomorrow, is
that any attempt to hide behind the indigenization law or any law for that
matter, in order to commit or justify acts of economic banditry,
expropriation and or unfair practices that suggest that we are not a law
abiding citizenry or any attempts to parcel out pieces of the economic cake
and opportunities created by this noble piece of legislation to a few
connected cliques of people whilst the majority of intended beneficiaries
remain with nothing, as happened in the past with respect to other
Government empowerment schemes, is totally unacceptable.
Failed farmers

This law must not be used to multiply pockets of inefficiency, in as far as
utilization of national resources and opportunities of the country is
concerned.

For example, where an individual has benefited from the historic Land Reform
Programme, and was allocated a farm(s) which they are not making full use
of, those people, in our view, should not be allowed to go and multiply that
failure into other sectors such as mining, manufacturing and many others,
unless that beneficiary is starting his or her own entity afresh!

    Advertisement

There ought to be a deliberate bias towards or in favour of those who have
not benefited from other Government programmes before, so that a broad-based
empowerment
model can be achieved.

It would be wrong to continue to concentrate new and scarce resources and
opportunities on a few individuals, some of whom are even struggling to
utilize what they already have to the economy’s advantage.

This economy is littered with cases of productive farms lying idle, farms
which have been turned into grasslands instead of maizelands, soyalands and
so forth, yet we need to be utilizing the available resources, including and
especially the land, to advance our national economic fortunes, as the land
is the basis of our sustenance.

Our view is that it is time we became tough with economic non-performers in
whatever field they are, and the Indigenization and Empowerment law provides
a great opportunity to screen out opportunists and those without a track
record of producing for the country. We need to embrace the ideology of hard
working, productivity, law abiding citizenry, fairness, accountability and
transparency.

The implementation of the economic empowerment strategy should be done in a
manner that immediately reduce poverty for the majority of the people, and
enhance societal welfare. The program should ensure the equitable
redistribution of wealth across broad spectrum of societal groups notably,
women, youth, chiefs and the physically handicapped.

Whatever indigenization and empowerment model we adopt must fulfill certain
aspirations of the population, hence the need for it to be broad-based,
touching the grassroots people, the youths, women, elderly and vulnerable,
including special need groups such as the disabled, chiefs, headmen down to
the village heads and communities in between.

The model must also respond to, and tackle, each of the eight (8) United
Nations (UN) Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), namely the eradication of
extreme poverty, support towards the achievement of universal primary
education, promotion of gender equality and empowerment of women (and the
youths), reduction of child mortality, improvement in maternal health,
combating of HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, ensuring and assisting
environmental sustainability and assist in the development of global
partnerships for development.

The Economic empowerment model places greater prominence on wealth creation
(that is growing the cake) and value addition through broad-based
participation of the indigenous people, as opposed to a narrow view of
merely redistributing the country’s already existing and shrinking stock of
wealth.
Supply Model

Recognizing the fact that that only a few can fit or benefit from the
equity-ownership model being pushed under the Indigenization and Empowerment
Act, the Central Bank is advocating for a Supply and Distribution
Indigenization and Empowerment (SaDIE) Model, which is premised on the
participation of a broad spectrum of the population, through the supply and
distribution chain of the whole country’s economic cake, as opposed to
primarily focusing on equity holdings.

Under this framework, Government can ensure that indigenous people supply
inputs and services into the country’s production processes. This strategy
effectively empowers indigenous people to control downstream industries
through the supplying of raw materials, services and other inputs.

The model also envisages a gradual approach to attainment of the company
ownership thresholds by indigenous Zimbabweans, in a manner that ensures
sustainable empowerment, inflows of much-needed foreign capital and minimal
disruption to economic activity.

Under the empowerment-led indigenization initiatives, companies will, thus,
be required to source a specified proportion of their inputs, raw materials
and spares from indigenous entities.

The supply of raw materials and other critical inputs immediately empowers
Zimbabweans by smoothening the ownership of the means of production and
mainstreaming previously disadvantaged indigenous people into active
participation in economy building.

The model, thus ensures that indigenous people realize immediate benefits
through receipts from guaranteed supply of goods and services to companies,
as opposed to waiting for annual dividend payments, which are contingent
upon the companies making profits and declaring such dividends to
shareholders.
Sectoral approach

To this end, a sectoral approach should be implemented, with particular
attention being paid to the sensitivities that characterize firms in
different sectors such as the financial,
mining, manufacturing and agriculture.

Indigenization and empowerment of the economically disadvantaged should not
be confined to the acquisition of equity by local people, but must be
extended to cover
control of downstream industries.
Account should be taken of each sector’s contribution to GDP.

The empowerment strategy should also take account of the fact that, in terms
of ownership, the following sectors, which contribute 64 percent of GDP are
already significantly under the control of either Government or private
sector indigenous people.

Some of the merits of a sector-based empowerment program are as follows:
- They are more focused to deliver, taking into account the peculiarities of
each sector;
- Time frames and targets are easier to set and monitor; and
- Thresholds are also much easier to set and monitor.
Addressing needs

Empowerment of indigenous people should improve their basic welfare and
reduce poverty in line with the internationally recognized millennium
development goals (MDGs).

The country’s ownership and empowerment struggles must, therefore, be
anchored on these absolute necessities which put differently, relate to the
famous Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs (MHoN).

The supply of raw materials and inputs by indigenous people immediately
addresses their basic, low-level physiological needs notably food, shelter
and clothing.

Higher-level needs such as self-actualization are long term in nature and do
not immediately impact on the livelihoods of the generality of the
population.

Equity ownership resides in the realm of both “esteem and self-actualization
needs”, the smallest of the five (5) components in the MHoN Pyramid, while
the other three bottom segments constitute the crying needs of the majority
of Zimbabweans. These segments, especially the bottom two, are the concern
of the UN Millennium Development Goals.

Self actualization needs, such as the acquisition of equity and majority
shareholding in companies, have minimal short-term benefits to the
indigenous people and, should
therefore, be the medium to long-term national goals under the
indigenization framework.

Equity or shareholder benefits also only when dividends are declared, which
is normally annually, bi-annually or even at longer intervals, thus
depriving indigenous people of muchneeded immediate and basic requirements.
The situation is worse in an environment like ours, where most companies are
making losses or insignificant profit levels.

Under the SaDIEs model, the Bank advocates for the descaling of the
equity-type demands model, which will benefit only a few as the MHoN model
shows, and proposes the upscaling an input supply, distribution and service
provision model, which has the practical potential of ensuring regular
income flows for the majority of our people, while
generating popular and local stakeholder involvement.

This approach can also be fine-tuned to address the quotasystem requirements
for youths, women and special groups, and is also auditable, and transparent
with a quick turnaround in terms of visible benefits that address basic
needs of individuals and communities in which the economic cake is being
generated such as mines.
Dignity and Welfare

The SaDIAE Model empowers indigenous people in a way that gives them
dignity, improves their basic welfare and reduces poverty in line with the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) while extending beneficial mileage to
the majority of the people.

Higher–level needs such as self-actualization and esteem needs are also very
important as long as it is understood that they are long-term in nature and
do not immediately impact on the livelihoods of the generality of the
population.

Rather than concentrate on equity-type approach on a large and
non-discriminatory scale, the SaDIAE approach begins at, or with, the start
of the economic cake itself, by requiring that at least 75 percent of
industrial procurements are reserved for indigenous people or indigenous
owned companies.

Current non-indigenous supply/distribution/marketing contracts can be
negotiated over to indigenous people, without affecting or compromising
price competitiveness to the company, quality specifications, delivery
efficiencies and all other existing criteria required by the companies,
parastatals, local authorities, Government Departments and Ministries.

Where there are short-comings in terms of the skills of indigenous people,
mentorship programs and smartpartnerships arrangements could be put in
place, in transparent ways which are auditable by Zimra or Exchequer/and
which mentorship programs should observe the need for participation by
locals, women, youths and special groups, while avoiding cases of
duplicating beneficiaries.
Imported inputs to the industries also ought to be indigenized and
appropriate steps taken by the companies concerned to mentor/hand-hold
newcomers to the game.

Banks are more likely to lend to a group of people or individuals who are
accredited suppliers of say, Zimplats, with the understanding that they will
get paid by Stop-Order directly from the beneficiary company.

This allows them to securitize that relationship, thereby obviating the need
for primary security from the individual or group of individuals who do not
have any collateral to give in the first place.

The beauty with this approach is that even loss making companies necessarily
have to consume raw materials inputs and other services monthly or
periodically, thus contributing towards the day-to-day empowerment of the
indigenous people, a factor that eliminates the need, under the predominance
of equity-type empowerment model, to receive dividends only once a year or
so.
Sectoral opportunities

Lucrative empowerment opportunities are abound in the key sectors of the
Zimbabwean economy notably, manufacturing, mining, construction, tourism,
retail, distribution, transport, telecommunications, financial and the
public sectors.

Based on the 2011 potential GDP of US$8,627 million, immense empowerment
opportunities, amounting to over US$2 billion, can be exploited by the
indigenous people
through securing contracts to supply of inputs and services to the country’s
industries.
Manufacturing

Indigenous people can be empowered to the tune of US$878.9 million per
annum, through supply of inputs and services to the manufacturing sector.
Manufacturing sector contributes about 18% to GDP and is the second largest
sector after agriculture in terms of contribution to GDP. The sector is well
diversified and possesses strong linkages with other productive sectors of
the economy.

The sector is made up of various sub-sectors such as foodstuffs, tobacco and
beverages, clothing and textiles, wood and furniture, paper printing and
publishing, chemical and petroleum products. The major cost drivers in the
sector are electricity, labour, raw materials, inputs and maintenance.

A deliberate policy can be put in place to support indigenous people in the
procurement of raw materials and inputs to the manufacturing industry.

Under this policy, companies will be required to ensure that at least 75% of
their raw materials and certain goods and services are supplied by locals.
This measure should be accompanied by procurement guidelines to ensure that
indigenous-owned firms meet acceptable minimum quality standards required by
the different sub-sectors. To be continued ...

New ZANU PF jingles present urgent need for reform

http://www.swradioafrica.com

by Irene Madongo
01 August 2011

The release of a fresh batch of pro-ZANU PF jingles shows just how urgently
media reforms are needed in Zimbabwe, Nhlanhla Ngwenya, the Director of the
Zimbabwe chapter of the Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA-Zimbabwe).

The Global Political Agreement has called for the media sector to be
reformed in the country, but the coalition government has been dragging its
feet over the matter. The state-owned Zimbabwe Broadcasting Cooperation
(ZBC) is still taking a pro-Robert Mugabe stance, and continues to play
jingles which support ZANU PF’s agenda.

Most recently, the Light Machine Gun (LMG) Choir in Bulawayo launched a new
batch of music this weekend. Information Minister Webster Shamu, who is also
a key ZANU PF executive, praised their music and claimed they were
revolutionary songs and not party jingles.

However, a media expert said these are indeed party jingles presented as
songs.

“The issue is that they are couching these jingles as songs. But the
underlying motive is to market ZANU PF before the electorate,” MISA’s
Ngwenya explained. “They have done it in such a clever way that they are
masquerading these jingles as songs.”

The jingles, guised as ‘songs’, make their way to popular music charts and
are played continuously, he added.

“It clearly shows why there is an urgent need to insulate the ZBC from
political interference and turn it into a genuine public broadcaster that
will reflect all Zimbabweans and not that of one single party,” Ngwenya
said.

He added: “This shows why there has been reluctance to introduce sweeping
reforms at the broadcaster, which reforms will make the broadcaster
accountable to parliament and not a single ministry.”

Despite the existence of a coalition government, the media environment in
Zimbabwe remains oppressive. Last week journalists were reminded that they
could be jailed for reporting critical cabinet issues, and days earlier
others were assaulted by ZANU PF activists at a human rights meeting. Last
month the police banned a MISA concert, dubbed ‘Free the Airwaves’, which
was campaigning for opening up of the airwaves

Zimbabweans Should Brace For More Zanu (PF) Jingles

http://www.radiovop.com/

Charity Mukwambo, Bulawayo, August 01, 2011 - The Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Corporation television viewers and radio listeners should brace for more
incessant Zanu (PF) propaganda jingles following the launch of the Ndebele
version of the jingles in Bulawayo on Saturday.

The jingles composed by Light Machine Gun (LMG) are expected on air on the
national broadcaster starting this week. Light Machine Gun choir was formed
by Zapu cadres in Zambia in 1978 during the liberation struggle.

Speaking at the launch of the jingles, Matabeleland South provincial
information officer, Alois Chamboko who was representing Media, Information
and Publicity Minister, Webster at the launch claimed that the jingles tell
the story of a heroic people which wrested their land from the clutches of
the white man.

“The revolutionary songs are part of our heritage, telling the story of our
people. However these songs are losing respect because some people among us
are belittling the songs, calling them jingles while deriding groups that
sing them,” said Shamu.

According to Zanu (PF) sources , Sikhanyiso Ndlovu, the Zanu (PF) politburo
member approached LMC with the idea of coming up with the Ndebele version of
the jingles after  a similar project failed due to reluctance of most
musical groups in Bulawayo to take part in the composition of the jingles.

Commenting on the launch of the jingles by LMG choir, Methuseli Moyo, the
Zapu spokesperson said the launch of the jingles is a non event because most
of the original members of the choir deserted the choir long way back and
joined Zapu.

“Most of the founders of LMG are now with Zapu. Those who have composed
those songs are Zanu (PF) people masquerading as LMG. As Zapu we wish them
well in their new project,” said Moyo.

   

US ambassador defends position on military

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

By Everson Mushava, Staff Writer
Monday, 01 August 2011 18:05

HARARE - US ambassador Charles Ray has defended his position on Zimbabwe’s
military saying although they have a constitutional right to support who
they want, making political statements was out of their political
boundaries.

Political turncoat Jonathan Moyo last week sprinkled mud on Charles Ray’s
face saying the US government intended to cause regime change in Zimbabwe
and that the “rogue” ambassador should be deported.

Moyo said Ray was not qualified to comment on sensitive issues about the
Zimbabwe’s military, let alone decide how Zimbabwe people should govern
themselves.

Ray, a former US military man himself for 20 years said, it is not within
the confines of soldiers to make public political statements. He described
it as a professional misconduct.

He was speaking on Thursday at the Southern African Policy and Economic
Series (Sapes) dialogue dubbed:  The Future of US-Zimbabwe Relations.

Recently, a top general, Douglas Nyikayaramba ignited heated debate on
security sector reforms after saying he would not allow Morgan Tsvangirai or
anyone without liberation war credentials to rule Zimbabwe even if they won
the  election.

He proceeded to describe Tsvangirai as a “national security threat” and
vowed to do “anything” to keep aging President Robert Mugabe in power,
torching a political storm.

Nyikayaramba, echoing Mugabe’s sentiments, demanded elections this year,
defying a Sadc resolution that the playing field was not yet level to
guarantee a free and fair election.

The MDC have described Nyikayaramba’s utterances as “treacherous” and a
breach of the Zimbabwean constitution that requires soldiers to be
apolitical in the discharge of their duties.

“There is a code of conduct for US military men that punishes a military man
who goes out of their way.

“As we speak, some are in jail, some lost their jobs while others will never
realise promotion until they retire,” said Ray.

He scoffed at the claims by Zanu PF that MDC was a project of the US to
remove Mugabe from power. I have heard four different versions of how the
MDC was formed. I don’t know which one is true now,” retorted Ray.

He added that he is not against Mugabe and his Zanu PF party but was
critical of any system that does not uphold democratic principles.

Asked if the Zimbabwean ambassador will have the freedom to say what they
want about the US, Ray said the ambassador would not even want a police
clearance to go where he wants.

He said the US would continue supporting civil society’s role and the media
in Zimbabwe as these were the only institutions that could give checks and
balances to government, as was the case with mature democracies like the US.

Ray called for dialogue in re-cultivating Zimbabwe-US relations, admitting
that both parties had erred but challenged the use of the term
“re-engagement” saying there had never been an end in engagement between
Zimbabwe and the US.

Relationships between Zimbabwe and the US turned sour at the turn of the
millennium when the US imposed “sanctions” on Mugabe’s regime accusing it of
human rights abuses.

After the fall-out with the US government, Zimbabwe, roped in China, an “all
weather friend” through its “Look East Policy”.

Ray, however, expressed optimism on the future of the US relationships with
Zimbabwe saying the two needed each other.

Air Zimbabwe grounded again following strike by pilots

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

By Tichaona Sibanda
1 August 2011

A strike by Air Zimbabwe pilots entered its third day on Monday, crippling
operations at the national flag carrier.

Pilots walked off the job on Friday after negotiations over salaries and
allowances broke down. The airline’s regional manager for the UK and
America, David Mwenga told SW Radio Africa he had been advised that as of
Monday no agreement had been reached between the pilots, the airline board
and management team. Mwenga said that “discussions between the stakeholders
are ongoing with a view to get the pilots back to work.”

This is the second time in a month that pilots at the national airline have
gone on strike demanding unpaid salaries and allowances for June and July.

The strike has left hundreds of passengers stranded on all its regional and
international routes. Air Zimbabwe operates a daily Harare-Johannesburg
route, a twice-weekly flight to London and a weekly flight to Beijing as its
only international routes. All flights from the capital have been suspended
due to the strike while the airline was forced to re-schedule some of its
other flights.

The industrial action by the pilots is one of many to hit Air Zimbabwe in
the last year alone. Two months ago, the airline was forced to cancel its
flights to London and South Africa after fuel suppliers demanded up front
cash payments until the carrier settled its debts. Apparently, the carrier
owed US$1.6 million to fuel suppliers.

In May, 18 of its flights came to a halt for a week as the aircraft it was
leasing from Zambezi Airlines was withdrawn over an unpaid US$460 000 debt.
It is believed the national airline is crippled with more than US$100
million of debt, some of it accrued from a nearly month long strike between
March 22 and April 20.

Mliswa sues Chihuri for unlawful detention

http://www.dailynews.co.zw/

By Tendai Kamhungira, Court Writer
Monday, 01 August 2011 18:10

HARARE - Businessman, farmer and former Zimbabwe men’s national football
team fitness trainer, Temba Mliswa, and five others have demanded nearly
$500 000 compensation from the police commissioner general Augustine Chihuri
for unlawful detention and malicious prosecution.

The group says failure to do so will result in them approaching the High
Court for the recovery of damages as lawsuits against police for illegal
arrests mount.

Human rights organisations have also been besieging the courts demanding
compensation from police for unlawful detentions of dozens of human rights
defenders.

Martin Mutasa, the son of minister of State for Presidential Affairs Didymus
Mutasa, Hammarskjold Banda, Brendaly Banda, Alfred Mwatiwamba and George
Marere together with Mliswa instructed their lawyer Charles Chinyama to also
sue detective sergeants Nyasha and Mkhandla.

In the letter, the six have also highlighted their intention to sue
detective chief superintendent Magwenzi, Inspector Samuel Mazvokweni,
detective constable Dzvova, superintendent Muchengwa, assistant inspector
Mudakuchekwa, inspector Muzanago, detective inspector Masendu, who are all
stationed at CID Homicide in Harare.

The six also wrote of their intention to sue the policemen from CID homicide
in their personal capacities.

They accuse the detectives of acting at all material times within the scope
of their employment and say Chihuri was liable for their actions.

In a letter served to ZRP legal services and the Attorney General’s office
last week, the six are demanding $20 000 each for unlawful arrest.

The letter further carries instructions to demand $30 000 from the police in
respect of Mliswa and $10 000 each in respect of the other five for unlawful
detention.

“We are lastly instructed to demand from you the sum of $50 000 in respect
to each one of our client for malicious prosecution in a matter that was so
abundantly clear that there was no reasonable suspicion whatsoever for the
police to act in a manner they did,” read part of the letter.

“Unless the various amounts stated above are received by us within the next
seven days, we shall be left with no option but to institute an action in
the High Court for the recovery of the said damages, costs of which shall be
borne by your subordinates and yourselves jointly and several with one
paying the other to be absolved.”

The developments come hard on the heels of the acquittal of the six in a
case in which they were accused of seizing shareholding in Noshio Motors.

The six were being charged of misrepresenting facts to the effect that
Mliswa had acquired over $1 million shares of Noshio Motors.

They were also accused of threatening Paul Westwood, one of the directors of
Noshio Motors, with unspecified action if he was not going to leave the
company.

Westwood co-owned the company which was involved in vehicle servicing,
selling and manufacturing of bull bars and roll bars with Banda.

The court heard that Banda had transferred 50 percent of his shares into
Mliswa’s name after he had failed to settle a debt that he owed him.

The six were acquitted by magistrate Never Katiyo on June 22 this year.

Zanu-PF thug runs berserk at NewsDay offices

http://www.bulawayo24.com/

by Ndou Paul
2011 August 01 18:27:15

Zanu-PF activist Emma Machingura - who was splashed on the front page of
NewsDay last week as one of the party's supporters who besieged Parliament
Building and disrupted the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Bill public
hearings - stormed NewsDay offices on Friday, denying she was violent and
demanded a share of the paper's sales after her picture appeared in the
paper.

Machingura's arrival at the offices was dramatic. After demanding audience
with "the real authorities of the paper", it took Alpha Media Holdings’
Human Resources Manager Loud Ramakgapola to cool her down. But this was just
the first phase of her antics reports NewsDay.

The activist - who claimed to having been a detainee during the liberation
war was entertained by NewsDay Editor Brian Mangwende for about 30 minutes.

Machingura is alleged to have said they entered Parliament Building
peacefully, participated in the meeting peacefully and left in peace. No
hooliganism ever took place.

"I was shocked to see myself in the paper the following day, being labelled
a hooligan", said Muchingura.

The Zanu-PF activist is said to have demanded to see the writer of the
story, Senior Parliamentary Reporter Veneranda Langa who was out of office
at the time.

S.Africa sets stage for deportation of Zimbabweans

http://af.reuters.com

Mon Aug 1, 2011 3:26pm GMT

* Over one million Zimbabwean migrants in S.Africa

* High costs likely to deter mass deportation--analysts

* Zimbabweans used as political pawns by Mugabe

By Jon Herskovitz

JOHANNESBURG, Aug 1 (Reuters) - South Africa ended on Monday a special
programme to provide visas for more than one million undocumented immigrants
who fled political and economic turmoil in Zimbabwe, setting the stage for a
possible mass deportation.

But a large-scale round-up of migrants looks unlikely because of the high
cost for South Africa and the risk to Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe -- 
who wants to hold elections this year -- of re-admitting migrants who
largely support his opponents.

The migrants also provide a steady flow of hard currency through remittances
that support Zimbabwe's shaky economy.

South African Home Affairs Minister Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma said on Monday
immigration laws "will not target Zimbabweans."

But Home Affairs Deputy Director General Jackie McKay told media last month:
"Anyone who is found in South Africa without legal documents to remain in
the country will be deported."

South Africa allowed more than one million people from Zimbabwe to enter
without documents three years ago when its destitute neighbour was swept up
in political violence and its already unsteady economy was crushed by hyper
inflation.

The ministry said about 275,000 Zimbabweans had filed paperwork to normalise
their stay under the programme that ended July 31. Immigration experts
estimate there could be as many as 2 million Zimbabweans in South Africa.

Analysts warn that populist South African appeals to expel foreigners seen
as taking precious jobs could cause a backlash.

A series of attacks on foreign workers in 2008 killed 62 people and left
tens of thousands homeless, damaging investor confidence in Africa's largest
economy.

"It simply costs too much money to deport people, especially when you
consider that they have absolutely no disincentive to try again. Within
weeks or months, most migrants are back in the country - or at least
attempting to come back," said Sisonke Msimang, the executive director for
the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa.

One of the few institutions that functions reasonably well in Zimbabwe is
its education system. But graduates have few options for high-paying jobs in
a country with an unemployment rate estimated by the International Monetary
Fund at 80 percent.

South Africa has been a beacon for asylum seekers due to its liberal
immigration laws, proximity to African trouble spots and a massive economy
compared to the rest of the continent that has attracted millions seeking
wealth they cannot find at home.

About one in five of the 845,800 asylum seekers registered globally in 2010
sought refuge in South Africa, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees said.
Most are from Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwean immigrants in the dark

http://www.timeslive.co.za

CHARL DU PLESSIS | 01 August, 2011 00:30

Thousands of Zimbabweans in South Africa are in the dark about their
residency status as the moratorium on the deportation of illegal immigrants
expired.

Though NGOs claimed that the Department of Home Affairs had indicated that
the moratorium might be extended until the end of this month, no
announcement has been made.

Home Affairs deputy director-general Jackie Mckay said last week that the
department would complete the adjudication of permit applications by
yesterday and "finalise all outstanding matters in August".

Though the department has registered 275762 applications, NGOs estimate that
there are as many as a million undocumented Zimbabweans in this country.
This means thousands could be deported back to Zimbabwe, where the political
situation is now less stable than when President Jacob Zuma's cabinet
announced an end to the special dispensation for Zimbabweans in September.

Tara Polzer Ngwato, senior researcher at the University of the
Witwatersrand's African Centre for Migration and Society, said "one of the
things we are hearing out of Zimbabwe is that there is a lot of political
mobilisation".

"It is possible that people who will be deported from South Africa might be
seen as opposition supporters . and in danger of persecution."

She said the possibility of deportation would create insecurity among
Zimbabweans, which could have a significant effect on South Africa.

"We know people who are undocumented and afraid often stop seeking
healthcare. When it comes to communicable diseases, that has a public-health
implication."

Polzer Ngwato said people working without documentation were more open to
exploitation, which had a negative effect on South African workers.

Braam Hanekom, of People Against Suffering, Oppression and Poverty, said
undocumented Zimbabweans became more vulnerable to crime because corrupt
police solicited bribes from them.

They were also less likely to report crimes such as rape for fear of being
deported.

Parents of 16 dead babies can sue over ZESA faults

http://www.swradioafrica.com/

by Irene Madongo
01 August 2011

Parents whose babies may have died at a hospital because of electricity
supply problems could consider taking legal action, the chairman of the
Zimbabwe Association of Doctors for Human Rights (ZADHR) has indicated.

On Sunday, the Standard newspaper reported that several babies had died at
Parirenyatwa hospital because of recurrent power cuts, which affected
critical equipment for babies such as incubators and oxygen monitoring
machines. Nurses confirmed the deaths, with one medical officer saying the
main cause was that the power cables were very old and faulty.

Recently the maternity wings went for days without electricity, he added.
ZESA has acknowledged the frequent power outages at Parirenyatwa Hospital
and blamed them on old power cables.

“Our infrastructure is also old and is now prone to failure,” a ZESA
spokesman said. ZESA said its policy is that critical areas like hospitals
are not included in their load shedding plans. Efforts to reach Parirenyatwa
hospital for a comment were not successful.

When asked what action the parents could take, ZADHR chairman Dr Douglas
Gwatidzo told SW Radio Africa on Monday that: “If it is indeed true that the
babies died as a result of a lack of electricity, then I think it is within
their rights to get their situation redressed in the best manner possible.”

Lawyer Matshobana Ncube of the Abammeli Human Rights Lawyers’ Network
explained that the death of the babies could cause trauma to the parents,
and they could sue on that ground.

Gwatidzo meanwhile said that the electrical cables in the hospital needed to
be replaced.

“I wouldn’t be surprised if the cables themselves are being affected because
they need replacement. We have said before that that there must be a
replacement plan in place for all these old cables, including old machinery,
old equipment,” he said.

ZESA’s poor infrastructure and load shedding is widely condemned. Last week
CZI president Joseph Kanyekanye told delegates at a conference in Victoria
Falls that if unresolved, power outages will soon cripple industries.

China blamed for increase in poaching

http://www.timeslive.co.za

VLADIMIR MZACA | 31 July, 2011 03:39

The Chinese, political decisions and a growing black market are being blamed
for the rise in elephant and rhino poaching.

Last week 10 people were arrested for poaching and unlawful possession of
elephant tusks and rhino horns that they were suspected of selling to buyers
from China.

The suspects, who included four former soldiers and four farmers, were
arrested in two separate operations.

In the first operation, six suspects were found with two fresh rhino horns.
In the other sting, two people were arrested while trying to sell four
elephant tusks in Harare.

Both groups had allegedly approached a Chinese businessman to buy the horns.

Police spokesman Wayne Bvudzijena said: "Poaching is on the increase and we
have to nip it in the bud. Anyone who knows about illegal trade in rhino
horns or poaching should approach us."

A game ranger in the Eastern Highlands said: "Some of the poachers are army
deserters with access to firearms and are using their skills. You cannot
easily catch them in action because when they come across rangers they open
fire. They can more easily be nabbed in their civilian lives when they try
to sell their loot."

Wildlife and Environment Zimbabwe says reserves in the south-east lowveld
are under serious threat, including the Gonarezhou National Park, the
Manjinji Bird Sanctuary, the Chipinge and Malapati safari areas, Bubiana
conservancies, Chiredzi River, Save Valley and Malilangwe reserve.

These areas are part of the Limpopo Transfrontier Park which stretches from
Zimbabwe to neighbouring SA's northern province and Mozambique. One of the
biggest poachers in SA is said to be a key supplier of rhino horns to a
ruthless south-east-Asian syndicate. He allegedly stood to make at least
R16-million in just 13 weeks this year by supplying 50 rhino horns to a
Laotian company fronting for the syndicate.

Johnny Rodriguez, of the Zimbabwe Conservation Task Force, blamed the
escalating poaching on the sudden influx of miners and investors from China.
"China is the biggest market for rhino horns and the money is quick. So what
these Chinese that come to Zimbabwe on other business do is engage in
illegal trade - and we actually have it on record that there are some who
are even using their own methods of poaching that do not involve guns," he
said.

Some miners who were in the country recently to prospect for uranium in the
north had poisoned elephants, Rodriguez claimed. "What they have been doing
is leaving poisoned loaves of bread in the bush. I can safely say nine
elephants were killed at the Mushumbi Pools."

Recently Vitalis Chadenga , the director-general of Zimbabwe Parks and
Wildlife, told a parliamentary portfolio committee on natural resources that
land redistribution had greatly affected anti-poaching efforts. "We find
people being given land to engage in agrarian activities in wildlife areas."

Land redistribution was political as it has been done along party lines. One
example was the resettlement of people at Gonarezhou National Park area -
home to one of the biggest herds of elephant - where animals have been
killed for food, the people's safety and to make money.

FACTBOX-Key political risks to watch in Zimbabwe

http://af.reuters.com/

Mon Aug 1, 2011 11:25am GMT

By Cris Chinaka

HARARE Aug 1 (Reuters) - Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's opponents are
piling pressure on his military and security command to stop meddling in
politics following threats the army will not accept an opposition victory.

But analysts say the campaign by rival and unity government partner Prime
Minister Morgan Tsvangirai for security sector reforms is unlikely to rein
in generals loyal to Mugabe, who contemptuously dismiss Tsvangirai's
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as a Western stooge.

Friction has been growing in an already troubled unity government formed
after disputed elections in 2008 when the impoverished country's economy was
being crushed by hyperinflation.

Tsvangirai says he will unseat Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party from 30 years of
power if there are comprehensive reforms for a free and fair election,
planned for next year.

But privately Tsvangirai concedes Mugabe could press ahead with an early
vote based on just a few reforms, such as a partial opening up of the media,
tight deadlines for vote results and the repeal of laws restricting
political gatherings.

Mugabe, 87, says ZANU-PF is ready to put new constitutional reforms to a
vote before elections this year -- about two years ahead of schedule -- but
he insists it will not allow opponents to use this to delay polls or to
stifle his nationalisation programme criticised by international investors.

LOCAL OWNERSHIP

Mugabe has turned the heat on foreign-owned mines after the government set a
September 30 deadline for mining firms to transfer majority stakes to
locals.

The unity government of the resource-rich state has sent mixed signals to
foreign investors, with Mugabe's ZANU-PF threatening takeovers and MDC
officials painting a rosy picture of an emerging economy where overseas
capital will be safe.

Tsvangirai has denounced Mugabe's plans as "looting and plunder" by a greedy
elite.

What to watch:

- How mining companies will react to the short timeline set by the
government and impact on new investment in the sector.

- Establishment of an anti-sanctions fund.

- Central bank penalties for foreign-owned banks

MILITARY REFORMS

Controversial Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba said Tsvangirai was a
security threat fronting Western interests, which justified military
involvement in politics.[ND:nLDE75M081]

Mugabe has dismissed demands for security sector reforms and ZANU-PF says
mediators want to block the regional security block, Southern African
Development Community (SADC), from interfering with the command of the
security services.

What to watch:

- SADC's reaction to Tsvangirai's appeal for mediation.

- Mugabe's stance beyond polite agreement that generals should desist from
making public statements on politics.

POLITICAL VIOLENCE

Pro-Mugabe veterans of Zimbabwe's 1970s independence war and ZANU-PF youth
brigades have stepped up countrywide campaigns, sparking turf wars with MDC
supporters.

The rivals blame each other for the violence, which caused thousands to flee
to neighbouring South Africa in 2008 and leading to a migrant crisis that
Pretoria is still trying to sort out.

What to watch?

- A crackdown on journalists and ZANU-PF opponents in a bid to forestall
Egyptian-style, anti-Mugabe protests.

- Reactions from influential regional leaders, especially South African
President Jacob Zuma, who is the region's mediator in the Zimbabwe political
crisis.

CRACKDOWN ON CRITICS

Security officials have arrested dozens of political activists accused of
plotting anti-Mugabe protests similar to those that toppled long-standing
leaders in Egypt and Tunisia.

Most were freed by the courts. Five, who were initially charged with
treason, are now being tried on lesser charges of inciting public violence.

Police have arrested a senior Tsvangirai ally on corruption charges which
have been dismissed by the courts and several MDC members of parliament for
political violence in what the party says is selective prosecution.

Analysts say Tsvangirai and his lieutenants have legitimate complaints
against Mugabe over outstanding reforms, but there is growing frustration
among his supporters that he is being outwitted by Mugabe, a cunning
political veteran.

They say Tsvangirai has failed to reverse Mugabe's land grabs and appears
weak to stop the nationalisation drive.

What to watch:

- Any moves against foreign-funded civic organisations involved in election
education and monitoring work.

CONSTITUTION

A multi-party parliamentary committee leading a review of the constitution
says it will respect the wishes of ordinary Zimbabweans, but the final
charter is likely to be a compromise between ZANU-PF and MDC, who both lack
a two-thirds majority in parliament needed to pass the new supreme law on
their own.

A referendum on a draft not backed by either party would likely trigger
violence.

What to watch:

- Compromise deal. Many Zimbabweans hope a new charter, replacing the
pre-independence document, will strengthen the role of parliament, curtail
presidential powers and guarantee civil, political and media liberties.

- ZANU-PF reaction to prolonged delays in the crafting of the new
constitution.

ANTI-SANCTIONS CAMPAIGN

ZANU-PF says it has gathered 2 million signatures for a petition against
Western sanctions against Mugabe and his circle that it says have ruined the
economy.

The MDC is not supporting the campaign because it does not believe ZANU-PF
has reformed enough for removal of the embargo.

What to watch:

- How the MDC responds to the anti-sanctions drive which ZANU-PF is sure to
use as part of an election campaign.

Senator Misheck Marava on Question Time

http://www.swradioafrica.com

 

 

Following the ZANU PF sponsored violent disruption of a hearing into the Human Rights Bill in Parliament on Saturday, Zaka Senator Misheck Marava who chairs the Parliamentary Thematic Committee on Human Rights is the guest on Question Time and speaks to SW Radio Africa journalist Lance Guma. Marava tells the programme what happened during the disturbances and also responds to questions on some of the contents of the human rights bill. Zanu PF thugs in parliament

Interview broadcast 27 July 2011

Lance Guma: Following the ZANU PF sponsored violent disruption of a hearing into the Human Rights Bill in Parliament on Saturday, Zaka Senator Misheck Marava who chairs the Parliamentary Thematic Committee on Human Rights is the guest on Question Time. Listeners sent in their questions in advance of the interview using Facebook, Twitter, Skype, e-mail and text messages. Senator Marava thank you for joining us on the programme.

Misheck Marava: You are welcome.

Guma: Let’s start with the work of the Parliamentary Thematic Committee on Human Rights – what is your job?

Marava: The job of the Thematic Committee on Human Rights is, amongst other things, to oversee human rights violations in the country and report to the House but it is a body that is in the Senate. We do have another body that is in the Lower House, in the House of Assembly, the Committee on Justice. The two committees, the Thematic Committee on Human Rights and the Portfolio Committee on Justice, they do similar work and hence the, our traveling together on the outreach programmes.

Guma: Okay, now we have the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Bill; now the difference is your committee is conducting public hearings into the shaping of that Bill – is that true?

Marava: It’s very true.

Guma: Now there were violent disturbances on Saturday targeting one of your hearings in parliament - what happened?

Marava: What happened on Saturday was that Harare was the last point where we were supposed to have some hearings, consultative hearings but what happened was that too many people were bused to the venue and the venue unfortunately happened to be parliament building. By the time we arrived there were a lot of sloganeering and chanting of slogans, dancing to the party songs, it was no longer a government thing which it is supposed to be.

It was more of a party thing than a government thing so what happened was we went ahead and went into the building to start the hearings, the consultations and when we had about four hundred people, three hundred to four hundred people in the room, the room was full, they still had hundreds and hundreds outside the parliament building.

When we started the programme, we tried to start very early but some other people who did not have the spirit of the meeting said let us wait for others to come in but the room was full already. So when we waited for a few minutes, about twenty to thirty minutes, (inaudible) but when we started by a national anthem which was demanded by some other people there, then somebody, the other group shouted that one honourable member had not sang the national anthem and he was singing it with his hands folded, and something like that, you know that funny thing.

Then we tried to point out that no, the issues that we’re dealing with do not have anything to do with national anthems. He was attacked and then pulled out of the room, thrown out and then another honourable member then was attacked, two honourable members – Brian Tshuma and Honourable Kapesa. Honourable Tshuma and Honourable Kapesa were attacked; they were attacked viciously by a group of ladies and men who were chanting ZANU PF slogans, saying that we fought for this country, how dare you don’t sing the national anthem properly and all that.

But then having seen that the situation was already tense we wanted to try and call off the meeting. Then we found out that no, there were still other people who were in there, genuine people, genuine people who had come for a special purpose of contributing to this beautiful piece of legislation, so we started the meeting and when we were half way through the meeting, the police were being overawed by the public outside so they came in and to try and stop us from going on with the meeting.

I told them no we are not going to stop because here we have at least reached a calmness so we continue with the meeting. So we continued with the meeting (inaudible) contributing, and I asked the police to look after the problem outside in the streets and not in the House because in the House we had reached some calmness of some sort because we had said if they continue doing what they were doing we were going to have to stop.

So the people who wanted to contribute said no, let’s continue. So they contributed, quite a number of people contributed. Of course some of them, they were saying anything and anything that was said by a member of the public, to us it is a contribution so until we ended up closing, with a closing prayer after people had said a lot of things.

Some of the things that were said were that you should please try and come back again after you have completed all these documents into Shona vernacular and some of the people had entered in there their versions; that is roughly what happened on Saturday at the parliament buildings.

Guma: Now several of our listeners have had the opportunity to see some of the pictures of the disturbances; it does not look like the police were actively interested in putting a stop to that.

Marava: The police to my, parliament building is a stone’s throw away from the police station and the reason why police should be overawed by mobs, I’m still stunned by that, I can’t understand it but nevertheless, calm was reached at the end, but people, journalists, honourable members, they had been manhandled.

Guma: The Clerk of Parliament, Austin Zvoma is claiming he cannot comment on the disturbances because the chairman of the two committees conducting the public hearings have not made formal reports to parliament concerning the violence. What’s your reaction to him?

Marava: No he is right; he is the chief administrator of parliament and the rule is that we will only talk details of what transpired after we have reported to the Houses. And the two committees are still to meet and come out with a joint report that we’ll submit to both Houses – the Lower House and the Upper House.

Guma: Okay, via Facebook we have a question from Norman Mombeshora who says – with all due respect, what is the response of the leadership of ZANU PF to this deplorable act? Is it not clear that this was a sanctioned move by them?

Marava: No I cannot disagree with him at all because slogans and party regalia and they were being chanted openly and yet it was a public thing, everybody could see and the bussing of the people was a public thing so, but without saying much I cannot disagree with him at all but as for the feeling from ZANU PF leadership, I don’t know, I still, I’m too small to comment on that.

Guma: The consultative meeting in parliament on Saturday had to be abandoned, we are told by reports; what happens from here? Will you try to have another hearing? That’s the question that we have from Edward who sent us an email from Harare. What happens from here?

Marava: The consultative meeting was not abandoned. It was disturbed but nevertheless, it went on, it went ahead and so we were able to collect some hearings, some views of the public and until we closed but of course the disturbance was there but then we did not want to call this thing off because there were quite a number of people who wanted to contribute who then contributed.

Guma: Michael Ruva sends his question via Facebook also and says what is the MDC going to do about these disturbances apart from just condemning them? Is there anything else that you can do?

Marava: That one is another big question; the party policy is looked after by the respective party officials whom we have in our case, the spokesperson of the party, I think he can answer that one, he is Mr. Mwonzora.

Guma: Okay we’ll move onto our next question; this one comes from Makusha Mugabe, also on Facebook, he says – mine is not a question Lance, I would like to encourage the Senator not to give up pursuing a peaceful route to change in Zimbabwe. I’d also like to tell all those who are saying what is Tsvangirai going to do about it, that it is just not an issue for Tsvangirai, it requires all Zimbabweans to stand up and condemn it, and even demonstrate their condemnation with peaceful demonstrations. Senator, any thoughts on Makusha’s comment?

Marava: He cannot be, he is so right, he is so correct because we think along the same lines - that is why I did not call off the meeting. We continued with the consultative meeting although under very difficult circumstances.

Guma: Okay, the disturbances aside, under the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission Bill, ZANU PF wanted to cover the period from 2009 when the inclusive government was formed while the other two MDCs want it to begin from Independence and include the Gukurahundi massacres. What will be the point of starting in 2009?

Marava: Well the deal emanates from the minister’s office and when it came, it came with a cut-off date of 13 th February 2009 and that is one of the areas where the majority of Zimbabweans are saying no, we want to go back to a reasonably earlier period and while some are also arguing and saying no we want to look forward and what we must do now is forget the past and forge forward. That is one of the points but the majority of people are saying no, 2009 13 th February is too early.

Guma: What do you see happening then? Clearly it’s just going to be like the constitution-making exercise where you have parties with different positions and you are trying to find a negotiation; is it all going to be about what people want or what the parties then negotiate?

Marava: No I think a solution will definitely be found. We’ve got, because this emanates from Section 100R of the Amendment number 19 which brought in the unity government so because of that I’m sure that the three leaders will definitely find an answer; they cannot fail. I think it’s too small an issue for our leaders to fail to get an answer because our unity government was born of the 19 th Amendment and Section 100R that created the Zimbabwe Human Rights Commission is just a section of the Amendment.

Guma: Okay, let me get this right – looking at the challenges that you’ve faced so far, there have been disturbances in Harare, Masvingo and Mutare so you haven’t been able to do much work have you?

Marava: No what happened was, we are quite open to say that there have been disturbances because definitely there have been disturbances in Harare but nevertheless we proceeded with the writing of the people’s views. There were problems in Mutare but nevertheless we proceeded with the writing of the people’s views and some have even handed in their submissions.

The only place where we did not do anything because the disturbances were too high and it was really dangerous was in Masvingo. Otherwise the Chinhoyi people submitted their versions, the Mutare people submitted their versions and they were noted. And when disturbances broke out towards the end of the programme, the job had already been done.

Guma: What happened in Masvingo? Just briefly remind our listeners.

Marava: In Masvingo, the disturbances or the hooligans who were causing disturbances were so organized so much that there were far too many, they overawed any other structure that could have wanted success including ourselves because you see let me tell you our, my team, my Thematic Committee is very much inclusive; it includes all the parties – ZANU PF, MDC-T and MDC.

We are all there in that Thematic Committee. It was a shame for one of the members of, a former member of parliament saying I cannot read, I cannot write, I cannot understand what you are saying, oh please we want the whole thing in the vernacular but presumably the presumption is that when government has gazetted they have notified the public but of course we can’t take it from the public that if they need vernacular then structures of government and party structures should do the education of their constituencies.

Guma: You feel strongly about this point; I see a few days ago you were quoted saying parliament and MPs should educate the general public on parliamentary bills because basically they just gazette and nothing is done to ensure that they are translated into indigenous languages or that the contents of the Bills are made known.

Marava: Exactly, exactly because you see what is happening now is that these visits that we are making now, these are practical, these are tangibles, they are different from theories. If the respective leaders in the constituencies are not educating their public it becomes a real problem when teams of our sort go there and want to interact with them they will not be that much capable to interact at the level that we’ll be interacting.

Guma: Our final question Senator comes from Dadirai in Budiriro. She sent us a text message wanting to know how this process will work – when you complete these hearings, what gets done?

Marava: When we have completed the hearings, we report, we write the report of course of what happened; we deliberate on them as different committees and then we will sit as joint committees, the Lower House Committee and the Upper House Committee, then we will present a joint committee to both Houses, the House of Assembly and the Senate; then the presentation of the document will be similar, it will be the same thing because it was a joint visit.

Guma: Okay then the document that you present, does the minister take it from there or in terms of actual law making, your input – how is that used?

Marava: Once we have reported to the House, then it is already, and the House will adopt the document, the report, and what will then happen it’s now for public consumption and that includes the minister’s actions on it.

Guma: Okay and then I take it, it then goes for a vote and passing into law etcetera, etcetera?

Marava: Yes because the whole exercise we are doing is to enact this Bill because before it is an Act it cannot be applied because it’s like the commissioners are already there, they were already sworn in by the president, his excellency the president on 31 st of March 2010 but these people have never worked because they don’t have the tools, and this is the tool that they are going to use, this Act, the Zimbabwe Human Rights Act; once it becomes an Act then there are practicals, then they are working. It’s like somebody who goes to cut a tree without an axe or machine to use. Right now, the commissioners are there, and a good team of commissioners who are willing to work but they cannot work because they are not yet enactioned.

Guma: Zimbabwe, that was the Zaka Senator Misheck Marava who chairs the Parliamentary Thematic Committee on Human Rights. We thank him wholeheartedly for joining us on Question Time to take questions from our listeners. Senator, thank you so much for your time.

Marava: Thank you very much, thanks, you are welcome.

To listen to the programme:

http://swradioafrica.streamuk.com/swradioafrica_archive/qt270711.wma

Feedback can be sent to lance@swradioafrica.com   http://twitter.com/lanceguma or http://www.facebook.com/lance.guma

SW Radio Africa – on line 24 hours a day at www.swradioafrica.com and daily broadcasts on 4880 kHz in the 60m band between 7 - 9 pm Zimbabwe time. T witter : Facebook : RSS feedYou can now get SW Radio Africa on the Tunein Radio smart phone app.

 

TRANSCRIPT: The Future of U.S.- Zimbabwe Relations

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk/

TRANSCRIPT of discussion on the “The Future of U.S.- Zimbabwe Relations”
held on Thursday July 28th 2011 in Harare, Zimbabwe. The discussion was
organized by the SAPES Trust, a regional think-tank. Ambassador Charles Ray’s
full presentation prior to the Q & A is available at
http://harare.usembassy.gov and on YouTube (in three parts). E-mail copies
are available upon request to hararepas@state.gov

01.08.1104:30pm
by Staff Reporter

DR. IBBO MANDAZA (MODERATOR): I see we have a huge crowd today, I think when
the secretary sent the first notice, it said Ray Charles (laughter)

AMBASSADOR CHARLES RAY (AMBASSADOR RAY): Sorry, no songs tonight (laughter)

MODERATOR: Well, a very rich statement, and we have forty minutes of
discussion, let’s disagree but let’s not be disagreeable.

QUESTION: Your Excellency, thank you very much for the insightful
presentation.

MODERATOR: Your name sir?

QUESTION: My name is Peter (Laughter). You have talked about a mature
democracy that has espoused America for the past centuries, and you talk
about Zimbabwe having established some of the democratic institutions and
some of them are not yet mature. Are you looking at the time span that
American democracies have matured over three centuries and Zimbabwe has only
over decades? And would you want Zimbabwe’s democracy to be espoused the
same as those that have been experienced over three centuries versus three
decades, that’s my first question.

My second question, you have also talked about mutual respect and mutual
understanding. It does seem from my reading and from what I see from the
televisions that most of the Western diplomats when they talk about Zimbabwe
they seem to browse conflict rather than diplomacy. How do you react to
that?

Your Excellency, my last question is, I am a student of history, and reading
across history I came across a military leadership book FM100, a U.S.
military book, it has got this statement, it says, “a true professional
military man in the U.S. means serving and defending American constitution
and that which the values, interests and national vision that was declared
at independence,” and I thought that at independence that was in 1774, and
if American military men are still defending the vision, the interest and
the values that were espoused three centuries ago, what’s wrong with Third
World countries defending visions and interests that were espoused decades
back? This is there in this book, your Excellency, I say is this, should
this be viewed as dabbling in politics, or if people talk about patriotism
and loyalty as espoused in this military leadership book that directs the
military men of your country, should it also be viewed as dabbling in
politics? Or it’s being, it’s exercising, these men and women defending
their rights that they declared at independence like the United States of
America, I thank you.

QUESTION: Thank you mister chairman, my name is Tafadzwa Musarara. I am the
secretary of the Affirmative Action Group. I just want to make a few
comments. To start with Your Excellency, your comments and presentation was
very refreshing. I see a substantive climb-down from the statements that
have come from your predecessors. I just want to touch on the issue of
sanctions your Excellency. This year, we sent a delegation to America to
meet our members- the Zimbabweans in the Diaspora- and one thing that came
out on the effect of sanctions to Zimbabweans in the Diaspora is the
reputational risk that they bear. I am fully aware that the ZDERA act has
not yet been activated, but the reputation risk that occurs affecting some
of our Zimbabweans there, goes to the extent that some by virtue of their
nationality which is negative in terms of image are failing to progress, are
failing to get even promotions or the jobs that they want because they are
coming from Zimbabwe.

The other issue your Excellency goes a little legal. We understand that the
United Nations has got the sole mandate to impose sanctions on any country
that causes a security risk to the stability of the global order.

We also understand that Chester Crocker the former U.S. Assistant Secretary
addressing the Senate said, “in order to make the people of Zimbabwe
separate from Zanu PF we should make their economy scream and I hope you
leaders here, you senators here have the stomach to what you are about to
do.” This gives us the insight of the intentions of the American congress
about the legislators when they were coming up with the issues of sanctions.
The issues of sanctions have not affected the 120 people because they can
still continue to go to Mauritius, to Malaysia, to America for treatment,
but our own mothers and grandmothers in the rural areas cannot access even a
painkiller. Do you think going forward, your Excellency, are these sanctions
still relevant given that they have lost, in terms of their precision in
targeting the 120 people because none of these 120 people have been declared
bankrupt, they still remain powerful… politically and economically.

The other question your Excellency is that I understand that Fox News on the
18th of June reported that the American government is now negotiating with
the Taliban, and we understand that you lost quite a lot of men and billions
of dollars in terms of artillery in fighting the Taliban. Here you have
never lost any one of your staffers. We are yet to know of any American who
has been killed by the Zanu PF government but you still remain intransigent
in terms of going forward, ah well I take that back (laughter). I just want
to know going forward are you going to engage in a manner that is not
consistent, or in a manner that does not indicate a bit of territorial or as
people who want to interact with the domestic affairs.

Last one your Excellency, can you tell us about Operation Shumba? Wikileaks,
Operation Shumba in the WikiLeaks is telling us that your government or your
team at the White House were coming up with possibilities that President
Mugabe was going to die in Senegal and another faction of Zanu PF was going
to take over, another one was going to fight, this is within the content of
the WikiLeaks- this is on the internet, I can show you your Excellency if
you really want.

MODERATOR: One more…

QUESTION: My name is Angela, better known as Professor Patel’s daughter, but
I prefer Angela Patel. I just have a question about, from my very
inexperienced perspective, I am a law student, diplomatic relations being
successful, strong and effective and in order to establish a relationship
between nations that is sustainable and solid ultimately, in my
inexperienced perspective, depends on each nation needing the other nation,
and I think it is clear that Zimbabwe does need America, but I wonder if and
how now America needs Zimbabwe and as a result that leads me to question
whether a sustainable diplomatic relation is really feasible.

AMBASSADOR RAY: …I make it a point when I am talking with colleagues in
Washington who quite often bureaucratically, because you have to, I don’t
know if you have worked in a bureaucracy, but bureaucrats and politicians
develop an internal clock based on their terms of office not on reality and
I am often reminding people that it is unrealistic to expect a country to do
in ten years what some countries have been doing, and by the way it is 235
years not 300, we are not that old (laughter). So no! And I don’t think
anyone in his right mind realistically expects Zimbabwe or any other country
to have reached in decades what other countries have taken centuries to
reach. I would quibble a little with your calling us a matured democracy; I
prefer calling the U.S. a maturing democratic work in progress. We still
have a long way to go in terms of strengthening and building some of our
democratic institutions.

Mutual respect and understanding, I tried to write down your question as you
were asking it, I don’t think that without having mutual respect and
understanding we can really take the relationship the way it needs to be. I
would be the first to acknowledge and I said so in my remarks, if you
recall, that we spent a lot of time over the last decade or so talking at
and about each other and not to each other. That’s not the way I operate, if
I did things like that my grandmother would come out of her grave and smack
me right outside the head. I believe in approaching everyone regardless of
whether I agree with them or not in a respectful way and I try to talk about
issues, I don’t engage in name calling or blaming. It does not matter who is
at fault, if something is broke, try to fix it.

FM100, I am quite familiar with that, I spent twenty years in uniform, I
have read FM100 a lot of times, and you are right FM100 does say in fact say
that military personnel take the oath to support and defend the constitution
of the United States against all enemies foreign and domestic. You left out
a part though. We also have in the U.S. military a document called the
Uniformed Code of Military Justice which levies severe penalties on military
personnel who get outside their professional lines (laughter). So, you have
to take those documents together, you cannot quote one document and say that’s
the U.S. military. We have had a lot of military people in politics after
they got out of uniform. So there is no contradiction there. And there is
never been a prohibition nor do we ever say military people don’t have a
right to political views like any other citizens. Military people have a
right to hold whatever political views, and believe me, in the 20 years in
the army that I spent you wouldn’t believe some of the political views I
encountered in private conversations. Our laws and regulations, though,
prohibit them from expressing those political views in the context of their
professional oath bound duties. And it was 1775 not 1774, just to clear up
dates, I remember numbers I don’t remember names too well.

Second question, again, very long question, I will try to give short
answers, and I will answer the last one first. I don’t comment on Wikileaks
cable, I have no knowledge of Operation Shumba, and from what you are saying
that is a historical thing, since I can’t live in the past there is no much
point in cluttering my head up on something that is old and unimplemented.

You know I try to avoid using loaded words when I speak, the term
climb-down, I didn’t climb-up to anything so I didn’t have to climb-down
(laughter) on anything. I came in on a pretty level basis. You also have to
keep in mind that my predecessors worked for a different president so when
you make comparisons don’t try to squeeze me in a box.

The question of legality of our policies, I don’t even like to use some
terms, you hear the term sovereignty thrown about; nations have a right to
make laws that they feel are suitable or appropriate to them. The fact that
the UN doesn’t sign onto something, if you look at how the UN works it’s
hard to get the UN to sign on to anything except anodyne vanilla statements
and I am not besmirching the UN, I am very much supportive of the UN as an
organization and if it did not exist we would have to create it. But that
does not invalidate a country’s legal system or legal decisions it makes.

And as to us negotiating with the Taliban that‘s a little far from my pit
patch and I don’t get too involved in it. But I have to say if you are using
Fox News as your source, we need to talk (laughter). I will refer you to a
study that was done last year that show that people in the U.S. who rely on
Fox News as their source are the most uninformed people in the United States
(laughter)…better to watch John Stewart, it’s a little more critical.

The comment on diplomatic relations, while priorities might vary, we really
all need each other in a globalised world. Some countries may be richer than
others, some have bigger armies or have larger GDPs, but the fact is that in
today’s world that is so globalised where movements of people, movements of
certain diseases, movements of plant pests, you name it, piracy crosses
boarders so easily that having even a small country that is not functioning
to its capacity poses sometimes indirect or sometimes long-range threat to
others. And so you say Zimbabwe needs us, in a sense, the U.S. also needs
Zimbabwe, southern Africa is a trading partner, a Zimbabwe whose economy is
not functioning well has a negative impact on its neighbors which has a
concomitant negative impact on us. Certain things you do because they are
right. If you see people suffering, you try to do something to help to ease
the suffering. So that is the basis for relations, mutual respect that we
all have to live in an increasingly compact world where, I will tell you a
story to illustrate it. Last year I had a visit from an agricultural expert
who mentioned that somewhere near Mutare they had found a plant pest that
was migrating South and East and their concern was that if it migrated south
and migrated into South Africa it would impact on South African grain and
other plants that were shipped to the U.S. and would directly affect the
health and security of U.S. consumers…this pest, it’s size is not the issue.
But the point is having a global world where all countries are able to
develop to their fullest potential and to live peacefully and productively,
to me that is a good basis for diplomatic relations- mutual respect.

MODERATOR: Anyone on the left…yes Jeniffer

QUESTION: We are underrepresented

AMBASSADOR RAY: My wife counts for five (laughter). She is not an
intimidating woman (laughter)

QUESTION: I work in environment and conflict and human rights. My question
is really about how you see the development of Africom in Africa and how
Zimbabwe fits into that. My understanding is that this is an area of growing
American interest, the part of, I have colleagues working in the Wilson
Woodrow Institute in Washington DC, part of their work also shows a growing
concern around issues of poverty, terrorism, rising instability in the horn
of Africa, so I just really want to know what your thoughts around Africom
and how Zimbabwe fits into that particular strategy and the challenges of
poverty and conflict?

QUESTION: I wanted to ask your Excellency, I know you said that operation
Shumba was in the past, but I wanted your Excellency to know that every
political position that the MDC- T has taken in the inclusive government is
well explained in Operation Shumba. Everything! And also I wanted your
Excellency to know that it was actually Susan Rice who held a breakfast
meeting with (Prime Minister) Morgan Tsvangirai and the national chairman
and gave her (sic) instructions in a meeting attended by Tom McDonald,
deputy chief of mission- the note-taker- and a Mr. Polaf. At that meeting
Susan Rice gave her instructions to enter into the government of national
unity. And at that same meeting she also told Morgan Tsvangirai that you
should find a workable group of Zimbabweans in Zanu PF so that you could
form a coalition as a first step in getting power. Now Operation Shumba
talks about the coalition between the MDC-T and liberal elements in Zanu PF
and it specifically says that Africom’ commands is the one that is going to
be used to attack our country. So whilst you are talking about peace and
engagement, the United States of America on December 14th 2007, the White
House Council gave written instructions to a team led by David Fiedler,
professor of law, to do a scenario planning about attacking our country, and
in that scenario planning they are talking about how to change the security
services, the police services, the independent commissions and everything
the MDC-T is asking for is in that Operation Shumba. Would the Ambassador
not tell us here whether it is true that the MDC-T is sponsored by the
American government through the Embassy in Harare? Thank you.

AMBASSADOR RAY: …I was the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense, and I was
involved with the staffing and creation and mission planning for Africom. I
am not familiar with any Operation Shumba. I can tell you that Africom’s
original mandate had nothing to do with conducting combat operations. And if
you take the time to find their man in charge you will see why they can’t.
They don’t have any forces. Africom was created as a unique military
geographic command to address non-military issues such as disease, piracy
and other developmental issues. A huge portion of that command, unlike all
of our other military commands, is in fact civilian coming from USAID and
the State Department. And so, I would say unless there was a cell of people
hidden in the sub-basement in the Pentagon where I was not allowed to go
there was no such plan for Africom. You can’t attack a country when you don’t
have an army to attack with. Staffs don’t attack.

And as for MDC-T being a creation or being supported by the U.S. government
through the Embassy, I will speak for my stewardship of the Embassy since
2009 that isn’t true. And if you go back and read some of the stuff that
comes out in your own state media you would question it because I have seen
three or four different interpretations of who created MDC and I am not sure
who to believe. But I stand with what I said in my remarks. We do not
support or oppose any specific political party, we oppose perversion of the
political process and we support an inclusive open process that reflects and
respects the will of the people.

MODERATOR: Operation Shumba yafa (laughter)

QUESTION: Mine is a tiny question I think coming after Operation Shumba. I
am Showers Mahowa, I am from the University of KwaZulu Natal but I am also
working with the Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development. I have got two
questions. The first one is, I understand that the United States is the
third or fourth biggest bilateral creditor to Zimbabwe. Is there any scope
for debt relief within the re-engagement strategy either at present or in
the future? That’s number one.

Then number two, there are some in the debt campaign who are advocating for
a debt audit as a way not to reconcile the debt but to also ascertain which
of the debt might be odious or even illegitimate as grounds for
non-enforcement of such kind of debts, would you support such a process?
Thank you.

QUESTION: …to have such an open even though carefully worded (laughter)
statement from the American ambassador. Of course, we all know that he is a
military man, he is diplomat, he is an author and a poet, so in a sense the
diplomacy that he is articulating probably is like diplomatic poetry. One
needs to go in between the sentences and words. And some of the words and
sentences were coming through my mind as he was speaking.

One was, as you very well briefed on, the strategic doctrine between the
United States on NATO and Warsaw pact, it oscillated between mutual and
short destruction and a graduated response. The second phrase that came to
my mind was, particularly Jack Crocker was mentioned, during his time in the
early Reagan time and even before that, the articulation of the phrase
“constructive engagement.” Now if one puts all together the third phrase
that came to my mind is confidence-building measures.

Looking at all of those what I sense in the statement, frank as it is, there
is an emphasis on the Zimbabwean side to do certain confidence building
measures. The question I would have is what is from the American side in
terms of confidence building measures, whether it is from the State
Department, White House or Congress? I would be interested to know that.

MODERATOR: I would take two more then we get a response from the Ambassador.

QUESTION: Thank you very much. Thank you your Excellency for those fair last
words. Allow me to make three observations on the word respect and
sovereignty.

First one, would America stand a Zimbabwean ambassador going to Virginia and
say this and that like we see some of the staffers from embassies doing?
That’s my first one.

The second one, you mentioned military code of conduct. On CNN and other
related networks, we have watched the Guantanamo Bay, is it? The
unbelievable activities conducted on other human beings by the American
soldiers. We have seen some footages coming from Iraq of the very depressing
activities by American soldiers. May be that’s military discipline or code
of conduct. May be that is only accepted in America- is this what we should
copy so that we implement? Fortunately, I am happy I haven’t seen some of
those very depressing sights within our military.

The last observation your Excellency I want to make, in all the comments or
commentaries coming out of Zimbabwe here, surely is there nothing which the
MDC or the opposition have done which you have come out to condemn. All your
press statements are condemning Zanu PF as if at any one given time there
has never been any fault or any misdeeds done by any of these other
political parties. It does not give us confidence for you to come and sit
down here and tell us that we are ready to re-cultivate when we see day in
day out all these activities, all these statements, mostly painful, you are
a military person, some of us were in the bush. We suffered. It’s documented
and you know it because that is the time that you were also a soldier. We
suffered. We have never gone back to say let’s go back into that history. At
independence our President said let’s reconcile. Let us be fair and honest
in our interventions, in our approaches when we want to make peace. If we
were that bad, why is the United Nations calling for our soldiers, our
policemen, our prison services to go and superintend and keep peace in other
countries. I beg an answer your Excellency.

MODERATOR: Thank you very much. Last question

QUESTION: It’s like I don’t know. Because you see, I don’t know. Statements
are made, like all of us. I am saying when you go to that war, like he did
(pointing at moderator) it was not for, look, we are looking at human beings
that died in that war for Zimbabwe. You know, it’s like I am saying here as
Sam Mariri, I am (words unclear). Fine. We went to that war to give the
people of Zimbabwe the right to decide who they want. That’s what I know!
When we went to that war, you know, to decide who they want, they didn’t say
because I was in the war, you know, we went to that war, I can tell, he
knows (moderator) because he was one of part of it. The youngsters have a
right to decide who do they want to rule this country, if you stand up to
me, and tell me you don’t have a credential, no! no! I am not talking about
those controversies, I am saying the people of Zimbabwe have the right to
say whether they were in the war they will say they want you, now they don’t
salute whatever! (inaudible interjections) it’s something, a problem,
whatever, when you see the facilitator here has been there for years,
because otherwise ka we are immortal, we were in the war we are immortal, we
don’t die, our children must not run this country, I am saying as Sam
Mariri, Colonel Mariri OK

MODERATOR: Thank you thank you Mariri

QUESTION: We are immortal! Anoziva uyu, he knows that (laughter)

AMBASSADOR RAY: …I think it is a bit premature to talk about debt relief
until the entire structure is sort of functioning in a way that gives the
debtors that confidence that in fact they are not just erasing one problem
and leaving the slate blank for the creation of another. We certainly are
willing to discuss any issue that contributes to the economic revitalization
of the country but these things have to be taken in a proper order. The IMF
team, when it was here, it was discussing the possibility of creating what
they call a staff monitoring program and these are not issues, one does not
automatically lead to nor overlap with the other, but certainly it is
something that we would not object to discussing at the appropriate time.

Your other question about debt that’s deemed odious or illegal, you know I
went through this, I was Ambassador to Cambodia during the time when the
Cambodians were in discussion with the U.S. over repayment of debts that
were incurred during the regime of Lon Nol, I don’t know if you know the
history of Cambodia, you know the Hansen government and the Lon Nol
government are not (word indistinct). And yet it was determined for legal
reasons and that government agreed to a huge portion of the debts that were
incurred during a period before they came into being. That is an issue that
legions of lawyers get together and discuss. I don’t even know lawyers use
the term odious debt. If it’s an invalid debt of course I would be the first
to stand up and say why someone should be made to pay a debt that is
considered invalid. But this is the purpose of having a thorough audit to
determine what monies are legitimately owed and under what circumstances and
it also forms the basis for discussions on debt relief, if you don’t have a
good inventory of the debt you can’t really intelligently talk about how
much of that debt you are willing to forgive.

Of those three terms you gave I think confidence building is one that I am
more comfortable with. I am always a little uncomfortable with the term of
the day. I remember when the military started using the term collateral
damage to describe accidental civilian casualties and I still cringe every
time I hear that word because it seems to be ducking responsibility. I don’t
think you can talk about confidence building as one side. Confidence
building is a mutual activity and it is not what Zimbabwe has to do for
confidence building although I would say internally there needs to be a lot
of that. Confidence building between Zimbabwe and U.S. is not a one way or
unilateral activity, we need both sides to sit down, figure out where our
problems are, and in order to figure them out we need to be talking to each
other, we need to actually be …and more importantly we need to be listening
to each. We need to sort of put the ideological rhetoric on hold and find
out what is important to each side and where our points of convergence are
and then start finding ways to live more harmoniously together.

QUESTION: Your Excellency, it’s like Zimbabweans must realize who they are
(laughter)

MODERATOR: Mariri please!

MARIRI: See! (laughter)

AMBASSADOR RAY: OK, and the gentleman there you described as a general, I
salute you sir. In Washington there are no restrictions on your Ambassador.
He does not need to notify the Department of State when he goes more than 45
miles from his Embassy. He does not have to send a Dip Note to them saying I
am going to Houston to meet with anybody. He doesn’t have to get their
permission from any police agency to meet with anyone he wishes to meet
with. The only thing he is not allowed to do is to go swimming naked in a
reflecting pool (laughter)

As for Abu Ghraib I will be the first to agree with you that that was an
absolutely disgusting chapter in U.S. military history. I was working in the
Pentagon when those pictures surfaced; I was shocked, dismayed and
disheartened. But I would point out that those pictures did go public and
people were in fact called to account. It was acknowledged. It was not
hidden. We did not try to deny that it had happened. You have had a few
people in the chain of command who tried to duck responsibility and I can
assure you they paid the penalty for doing that. There is a couple of senior
officers who are now cutting weeds in their backyards because they are no
longer and they are a couple of others who will never see another promotion
as long as they live and they are a couple in jail. You know, we are not
perfect. No country is perfect. I could go back even further if you think
Abu Ghraib was bad ask the people of My Lai (Vietnam) how bad sometimes
soldiers can be. But then you also look and you see that that was made
public, it was acknowledged and actions were taken. It is not to say that
bad things never happen, it’s to say that you have institutions in place to
mitigate the effect of bad things and you have people who accept the
responsibility for it. So you won’t hear me defending Abu Ghraib but Abu
Ghraib does not represent the ethos of U.S. military, it represents the
unlawful behavior of people who were in an improperly supervised environment
and whose chain of command failed them and that chain of command paid the
price.

You know, I will just go back to my remarks, we spend a lot of time mutually
over the last decade or so hurling insults and accusations at each other,
but I would ask you to go back since I arrived and find where I have been
accusing only saying that Zanu PF is bad. I don’t condemn entire
organizations for the actions of a few individuals. I use my words very
carefully, if someone does something wrong more often than not I will try to
go directly to the person who has done something wrong and tell them what
they have done wrong and how I feel about it. It’s a little difficult when
they won’t speak to me, so I am left with not much other choice. But lest
you think that I say I have made it clear that I find decent people in all
political parties here, I find, and if you excuse my use of a non-diplomatic
or non very sophisticated expression, I find scumbags everywhere I look too.
And that is, I mean, I could go to Washington I could find people in any
organization I go there who are good and people who are bad. I would
disagree with your statement that I only condemn Zanu PF. I don’t. I would
defy you to find the statements where I have done that. I condemn actions
that I feel to be wrong regardless of who did it and I try to take action
that’s appropriate, and that I have done and will continue to do. So, I
mean, that’s what I will say on that.

As to people who go to war, we had an American general who said “war is
 hell” and I can tell you having spent a few years in the jungle myself, it
is not fun, but you take enough to defend your country and you do your best,
and like the rest of you, any of you here who have been to the bush I wouldn’t
go back willingly either unless (laughter) if for no other reason than
letches and mosquitoes are hard to live with, I’ve had malaria too, so I
know exactly what you face in the bush. But that doesn’t give, you know, I
have worn the uniform of my country for 20 years, I don’t feel that that
gives me rights superior to any other American it gives me rights equal to
every other Americans. And that’s the only way to look at it. And as this
gentleman said my service to my country was to give every American the right
to express their views. Some writer said I disagree with what you have said
but I will defend to the death your right to say it. And that’s my ethos,
that’s my ideology, that’s my philosophy. I don’t think we always have to
agree, everybody here who is married knows that life is not all about
agreement (laughter) it’s about living together, it’s about respect and that
we can learn despite whatever differences we have had, despite whatever has
happened in the past. One thing you cannot do, no matter how you try, you
cannot undo what’s been done in the past. What you can do it to recognize it
and try not to redo. As to keep your feet, your eyes, your heart and your
mind pointed in the forward direction, walking looking back you fall on
your…face or some other part of you neck (applause).

MODERATOR: Thank you Ambassador. As Professor Hasu Patel said this was most
refreshing and I think in many respects has fulfilled one of the missions
that we have put on the table- how to move things forward. I know in any
discussion of the U.S. foreign policy the kind of questions that comrades
here have raised were expected, the history of the U.S. foreign policy here
in Zimbabwe....Zimbabweans of my age remember that the Geneva conference, I
met Crocker after the Namibian independence in 1991 and I reminded him of
his madness and how as Africans we had lived through that and defeated what
many of us would call imperialist interests at that time. But I think as
Ambassador Ray said we are looking at the future and the efforts made by the
Ambassador, I had forgotten to mention and I had a businessman reminding me
yesterday of the enormous efforts being done at the business front by the
U.S.A. through this Ambassador. And we thought on the diplomatic front we
would also engage him as we have tonight. We have here the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs and indeed many of our people from the military and security
who are also aware of the discussions taking place between the Embassy and
Zimbabweans. We have the ministry of foreign affairs, we are hoping that
after this meeting to begin what I said at the beginning, or not the
beginning but the enhancement of the U.S.- Zimbabwe dialogue. The point is
that we cannot ignore, as Zimbabweans, the U.S., a small country that we are
is to find our place in the world order and engage in a manner that enhances
our national interest because we do have a national interest. That is the
purpose of this discussion, and I think Charles, you have done a very good
job that you deserve a good dinner. The future is bright as you said…
(inaudible).. (Applause)

Why Invest in Zimbabwe?

http://www.eddiecross.africanherd.com/

A friend has to make a presentation to potential investors on the
opportunities for investment in Zimbabwe today. She asked me to outline what
sort of case I would make if I were in her shoes. Tough call, but I said I
would have a go at it.

The first reason I would put forward at to why that investment in Zimbabwe
makes good sense is that I have chosen to invest my own life and that of my
family in the country. That was a choice and we have not regretted for one
minute. We are making the kind of investment in Zimbabwe that is essential
if it is to eventually become the sort of country it has the potential to
be. I am working to restore the rule of law, respect for human rights and
the sanctity of private property, freedom of expression, freedom of
opportunity and a market driven open society. A society where every child
has the opportunity to reach for the skies if she chooses to do so.

Are we going to get there, of course, it is only a matter of time. Those who
oppose those principles are on the wrong side of history and will ultimately
lose out. I do not share the views of the Afro pessimists and believe that
Africa is in fact metamorphosing into the continent with the greatest
potential today.

Zimbabwe epitomizes that scenario. It has one of the best climates in the
world; it may be affected by global warming but two thirds of the country is
predicted to be moister although the rest will be drier. Its people are hard
working and entrepreneurial. It is the richest country in natural resources
per capita in the world with several minerals in world-class quantities. Its
tourist potential is virtually untapped. Commercially and from a logistics
perspective it straddles the heart of southern Africa. Industrially it is at
the center of the largest concentration of mineral resources in the world
and has access to markets that now encompass some 250 million people.

Zimbabwe probably has the most open and free economy in Africa - there is no
exchange control, no limits on what you can bring in or take out. We have no
price controls and the labour market is regulated but dominated by
negotiations between organized labour and management. We have a good banking
system that is highly competitive and a stock market that is growing and
able to serve the need for raising local capital.

The immediate short-term opportunities are associated with the fact that we
are emerging from a lengthy period of conflict - associated with a serious
and protracted economic collapse. This means that real assets - land and
buildings, strategic enterprise and facilities are available at a fraction
of their global value. It is estimated that asset values will have to rise
five fold before they reflect their real value in today’s global economy.
Assets; will never be as cheap or accessible.

Unlike many other countries in conflict, we have not been shooting at each
other and Zimbabwe still presents a sound infrastructure and great living
space. This is no Somalia and is surrounded by countries, themselves
emerging from conflicts and collapse but now exhibiting rapid growth and
considerable stability.

Then there are specific opportunities - we are potentially a world-class
gold producer. We have numerous gold properties that all need investment on
a significant scale and present opportunities for substantial returns. Our
potential is for a number of large mines and gold sales of perhaps 100
tonnes a year or some $4 billion per annum.

Our platinum resources have already attracted many world-class players -
Implats, Angloplats and others. Altogether some $20 billion is being
invested in what is now recognised as the most accessible and low cost
platinum mines in the world. Link that to the other metals that are
associated with platinum and you get the potential for PGM sales in a few
years time that will exceed $6 billion a year.

ESSAR has invested in the steel industry and claims that it will be
exporting over a million tonnes of steel a year in twelve months. Associated
with the steel industry, Zimbabwe has billions of tonnes of high quality
iron ore and coal and it is only a matter of time before we see the
establishment of bulk ore facilities off the Mozambique coast to take
exports from this part of the world to the markets of Asia.

Spain receives some 60 million tourists a year. Southern Africa some 15
million tourists this year. Despite its natural resources, the weather and
tourist hot spots, Zimbabwe barely scratches the surface. Our potential is
to capture at least a 20 per cent share of regional tourism and therefore
rapid growth is possible. Plans are afoot to invest some $3,5 billion in the
Victoria Falls area. The three Trans Frontier Parks constitute the largest
contiguous conservation area in the world with the greatest diversity that
is available anywhere.

If you put all of this together, there is huge potential in all spheres,
retailing, support services, financial services, industry, mining, tourism,
telecommunications, IT and even in areas such as medicine and higher
education.

Do we have problems? Sure, who doesn’t? But we are working through them bit
by bit and the outcome eventually will be a great place to live, raise a
family and make money. Would I delay to make sure that the future I outline
above is secure? Perhaps but in doing so I would be forgoing the very real
opportunities that are available to the brave few today.

Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 30th July 2011

Bill Watch - Parliamentary Committees and Status of Bills Series - 1st August 2011