The ZIMBABWE Situation Our thoughts and prayers are with Zimbabwe
- may peace, truth and justice prevail.

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Zimbabwe dollar hits new low

Andrew Meldrum in Pretoria
Tuesday August 2, 2005
The Guardian

The Zimbabwe dollar tumbled to an all-time low yesterday as it became
apparent that President Robert Mugabe had failed to get the billion dollars
he sought from China to relieve the country's shortages of fuel, food and
One US dollar purchased 45,000 Zimbabwe dollars yesterday on the illegal
black market. The official exchange rate is US$1 to Z$17,000, but neither
banks nor corporations use it.

Mr Mugabe returned from Beijing over the weekend with pledges from the
Chinese government of $6m (£3.4m) for food, a passenger aircraft and 100
computers, according to the state media.

He will now have to go back to South Africa for financial assistance. South
African officials have made it clear they will demand substantial political
and economic reforms in return.

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Zim Online

Harare accuses SA churches of pushing political agenda
Tue 2 August 2005

      HARARE - The Zimbabwe government last night said it would not bar
South African churches from delivering aid to thousands of people displaced
by its controversial urban clean-up exercise but accused the churches of
pushing a political agenda under the guise of aid.

      The South African Council of Churches (SACC) yesterday dispatched 6
000 blankets and 37 tonnes of food to Zimbabwe to be distributed to the most
vulnerable groups in the crisis-hit country as part of "Operation Hope for

      Zimbabwe State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa, who also oversees
distribution of food aid, told ZimOnline: "Surely we are not going to stop
them, we will let them come and hand out the aid but they will not find any
victims of Operation Murambatsvina because there are beneficiaries of
Operation Garikai."

      Murambatsvina is the government's codename for the clean-up exercise
while Garikai refers to a reconstruction drive that the government says it
is undertaking to provide housing for people left homeless after their city
backyard cottages and shantytown homes were demolished by the police.

      Earlier last month, two SACC delegations that visited Zimbabwe
expressed shock at the scale of the disaster and human suffering caused by
Harare's clean-up drive and urged Mugabe to halt the exercise.

      The church leaders immediately announced after their fact-finding
mission that they were planning a massive relief campaign to assist
thousands of families evicted during the exercise that has also been
criticised by Western governments and international human rights groups as a
violation of the rights of the poor.

      President Thabo Mbeki last month endorsed efforts by the SACC to raise
humanitarian support for victims of Mugabe's urban renewal drive.

      South African Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane last night told
journalists the religious body would meet Mbeki soon to discuss United
Nations envoy Anna Tibaijuka's report condemning Harare's clean-up exercise.

      "The president indicated to us that he would like to meet us to engage
on the United Nations report," Ndungane told reporters.

      On the pavement outside the SACC office in Marshall street,
Johannesburg, Ndungane prayed for "sanity" to be brought to the leadership
of Zimbabwe.

      But Mutasa said only the Harare authorities were best placed to know
the people in need of help than foreign clergymen and accused the SACC of
hypocrisy alleging that the church movement in South Africa had failed to
help Zimbabweans at their "greatest hour of need during the country's
liberation struggle".

      He said: "This (aid) is really not intended for what they say it is
supposed to be, that's not true. They are doing it to help the MDC (Zimbabwe's
main opposition Movement for Democratic Change)."

      Mugabe has defended the widely condemned blitz, justifying it on the
need to restore order in cities and towns and to douse a thriving parallel
market for foreign currency and basic commodities.

      Tibaijuka two weeks ago issued a damning report on the Zimbabwe
government's demolition of houses and called on Harare to stop the
controversial campaign which she said also violated international law.

      The UN said at least 700 000 people were rendered homeless by the
demolitions and another 2.4 million directly affected by the campaign.
Zimbabwe has rejected Tibaijuka's report saying it was biased and hostile. -

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Zim Online

Mugabe to amend constitution to shield heir from facing quick election: Moyo
Tue 2 August 2005

      BULAWAYO - The Zimbabwe government plans to amend the constitution to
postpone presidential elections and to allow a vice-president to serve for
the remainder of the term of a president who resigns, dies or is too sick to
serve, according to a former senior government minister.

      The constitution at present allows any of President Robert Mugabe's
two vice-presidents to take over if, for whatever reason, he leaves office
before the expiry of his six-year term in 2008. But the stand-in president
must call an election within 90 days of Mugabe's departure from office.

      Independent parliamentarian Jonathan Moyo, who until his dismissal
about four months ago was one of Mugabe's closest and most powerful
lieutenants, said Mugabe - blamed by many for ruining Zimbabwe's once
prosperous economy - could not win re-election were he to stand in 2008.

      At the same time Mugabe realised his heir apparent, second Vice
President Joyce Mujuru, could not win a national election a mere two years
down the line after the government's extremely unpopular urban clean-up
campaign that left thousands of people in the streets after their homes were
demolished by the police, Moyo said.

      Moyo said the only option for Mugabe, who has in the past publicly
hinted he will step down in 2008, was to postpone the presidential ballot to
2010 to allow for the palpable anger among Zimbabweans over the clean-up
exercise to natural dissipate.

      Besides, delaying the election would also allow Mujuru - a novice and
virtually unknown outside ZANU PF until her elevation to Vice-President -
time to learn the ropes before taking over, added Moyo who is former
government chief propagandist and is a trained political scientist.

      And amending the constitution to allow a vice-president to complete
the remainder of the term of a serving president would ensure Mujuru would
remain in charge should the 81-year old Mugabe die before 2010.

      "They want to remove the clause that says in the event of the
president leaving office through death, ill-health or resignation, polls
should be held in 90 days and replace it with one that allows one of the
designated vice presidents to serve the remainder of the term," Moyo told a
public meeting to discuss constitutional reforms in Bulawayo at the weekend.

      He added: "ZANU PF wants a new Constitution in 2010 to give itself
time to recover from the effects of Operation Murambatsvina (clean-up
operation) and also to give President Mugabe's successor enough time to
learn the ropes. If Mugabe runs in 2008, we all know he will lose. Mujuru
can't win with Operation Murambatsvina," he said.

      But ZANU PF secretary for administration and State Security Minister
Didymus Mutasa dismissed Moyo's claims saying the former government and
party spokesman was an outsider who could not speak on behalf of the
government or ruling party because he did not have intimate knowledge of
their plans and programmes.

      Mutasa said: "He (Moyo) cannot speak on our behalf because he is not
part of us. He does not sit in any of our meetings even at cell level so how
can he claim to know what we want to do? I don't think he has authority to
claim that ZANU PF is going to do this or that."

      This is not the first time claims that Mugabe and ZANU PF will use
their absolute control of Parliament to amend the constitution and postpone
the presidential election.

      A confidential ZANU PF document that was leaked to the Press several
months ago made similar claims, although at that time the only reason cited
for postponing elections was to allow Mujuru to gain experience. ZANU PF
never disclaimed the document. - ZimOnline

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Zim Online

400 women activists take to the streets over Mugabe's rights abuses
Tue 2 August 2005

      BULAWAYO - About 400 members of the Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA)
activist group wearing black armbands on Monday marched through Zimbabwe's
second largest city of Bulawayo protesting against human rights violations
allegedly by President Robert Mugabe and his government.

      The women, who wore black armbands to symbolise the death of freedom
and democracy in Zimbabwe, also called on the government to repeal
repressive security and press laws that have been used in the past five
years to silence the independent press and other voices of dissension.

      WOZA spokeswoman Magodonga Mahlangu told ZimOnline: "We are calling
for the repeal of the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), Access to
Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Regional Town and
Country Planning Act, the Urban Councils Act and other repressive laws that
are not in tandem with the goals of the liberation struggle."

      The protests by WOZA come barely two weeks after 29 of the group's
activists escaped possible jail after a magistrate dismissed charges against
them that they obstructed traffic during a protest last June against the
government's controversial urban clean-up campaign.

      Mahlangu said WOZA also wrote to Mugabe on July 29 urging him to
uphold human rights and to accept the recommendations of United Nations
special envoy Anna Tibaijuka to call off the urban clean-up drive and seek
humanitarian assistance for the victims of the operation.

      Mugabe's spokesman George Charamba could not be reached last night to
establish whether Mugabe had seen the WOZA letter. But Harare has dismissed
Tibaijuka's report saying it was biased.

      Zimbabwe, at one time one of the best prospects for economic and
social success in Africa, has one of the poorest human rights records on the

      Under Harare's security laws, Zimbabweans require police permission
first to meet in groups of three or more people to discuss politics while
journalists face up to two years in jail for practising without being
registered with the government's Media and Information Commission. Newspaper
companies must also be registered by the commission in order to operate in
the country. - ZimOnline

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Friday's Herald, 29 July 2005, contained three new listings of farms as

LOT 15 - Section 7 Notices (198 properties)
LOT 170 - Section 5 Notices (18 properties)
LOT 27 - Section 8 Orders (28 properties)

Herewith LOT 15 of Section 7 Notices.  Please be advised that a number of
anomalies exist in this listing for the following farm numbers:

52 & 80 have the same case numbers but are different properties.
55 & 87 as above
56 & 153 as above
154 & 175 as above
162 & 182 as above
99 has no case number
104 & 108 are the same property but have different case numbers.

1 120/95 Sabi River Ranch P/L Bikita Lot 9 of Devuli Ranch 18 790,000ha

2 5782/95 Mukazi River Ranch P/L Bikita Lot 1 of Angus Ranch 11 452,2507ha

3 5855/74 Humani Estate P/L Bikita Lot 2 of Humani Ranch 174,7010ha

4 5563/94 Mokore Ranch P/L Bikita Ouse 7447,4244ha LA5788/05

5 5251/92 H J Vorster P/L Bikita Lot 4 of Devuli Ranch 23143,0000ha

6 4336/94 Dunmow Ent P/L Bikita Bedford Block 12209,6648ha LA5745/05

7 11181/97 M'Shlabata P/L Bikita Lot 1 of Chigwete 442,3045ha LA5741/05

8 119/95 Chanurwe Ranch Properties P/L Bikita Lot 7 of Devuli Ranch
12877,9110ha LA5769/05

9 10511/02 Lowveld Marketing Services P/L Bikita Lot 8 of Devuli Ranch
12970,0000ha LA5730/05

10 11049/89 Midwest Ranches P/L Bikita Senuko 1 12621,9977ha LA5810/05

11 2282/83 Feeds & Pharmaceuticals P/L Bikita Senuko 3 12170,9889ha

12 762/87 Bateleurs Peak Farm Holdings P/L Bikita Masapas Ranch
15430,1726ha LA5827/05

13 1884/93 Pioneer Capital Partners P/L Bikita Lot 2 of Devuli Ranch
13117,2437ha LA5724/05

14 5911/91 Vundu Ranching Co P/L Bikita Lot 3 of Devuli Ranch 11369,2477ha

15 3318/96 Rovambira P/L Bikita Lot 6 of Devuli Ranch 9972,4108ha LA5786/05

16 5865/74 Feeds & Pharmaceuticals P/L Bikita Senuko 2 11949,1177ha

17 5706/92 Wenhope P/L Bikita Lot 2 of Angus Ranch 16590,5000ha LA5891/05

18 7753/98 Jinda Ramambo Ent P/L Bikita Lot 5 of Devuli Ranch 9711/4294ha

19 1814/61 Thomas Mattheus Lambert Charter Mooi Leegte 4072,5353ac

20 1098/65 Ernest Ronald Saul Charter Ngesi 6372,1717ac LA5735/05

21 5274/81 Christiaan Jacobus Albertus Kirstein Charter Wilderness Ext of
Honey Spruit 388,5634ha LA5744/05

22 5376/85 Colron Farming P/L Charter Witten-dale 1584,9567ha LA5725/05

23 1198/87 Natalian Viviers & Jane Mary Viviers Charter Remainder of
Wonderklip 642,4028ha LA5716/05

24 5072/98 Versailles P/L Charter Versailles of Nyamazaan 723,7577ha

25 469/85 Peter Johannes Cornelius De Klerk Charter Remainder of Hazeldene
1379,4908ha LA5829/05

26 1461/98 Planwace Inv P/L Charter Jackalsdraai 1284,8156ha LA5756/05

27 3209/75 Jacobus Johannes Erasmus Charter Klipheuval 771,4373ha LA5895/05

28 273/98 Grasscroft Ent P/L Charter Long Hope of Wildebeestlaagte
1713,0361ha LA5875/05

29 5376/85 Colron Farming P/L Charter Southfield 1284,7899ha LA5839/05

30 4268/82 Campbells Holdings P/L Charter Tevrede of Rockydale 160,2547ha

31 701/61 Izak J Roux Chipinga Geluk 644,5413ha LA5722/05

32 4672/88 Thomas Webster Herselman Chipinga Oribi Ridge of Grass Flats
163,3981ha LA5834/05

33 3699/59 Coffee Estates P/L Chipinga S/D C of Chipinga 250,0860mor

34 1346/89 Glengarry Est P/L Chipinga Gelngarry Estate 813,5786ha LA5789/05

35 8453/02 Blowland Farming P/L Chipinga Lot 2 of Liliesvlei of De Rust of
Avontuur Ext 125,6011ha LA5754/05

36 1487/73 Chiredzi Inv P/L Chipinga Lot 11 of Newcastle 202,3866ha

37 1481/80 Nicholas Folliott Douglas Powell Chipinga S/D B of Morgenson of
Avontuur 170,2654ha LA5709/05

38 1620/77 Joseph Charles Baxter Gatooma Remainder of S/D A of Kanyemba Est
421,2105ha LA5779/05

39 1620/77 Joseph Charles Baxter Gatooma S/D B of S/D A of Kanyemba Est
200,5115ha LA5738/05

40 281/61 Friern Est P/L Goromonzi Mandalay of Nil Desperandum of the
Twentydales Est 2150,2306ac LA5853/05

41 4005/78 Delport Brothers P/L Goromonzi S/D J & M of the Twentydales Est
133,2485ha LA5883/05

42 6567/56 Trustees of the Estate of the Late Harold Basil Christian
Goromonzi S/D A of Mount Shannon of the Meadows 334,3620mor LA5866/05

43 2046/80 Michael Seton Major Cullinan Goromonzi Xanadu Est 1734,1987ha

44 8093/94 Williamson Properties P/L Goromonzi Inversnaid of Melfort Est
1113,3152ha LA5790/05

45 3333/85 Dodman Brothers P/L Goromonzi Liwonde Est 1916,9877ha LA5897/05

46 4856/99 Hunterscraig Inv P/L Goromonzi S/D A of Sellair 104,4370ha

47 6032/70 Chipunza Farm P/L Goromonzi R/E of Lot 2 of Bally Vaughan
291,1405ha LA5712/05

48 7441/00 Fonrel Inv P/L Goromonzi Remainder of Mamanora of Mashonganyika
123,1014ha LA5794/05

49 3661/59 George Weyman Taylor Hartley S/D B Portion of Croc-na-ragh
475,7152ha LA5856/05

50 5409/56 Roelof Jacobus Geyser Hartley R/E of Bedford 375,2861ha

51 2062/59 Wilfred James Rundle Dean Hartley Lot 2 of Orchidvale
259,1053mor LA5890/05

52 10087/01 Bounchcap Inv Hartley Lot 1 of Wantage 42,8259ha LA5882/05

53 3929/92 T Caine P/L Hartley Edinburgh of Nyatsime Ranch 1470,6415ha

54 5097/59 Metalfields P/L Inyanga Brondesbury Park of Rodel 907,7805ha

55 4152/77 Usk Farm P/L Inyanga Lot 23 of Britannia 51,0796ha LA5773/05

56 1659/70 Robert Dunley Owen Inyanga Lot 14 of Britannia 85,9824ac

57 5128/74 Dagbreek Est P/L Makoni Dagbreek 486,5422ha LA5803/05

58 1468/84 Lesbury Est P/L Makoni Lesbury 2032,455mor LA5792/05

59 6737/81 Michael John Langle Makoni Windsorton 566,9093ha LA5707/05

60 7070/98 Polnat Inv Makoni Moodiesville 1328,00ha LA5800/05

61 1060/86 Sherwood Farm P/L Makoni Fernicarry 850,5224ha LA5746/05

62 918/92 Monte Cristo Farm P/L Mangwendi Monte Cristo of Ballinard
2704,0275ha LA5898/05

63 123/65 Hercules Salomon Nel Marandellas Nyeri 3059,9260ac LA5818/05

64 1986/97 Carnol Farming P/L Marandellas Kanzargwe of Soft 664,0771ha

65 7656/99 Varus Inv P/L Marandellas R/E of Soft 593,2800ha LA5885/05

66 4548/94 J H Erasmus Inv P/L Marandellas S/D A of Welcome Home 856,5180ha

67 2323/86 Cradock Ent P/L Marandellas Remainder of Alexandra 932,6362ha

68 6639/72 Carswell Farm P/L Marandellas Remainder of Carswell of
Killiemore 1311,3748ha LA5820/05

69 2111/84 Claire Kit Wiggle Marandellas Remainder of Coquetdale of Rudmans
119,4115ha LA5863/05

70 3769/82 Raymond Dank Ponter Marandellas Mbima of Igudu 428,0473ha

71 872/98 S & B Cloete P/L Marandellas Bow 1240,2810ha LA5889/05

72 90/93 Daskop Farm P/L Marandellas Lot 2 of Lot KD Carruthersville
607,3791ha LA5900/05

73 8368/71 Devon Est P/L Marandellas Devon Est 1750,3929ha LA5872/05

74 489/96 Ian Burgoyne Marandellas Dudley Est A 298,2722ha LA5862/05

75 2/95 PTA Farming Number Twenty Eight P/L Marandellas Lot 21 of Wenimbi
Est 1724,0731ha LA5848/05

76 2783/93 Malibar Farm P/L Marandellas Malabar Est 284,6738ha LA5767/05

77 7755/89 Chipesa Farm P/L Marandellas Rusinga of Gresham 698,1822ha

78 158/83 Nurenzi Farm P/L Marandellas S/D M of Carruthersville 1027,6764ha

79 1154/58 Iamba Farms P/L Marandellas Remainder of Iamba 1035,2713mor

80 11527/2000 Steven Raymond Pratt Marandellas R/E of S/D A of Wenimbi
171,2566ha LA5882/05

81 9116/97 Scorror Est P/L Marandellas R/E of S/D C of Eirene 777,7016ha

82 870/62 Rigidita Est P/L Marandellas Lot 1 of S/D C of Carruthersville
1520,0022ac LA5879/05

83 6659/72 Showers P/L Marandellas Remainder of Showers 581,3602ha

84 240/84 Kenneth McKelvey Marandellas Theydon Est 327,9939ha LA5873/05

85 2145/66 Welton Ent P/L Marandellas Welton 2974,8000ac LA5765/05

86 227/40 Johannes Paulos Smit Marandellas Lendy Estate 1377,07ha LA5774/05

87 9434/90 Makarara Farm P/L Marandellas Makarara of Lot HG of
Carruthersville 520,2468ha LA5773/05

88 99/87 Claydon Farm P/L Marandellas R/E of Mtemwa 1218,1236ha LA5726/05

89 8155/88 Paul Peach Bekker Marandellas S/D A of Showers 776,8290ha

90 6665/83 Cradock Ent P/L Marandellas S/D C of Solitude of Alexandra
45,7621ha LA5849/05

91 9115/97 Gorejena Farm P/L Marandellas Tambala of S/D A of
Carruthersville 54,8174ha LA5876/05

92 3619/47 Glenisla Tobacco Est P/L Marandellas Twyford 1898,319mor

93 7331/99 Kegworth Ent P/L Marandellas R/E of Anwa 917,2168ha LA5761/05

94 594/83 Rolan Marsden Marandellas R/E of Milford of Springvale 120,5955ha

95 4489/95 G T N Farm Holdings P/L Marandellas Lot 18 of Wenimbi Est
527,3470ha LA5867/05

96 2784/93 Waverley Farms P/L Marandellas Farm 4 of Wenimbi Est 398,8907ha

97 1404/92 Welcome Home Farm P/L Marandellas R/E of Welcome Home
1011,6164ha LA5748/05

98 5362/82 Pembry Farm P/L Marandellas rocklands 1387,3023ha LA5771/05

99 5452/91 Casta Farms P/L Marandellas Remainder of S/D B of Alexandra
404,5923ha LA(no number)

100 924/99 Nine Jacaranda P/L Marandellas Remainder of Mukute 488,2342ha

101 2092/99 Tambaguta P/L Marandellas Waltondale 1636,0ha LA5857/05

102 2710/50 Denzil Ernest Rhodes Stockil Marandellas Norfolk 1469,239mor

103 9380/99 Cudjoe Properties P/L Marandellas R/E of Rastenburg 856,1972ha

104 1950/73 B & D Dairy Farm P/L Marandellas R/E of Logan Lee 814,8313ha

105 1492/77 Gresham Farms P/L Marandellas Tawoomba of Eirene 597,6383ha

106 7827/71 Ponderosa Est P/L Marandellas R/E of Vrede 401,3760ha LA5899/05

107 84/87 Petrus Gerhardus Botha Marandellas S/D D of Welgetroos 214,1295ha

108 1950/73 B & D Dairy Farm P/L Marandellas R/E of Logan Lee 814,8313ha

109 3718/75 Chibara P/L Mazoe Granite 3718,75ha LA5791/05

110 4045/86 Perkins P/L Melsetter R/E of Schaap Plaats 152,1323ha LA5812/05

111 9073/95 Elangeni Farm P/L Melsetter Tank Neil Portion of Moodies Nek
Portion of Hendriksdal 452,7723ha LA5831/05

112 2692/95 Bennet Brothers Farming Ent P/L Melsetter Vooruitzicht
2784,5859ha LA5824/05

113 4618/90 John Barlow Melsetter Redstar of Mutazarara of Albany 53,5749ha

114 6499/85 Philip Lawrence Mackie Mrewa Eureka 837,8130ha LA5833/05

115 8150/94 Landsley Farm P/L Mrewa Remainder of Leylands 235,8480ha

116 8156/96 Huncote Ent P/L Mrewa Timorim of Macsoso 601,6098ha LA5780/05

117 6536/80 Howard Philip Arnold Mrewa Remainder of Lot 1 of Whispering
Hope 1181,8687ha LA5841/05

118 1535/93 Mayendoro Farm P/L Mrewa Mayendero 872,8509ha LA5844/05

119 6954/94 Landsley Farm P/L Mrewa Lot 1 of Leylands 809,3726ha LA5860/05

120 8347/89 Springlea P/L Mrewa Springs Ranch 1206,8339ha LA5766/05

121 6968/87 Waterloo Farms P/L Mrewa Waterloo Est 982/1419ha LA5768/05

122 3024/82 Mount Belingwe Farm P/L Mrewa Muckleneuk Est 146,2084ha

123 6964/99 Denik P/L Mrewa Airlie 1051,8824ha LA5784/05

124 6617/96 Gilsland Ent P/L Mrewa Chikowatsine 1057,8782ha LA5817/05

125 924/84 Frederick Kendall Nicholson Mrewa Hazeldene 896,7744ha LA5836/05

126 884/90 Pigeonswood Farm P/L Mrewa Remainder of Devauden 996,7071ha

127 884/90 Pigeonswood Farm P/L Mrewa Chabwino 774,8084ha LA5720/05

128 4406/67 Mleme Est P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 5
539,8793ac LA5708/05

129 341/66 Kwa Ingwe Farm P/L Ndanga Hippo Valley Settlement Holding 6
516,6012ac LA5887/05

130 5931/00 Ngwane Ranch Properties P/L Ndanga Remainder of Ruware Ranch
16242,1289ha LA5732/05

131 2642/94 The Trustees of the Malilangwe Conservation Trust Ndanga Lone
Star Ranch 26114,4310ha LA5782/05

132 2642/94 The Trustees of the Malilangwe Conservation Trust Ndanga
Remainder of Lone Star Ranch Watershed Ext 638,5551ha LA5801/05

133 4398/76 Jatala Est P/L Ndanga Lot 1 of Faversham 3673,6398ha LA5763/05

134 5029/92 N & B Holdings P/L Ndanga Glendevon A of Glendevon Est
1830,5447ha LA5795/05

135 1673/72 De La Rey Beters Fourie Geldenhuys Nuantesi Lot 9 of Lot 1 of
Lot 12 of Nuanetsi Ranche A 6074,1161ha LA5894/05

136 1673/72 De La Rey Beters Fourie Geldenhuys Nuantesi Lot 7 of Lot 1 of
Lot 12 of Nuanetsi Ranche A 7543,2179ha LA5723/05

137 6797/73 B J B Ranch P/L Nuantesi B J B Estate 9139,4981ha LA5743/05

138 1144/76 Ardno Farm P/L Salisbury Ardno A 1326,7425ha LA5874/05

139 509/78 Auks Nest Farm P/L Salisbury Auk's Nest 637,2494ha LA5886/05

140 8351/96 Hussite Inv P/L Salisbury Remainder of Brakveld 558,6078ha

141 2882/73 Peter Douglas Dorward & Alastair Ian Dorward Salisbury Bolton
835,1051ha LA5822/05

142 1012/56 Valerie Pape Laing Salisbury Caledonia 2309,2170ha LA5742/05

143 6451/89 Irvines Day Old Chicks P/L Salisbury R/E of Carnock 904,3399ha

144 3556/02 Maranbay Ventures P/L Salisbury Remainder of Charleston
400,0976ha LA5764/05

145 1462/77 John Peacey Danckwerts Salisbury Remainder of Chedgelow of
Arlington Est 572,9724ha LA5728/05

146 9626/90 Inyondo P/L Salisbury Remainder of Inyondo 921,1993ha

147 5675/83 D Corson & Son P/L Salisbury Sligo 1357,5811ha LA5770/05

148 7791/88 Eyam P/L Salisbury S/D A of Eyam 881/0570ha LA5717/05

149 11259/99 Fullite Inv P/L Salisbury Stilton 704,0578ha LA5843/05

150 2963/93 B.A.M.P.H. Salisbury R/E of S/D A of Faraway of Mayfair
24,9418ha LA5798/05

151 5296/81 Red Dane Dairy P/L Salisbury Aldington 799,6781ha LA5714/05

152 2012/96 J F Du Rand Salisbury Vrede of Tweespruit of Mtsike 321,8833ha

153 4321/86 J H Butler Farms P/L Salisbury Remainder of Draycott of
Arlington Est 1165,3978ha LA5880/05

154 3667/95 Farland Inv P/L Salisbury Gabaza 665,5145ha LA5787/05

155 5234/83 Archibald Peter McMaster Salisbury Geluk of Elim 404,7816ha

156 5511/94 Wouter Theron Salisbury R/E of Fresnaye 469,4179ha LA5864/05

157 6592/88 John Milton Fick Salisbury Glorvina Ext 442,8198ha LA5847/05

158 2867/83 Johannes Frederick Fick Salisbury Glorvina 474,9021ha

159 767/80 York Farms P/L Salisbury Guildford 620,9927ha LA5772/05

160 597/93 Gwalia Properties P/L Salisbury Gwalia 1322,4639ha LA5858/05

161 5290/01 Brickend Trading P/L Salisbury Kellet 1320,7508ha LA5851/05

162 909/00 Mvunda Inv P/L Salisbury Lot 1 of Groot Schuur 303,9138ha

163 1519/84 Gideon Stephanus Theron Salisbury Lot 1 of Zanka 472,3933ha

164 4973/85 Daniel Johannes Ferreira Salisbury Lot 1A of Portugal
654,8118ha LA5711/05

165 5600/69 John Milton Fick Salisbury Manderley of Vrede 1137,5547ac

166 1818/93 Mashonda Farm P/L Salisbury Mashonda 799,1313ha LA5809/05

167 4308/73 Mayfield Farm P/L Salisbury Mayfield 741,9859ha LA5814/05

168 5505/79 Scottsbank Farm P/L Salisbury Moreless 746,0272ha LA5715/05

169 342/57 Brechin Est P/L Salisbury Brechin A 2981,0617mor LA5825/05

170 1570/81 Peter Samuel Warren Kileff & Hazel Ellen Kileff Salisbury Farm
Chesham 1339,5642ha LA5884/05

171 7874/94 R G P Johnson P/L Salisbury Chester 614,9799ha LA5861/05

172 123/83 Elizabeth Seanan Salisbury Bdibiriri A of Lisheen Est
102,7838ha LA5877/05

173 614/97 Nhuku Farm P/L Salisbury R/E of the Farm Nhuku 424,3976ha

174 5965/94 F J Nel P/L Salisbury Orangia 1755,8620ha LA5815/05

175 4577/76 Kenneth Michael Mumford Salisbury Remainder of Plumstead Est
336,2802ha LA5787/05

176 1856/64 Johanna Maria Van Der Merwe Salisbury R/E of Portugal
1000,0799ac LA5854/05

177 1811/78 Erens Hendrik Nieuwoudt Salisbury Quarries 811,4838ha

178 140/86 Coenrad Johannes Victor Fick & Johannes Frederick Fick Salisbury
Victory 1085,9542ha LA5776/05

179 2831/81 P J E Williams P/L Salisbury Matsirirano of Hillside
494,5350ha LA5826/05

180 4602/70 Wemel Farm P/L Salisbury Wemel 2860,8912ac LA5905/05

181 5438/74 Goromonzi Est P/L Salisbury R/E of Goromonzi Est of Liwonde
1073,0769ha LA5837/05

182 5290/2000 Kerry Hope Heyns Umtali Tregenna 42,5259ha LA5881/05

183 128/91 Border Timbers Ltd Umtali Sheba 1280,4833ha LA5781/05

184 2435/77 David Charles Walker Umtali Imbeza Valley Lot 2 73,6605ha

185 4940/71 Nyamheni P/L Umtali R/E of Cloudlands Est 407,2163ha LA5819/05

186 5126/86 Border Timbers Ltd Umtali Nyaronga Manor 222,8975ha LA5855/05

187 809/77 Bezuidenhout Brothers P/L Umtali Remainder of Lot 1 of Warnham
of Cairndhu 220,1343ha LA5713/05

188 4151/58 Border Timbers Ltd Umtali Epson 874,06ha LA5721/05

189 2987/84 Cidimu P/L Umtali Cidimu Est 79,7518ha LA5758/05

190 8586/91 C P Bezuidenhout P/L Umtali Welverdiend Est 533,0075ha

191 424/63 Mapor Est P/L Umtali Lot 3 of Mapenbi Est 3077,3022ac LA5805/05

192 3764/68 Sleightholme Farms P/L Umtali S/D A of Witchwood Est 249,9994ac

193 1797/60 Strathyre Est P/L Urungwe R/E of Strathyre 1612,7732ac

194 545/89 Hester Helena Botha Wedza Cloutsham 1308,5982ha LA5893/05

195 6159/80 David Charles Hamilton Wedza Emma 434,6900ha LA5722/05

196 6489/81 Jan Andries Smith Wedza Espy 1468,9613ha LA5871/05

197 4346/88 Hursley Park P/L Wedza Bally David Est 1108,4086ha LA5842/05

198 6191/93 N C Tapson Properties P/L Wedza Lower Dean 1882,9958ha

Please note that the Section 5 (LOT 170) and Section 8 (LOT 27) Notices
will follow shortly.

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Phone Shops Demolished in Southeast Zimbabwe Town of Chiredzi By Carole
      01 August 2005

Operation Murambatsvina has resurfaced in the southeastern town of Chiredzi,
where police are said to have destroyed seven phone shops. Sources told VOA's
Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the only phone shop still open belongs to a
ruling party city councilor.

Elsewhere, some former residents of the Porta Farm settlement west of Harare
have been dumped at abandoned farms in the capital region. One woman, asking
that her name not be used, told reporter Carole Gombakomba that authorities
took her and others to an abandoned farm where they live in empty tobacco

She must walk for two hours to reach the Harare-Bulawayo road for transport
to Harare, from which she spoke with Ms. Gombakomba on Monday.

Other former Porta Farm residents taken to Hopely Farm on the road from
Harare to the satellite town of Chitungwiza, were still not receiving any
humanitarian assistance, according to the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights,
a civic group.

The organization said authorities were present at Hopely Farm over the past
weekend to assess conditions and register about a thousand displaced persons

Reporter Carole Gombakomba of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe asked attorney
Otto Saki of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights for an update on Hopely

Elsewhere, families forcibly resettled from Harare to the rural areas of
Mashonaland East say their life there is very difficult. Men say they are
unable to provide for their families because of their limited access to
homes and jobs in the rural district. Such breadwinners say their only
chance for survival is to return to the city.

Correspondent Thomas Chiripasi of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbawe reports.
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Sunday Times, SA

Church leaders discuss Zimbabwe

Tuesday August 02, 2005 07:44 - (SA)

By Duncan Guy

Church leaders expect to meet President Thabo Mbeki soon to discuss the
United Nations report on Zimbabwe's "clean up" operations, believed to have
affected around 700,000 people.

Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane said this on Monday after he and
other church leaders blessed consignments of humanitarian aid the SA Council
of Churches (SACC) has donated to Zimbabwean people affected by the

This follows a recent visit by the leaders SACC leaders to Zimbabwe.

"The president indicated to us that he would like to meet us to engage on
the United Nations report," Ndungane told reporters.

Last month, the UN released a scathing report on the campaign of demolitions
stating that it had left 700,000 Zimbabweans homeless and destitute and
affected a further 2.4 million.

"We all know that Zimbabwe goes from one crisis to another and we are all
interested in long-term solutions to the economic and political problems in
Zimbabwe," Ndungane said.

The cleric echoed Finance Minister Trevor Manuel's concerns that South
Africa had to make sure it did not have a failed state on its borders.

Monday's consignment, containing 37 tons of food and over 6,000 blankets,
was the first of many loads the churches would send across the Limpopo river

The Zimbabwe Council of Churches' humanitarian distribution agency,
Christian Care, will distribute it where it deems necessary.

The next consignment, on August 18, will be accompanied by a South African
military escort. Monday's will not.

Ndungane said the SACC had consulted with the South African government to
help with the smooth transportation of the consignments into Zimbabwe.

"We trust the angels to use God's power to change the hearts of stubborn
people who want to stop good things from happening," he said.

On the pavement outside the SACC office in Marshall Street, Johannesburg,
Ndungane prayed for "sanity" to be brought to the leadership of Zimbabwe.

His Rhema counterpart, Ray McCauley, asked that the event mark the beginning
of momentum to help people who were suffering people in that country.

Other clerics presiding were Bishop Ivan Abrahams of the Methodist Church
and Molefe Tsele, secretary-general of the SACC.

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Business Day

Operation Hope heads for Zimbabwe
Wendy Hall


A CONVOY of trucks carrying aid for Zimbabwe left Johannesburg yesterday as
part of the South African Council of Churches' (SACC's) Operation Hope for

"This is our initial response to the humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe,"
Anglican Archbishop Njongonkulu Ndungane said.

The aid includes 4500 blankets and 37 tons of maize, beans and oil that is
to go to Zimbabweans displaced by President Robert Mugabe's Operation
Murambatsvina, or Drive Out the Rubbish.

The United Nations said 700000 people have been made homeless by the
demolition of homes and businesses in the country.

Members of a church delegation that visited Zimbabwe in July, including
Ndungane, Methodist Church Bishop Ivan Abrahams, Pastor Ray McCauley of the
Rhema Church and SACC general secretary Dr Molefe Tsele, blessed the trucks
as they left SACC headquarters.

The aid is to be distributed from church halls and resettlement camps in and
around Mutare, Bulawayo and Harare with the help of the Zimbabwean Council
of Churches. The South African high commission will help ensure the aid gets
to the correct distribution points.

Operation Hope for Zimbabwe is a relief initiative launched after the
delegation's visit to the country.

The fund has raised R350000 since its launch, according to a statement
released by the SACC.

An appeal was held at churches across SA on Sunday in an attempt to increase
this amount.

At a press briefing held at the SACC yesterday, Tsele said the delegation
had met with the South African presidency to inform it of the launch of
Operation Hope.

Ndungane said the suffering of ordinary Zimbabweans was the responsibility
of all South Africans.

He said: "Zimbabwe needs to resolve its own political and economic crisis,
and the South African government and President (Thabo) Mbeki must use
whatever leverage they have got to further this cause."

Meanwhile, a telephone survey of 493 South Africans conducted by market
research group Research Surveys last month showed widespread condemnation of
Mugabe's campaign, with 70% of respondents saying they thought it was a bad

Seventy-seven percent responded that human rights in Zimbabwe were a
disgrace to Africa.

However, 38% said it was a "good" thing that SA was planning to loan
Zimbabwe $1bn to help rebuild its economy.

When analysed by race, 45% of black respondents agreed with the statement,
while only 26% of whites responded favourably. Forty-one percent of coloured
and Indian respondents said that they supported the loan.
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Business Day

Posted to the web on: 02 August 2005
Poor may get some crumbs
Dianna Games


ZIMBABWEAN author Chenjerai Hove once wrote that African governments were
not bankrupt until the pantry in state house was bare. Arguably, the pantry
in President Robert Mugabe's state house is empty - hence he has dusted off
the begging bowl.

He has sought help from those countries he knows appreciate his economic and
political policies - SA, China, Malaysia and even Namibia. Just when it
seemed a geopolitical drama pitting SA's influence against China's was about
to unravel, Mugabe arrived back from Beijing without the large loan he was
hoping for. So now it is up to SA to bale him out.

Interestingly, the proposed deal with SA has garnered more column
centimetres in SA than in Zimbabwe, where people are too busy coping with
their day-to-day survival to worry about what money SA is going to come up
with, ostensibly for their betterment.

The feeling seems to be that whatever money is lent to the government,
ordinary people will not see the benefits.

The spread on the table sounds tempting. Newspapers talk of unspecified
political, economic and human rights reforms in return for unspecified
amounts of money. But South African commentators seem to have forgotten the
track record of Mugabe. Promising reforms is one of his trademarks. Reneging
on them is another.

On the issue of talks with the opposition, one of SA's mooted conditions for
the loan, the question is what the two parties will talk about. Zanu (PF)
won the election, and SA accepted the result. The ruling party is not
interested in revisiting this. The government is in the middle of tampering
yet again with the constitution, and is unlikely to be diverted from its
path. The Movement for Democratic Change is said to be in disarray and
unlikely to present a united front.

The economic situation is dire, and not likely to be resolved by plugging a
few holes and making token reforms.

Although the meltdown of the Zimbabwe economy has long been predicted, the
combination of long-standing fuel shortages, a serious shortage of foreign
exchange because of continued government intervention in the economy, skills
flight, critical food shortages, increased political insecurity and
spiralling day-to-day costs, have now resulted in a real alarm about how
ordinary people are going to cope, even in the short term.

Breaking the law to keep business going has become the key to survival.
Business people say government unpredictability makes life extremely

The ad hoc management of the economy, coupled with inflation rising at more
than 20% a month, and the fluctuating currency - both formal and informal
rates - mean businesses are unable to plan ahead.

The powerful governor of the reserve bank, Gideon Gono, whom some call a de
facto prime minister because of his wide brief, has helped to stabilise the
economy over his 18-month tenure. But the positive economic measures he
introduces are often not followed through by his political masters.

The official exchange rate, as determined by weekly foreign currency
auctions, which was kept to about Z$6000 to the dollar for most of last
year, suddenly spiralled to more than Z$10000 this year. A few weeks ago,
after businesses had adjusted their projects, it suddenly rose to Z$17500
(about Z$2630 to the rand).

"The devaluation was a start, although it has badly thrown out everyone's
projections, but it is still a long way off the market value of the
currency, which is around Z$35000 to the dollar and climbing," said one

The government in its desperation for foreign currency is again targeting
exporters. It recently reduced the amount of foreign exchange exporters can
retain in hard currency, from 55% of export earnings to 50% (the other half
is changed by the government at the official rate). The retained portion can
be held for only 21 days (down from 30 days) during which time the central
bank must give approval for its use, or confiscate it and pay the exporter
in Zimbabwe dollars.

Exporters complain that the bank is delaying approvals, thus enabling the
government to confiscate the currency. And getting dollars on the foreign
currency auction is virtually impossible.

Many companies review staff salaries every month, but most at least every
quarter, to keep ahead of inflation. Supply chain management is made
difficult because of the continually fluctuating rates for foreign exchange
and other moving targets that affect monthly planning. Hyperinflationary
accounting makes nonsense of annual reports. The cost at which fuel can be
bought can fluctuate 1000% in a month.

Domestic debt is spiralling, rising from Z$3-trillion in January to
Z$12-trillion in June - a 400% increase in just six months. This does not
include the Z$3-trillion the government has suddenly promised to build homes
for the estimated 700000 left homeless by its so-called clean-up campaign.

The extent of Operation Murambatsvina (Drive Out Trash) has taken ordinary
Zimbabweans aback. They say there is virtually no one left unaffected by the
campaign, which radically altered the mood in the country.

In the city centre, hawker stands are empty, the street traders are gone and
there are fewer cars on the roads. Unemployment is sky high, worsened by the
destruction of the informal economy, which represented at least 60% of the
total economy.

There is little support for the government's increasingly shrill insistence
that the campaign was to level slums and provide better housing. The lie is
clearly shown by the fact that the Z$3-trillion for housing is not in any
budget. It is expected, however, to be included in a supplementary budget to
be announced this month. In the interim, the government has offered some of
the dispossessed a few sheets of asbestos roofing which will enable them to
build only the type of dwelling the government suddenly took such exception
to just a few weeks ago.

In the meantime, the municipal fee for those whose homes have not been razed
and who want to regularise their house plans with the council has risen from
Z$5000 to Z$23m overnight.

There is no simple answer to the question as to whether SA's loan will
benefit ordinary Zimbabweans. But it might help to offset some of the
hostility towards SA. Resentment runs high because of the perception of SA's
support for the government many Zimbabweans accuse of ruining their country.

As one Zimbabwean put it: "Which part of being hungry, scared, poor and
oppressed do the South Africans think we like so much that they support,
even applaud, what our president is doing?"

Games, director of Africa @ Work, is researching the Zimbabwean economy for
the South African Institute of International Affairs.
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Business Day

Our troublesome neighbour again
Peter Vale


WHY do our relations with our northern neighbour always bring out the worst
in our national conversation? One explanation is that the politics of that
country is close, familiar, and even intimate; it is also easily understood
against the backdrop of change in SA; indeed, some South Africans seem to
regard Zimbabwe's war of national liberation as "struggle lite".

Attitudes like this block any consideration of the qualifications needed to
fashion sound policy options.

The result is a public discussion that is marked by absolutism. The worst of
this came a few years ago when the head of a national think-tank made the
wacky suggestion that SA should invade Zimbabwe in the name of "regime

Let us be clear on something: Zimbabwe's Operation Murambatsvina was a form
of cleansing - not ethnic, in the sense that we have come understand it, but
a cleansing nonetheless. It came on top of a slew of unfathomable policies,
economic and other, that have dragged Zimbabwe, and its people, towards a
political and social precipice.

But saying this, and understanding the complexity of the relationship
between the two countries, is not the same thing. Put differently,
diplomatic and political intricacies are not explained by dismay over
policies that make no sense even if, tragically, these ruin lives.

Approaching the issue of Zimbabwe in a different fashion may be a big ask
for SA but, if successful, it can generate results that have the interests
of Zimbabwe's people at their centre.

How might this change in approach be done? Political history and the
language of politics open ways of appreciating both the intensity and
intricacy of the relationship.

The history of the relationship does not begin, as many think nowadays, with
the end of apartheid. It is rooted in the late-19th century decision to
carve a colonial entity, separate from SA, north of the Limpopo River. The
resulting creature, notwithstanding its closeness with Cecil John Rhodes,
was not an immediate financial success.

There was to be success, but this came later and was driven, not by the
market, but by Keynesian economics and the determination, from 1923 onwards,
to build a modern state called Rhodesia - an artefact of late colonialism.
Understanding this is essential: the place we now call Zimbabwe was built on
the resources and planning of the colonial state and black labour.

A modicum of its success was because Rhodesia was never truly separated from
SA. It was separated in name only - the border between the two countries was
never completely sealed.

Notwithstanding the unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) in 1965,
this porosity enabled Pretoria to exercise control and direction over Ian
Smith and his Rhodesian Front government for the 15-odd years of UDI.

This was a moment, Dr Sue Onslow of the London School of Economics has
recently shown, in which the issues of policy towards the then Rhodesia were
dominated by a triangle that has returned to haunt the region: SA's position
in the face of sanctions against our northern neighbour, SA's relations with
the leader to the north, and loans to that country. In a different form,
these now stand again at the heart of SA's policy predicament.

In 1965, Onslow suggests, SA's white voting public was enthusiastic about
the prospects of supporting UDI; the government in Pretoria, on the other
hand, was wary of the implications of UDI for SA's international relations.
Interestingly, the archives, from which Onslow draws her work, show that
Hendrik Verwoerd was cautious: playing the diplomatic game to the letter of
then accepted international law - no interference in the domestic affairs of
another state.

This frame offers to the recent loan crisis an instructive historical
perspective. SA has been here before; certainly, the times were different,
as were the players, but the issue of how to deal with a crippled, blighted
northern neighbour was similar.

In that instance, the loan, or rather the loans, were granted, with all the
necessary protection to SA's interests - political, economic and security.
President Thabo Mbeki's recent decision to grant the loan, therefore, has a
precedent, albeit in a distant, and certainly distasteful, political epoch.

This raises the difficult issue of language. However one understands it,
Zimbabwe is a polity mired in the language and ritual of an outmoded African
nationalism. This suggests that, once more, the country is an artefact, this
time of the early 1950s: the Cold War, decolonisation and the often
simple-minded slogans that drove policy outcomes in those distant times.

Understanding this suggests that Zimbabwe's politics will not simply be
dissolved by the language of contemporary democratic practice. This seems a
pity. The double meanings attached to terms such as governance,
accountability and transparency may well provide the necessary ambiguity in
the two areas, its economy and its constitution, that need urgent reform in

South Africans know it is not easy to be optimistic about Zimbabwe. But if
that country is going to turn out to be what all South Africans want we must
try to look beyond the hype and the grunge of the everyday event. This
requires a more informed, more nuanced national conversation than we have
heard to date.

Vale is Nelson Mandela professor of politics and head of the department of
political and international studies, Rhodes University.
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New Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe seizes copies of 'subversive book'


By Staff Reporter
Last updated: 08/02/2005 09:21:54
ZIMBABWEAN authorities have seized hundreds of copies of Section Eight, a
novel by Zimbabwean journalist, Chris Gande, which had been destined for the
Zimbabwe International Book Fair, New has learnt.

Gande, who is now based in Washington DC and works for Studio Seven said the
copies, fliers and posters of the book based on the land reforms were sent
to Zimbabwe by air on July 7 and were expected to be in Zimbabwe on July 10.

The United States Postal Service on Monday confirmed that the books had been
flown to Zimbabwe, but their whereabouts could not be ascertained.

A postal worker at the Washington DC post office where the books were sent
from said their records last indicated that the books were with the Zimbabwe
department of customs.

"This is unusual for customs to detain goods this long, especially if they
are just books," she told

Gande, a former Daily News Bulawayo bureau chief, said he was told by a
customs official that copies of his book might have been sent for
"verification" to the President's office because it "looks like it is
subversive material". He said he had been hopeful that the book would make
it for the ZIBF which ends on Saturday.

Gande said: "The book is now available in several countries except Zimbabwe,
I was trying to promote it through the book fair and it seems likely that it
will not make it at all. The few book sellers who had indicated their wish
to sell the book withdrew their wish after reading it. They say they fear
that it may antagonize the authorities."

He added that his lawyers in Zimbabwe were preparing to institute legal
action to retrieve the books from the authorities.

Section Eight is a novel based on the son of government Minister who falls
madly in love with the daughter of a white commercial farmer. It turns out
that the government Minister wants to take over the farm belonging to the
father of his son's girlfriend.

The novel can be purchased on line and its details are available on the
following link:
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New Zimbabwe

The pitfalls of opposition politics in Zimbabwe

By Dr A T Magaisa
Last updated: 08/02/2005 09:28:33
THE great challenges that the MDC is facing should not be a source of
surprise. These are challenges that at one point or another were bound to
materialise - the only question was when that would happen.

First, that the MDC was a coalition of otherwise disparate groups was known
from the very beginning. It was, to put it mildly a choir of discordant
voices. It didn't sound right, but those who listened chose to pay attention
to the sales, rather than the quality of its production. It was always a
shaky alliance - of previously opposing groups, which were united by one
aim: the removal of Mugabe and his government and the introduction a new
dispensation led by a new government, whatever it was. No one really cared
about the quality of the change. It was change for change's sake. Disparate
groups, lack of leadership scrutiny, amateurism, greed, unbridled ambition,
riding on a wave of protest rather than support - a dangerous concoction it

The result justified the means. An alliance of farmers, farm workers,
businesses, trade unions, the urban and the rural, middle class (or
aspiring) and the working classes was bound to be shaky at the very least.
It was an alliance based on the prospect of imminent success. Failure was
not an option or was deliberately dismissed as an impossibility. The failure
to respond to apparently unfair electoral defeats demonstrated that the MDC
had based its strategy on the basis of the belief that it would win
elections. The possibility of loss, by means fair or foul, had not been
accounted for and when it materialised the MDC has always been caught
napping. After three elections, some have begun to say, fatigue has set in.
It is not simply fatigue - it is careless, amateurish planning and
unrestrained lust for power - the over-eagerness of a young man who meets a
woman for the first time, and in his bid to impress fails the basics and

Secondly, the MDC became misdirected in its strategy and approach to the
issues facing the country. It found itself between two constituencies - on
the one hand, the people of Zimbabwe and secondly the international
community. Unfortunately, it became a "captured" movement - responding more
to the demands and concerns of the international community and less to the
daily concerns of the local people. It became distant and its leaders were
more interested in flying to Western capitals than they were prepared to
rally the masses in the townships and the rural areas - except during the
pre-election phases during which conditions were manipulated to cause
maximum difficulty for the MDC.

In the end the MDC was not quite visible beyond the urban areas. Yet Mugabe
plotted well and repeatedly dismissed the MDC as an instrument for Western
imperialism. We all thought it was nonsense of course but the idea was
repeated so often in the state-controlled media, and true to Goebbels'
tactics, some people began to believe that it was true. What did the MDC do
to avert that impression of being a stooge for the West? Nothing, besides
shallow media denials that it was not. Worse, perhaps drawing comfort from
the support it received as a pro-democracy movement the MDC publicly
displayed its friendship with the Western powers. Unsurprisingly, in its
folly the leadership ended up eating from the same plate with the
"consultant", the notorious Ari Ben Menashe, who turned out to be Mugabe's
spy. People tended to forgive the leadership, but this showed the ineptitude
and weaknesses in the leadership especially the misguided affinity for all
things Western.

So like a rabbit glaring at the headlights, the MDC stood there in awe,
hoping that the solution would come from outside and that in the scheme of
things, the people of Zimbabwe were powerless and had no role to play beyond
participation in a clearly manipulated electoral process. There was a saying
in my youthful days, which was told in Shona as "Kudyiwa wakatarisa
seMatemba" - Matemba are small fish. When captured and cooked their eyes
appear to be glaring at the consumer. They can "see" that they are being
eaten, people say, but they do not resist. It connotes a foolish person, who
knows he is getting into trouble but does nothing to avert the outcome. The
MDC knew, or should have known that they were losing in the elections due to
the unfair system, but they went along nonetheless and had no alternative
strategy. Yakadyiwa yakatarisa seMatemba.

The biggest problem however is that the MDC seems to have lost focus on the
primary reasons for its emergence in 1999 and the key points of challenge
against ZANU PF that really matter to the people. This is connected to the
above point in relation to "capture" by the international community. Instead
of focussing on the wider primary reasons for people's disgruntlement
against ZANU PF, the MDC became obsessed with the matter of "human rights".
Everything became human rights; Everyone was talking of human rights;
"Mugabe must go because he violates human rights", etc. I do not discount
that there have been human rights abuses in the country. However, what
causes concern is the Reductionist approach to the Zimbabwen problem whereby
everything is reduced to the human rights argument and must fit the human
rights paradigm. Therefore every problem, every other issue which many of
the groups that make up the MDC had against the government became quite
simply a "human rights" issue. The key challenges against the government,
such as economic mismanagement (which by the way was the primary problem
long before the current human rights problems) have become marginalised
topics that are discussed on a "by the way" basis.

It is easy to see why the MDC became so obsessed with human rights that it
began to base its campaign against Mugabe on the basis of violation of human
rights. It could not ably articulate the many issues represented by the many
voices in the MDC choir. The leadership probably listened to the tune and
realised that there was too much discord. Their advisers, the "consultants"
probably heard the discord too and advised them to stick to one issue as the
rallying point against Mugabe: Human Rights - for that is universal and
affects everyone. It universalises the problem and covers all issues under a
single umbrella. But it also meant lost opportunities to challenge Mugabe on
key areas that directly affect people on the ground - education, health,
transport, employment, development, etc. Even Mugabe knew this - when he was
donating computers to rural schools across the country, what did the MDC do
to address the weaknesses of ZANU regarding the education policies and
practices? Nothing on that issue which is dear to people's hearts. The
restoration of human rights will not necessarily change the way public exams
are run in Zimbabwe - the MDC needs to articulate these issues that find
resonance in the community. Instead, all we hear is Mugabe violates human
rights and nothing more.

But on a more crucial note, how well does this "human rights" talk resonate
with the local population? This is a population of which more than half of
the people probably did not have a clue about the Constitution, let alone
the Bill of Rights before the constitutional debate in 1999. There is no
doubt that human rights matter to everyone, the knowledgeable and the
ignorant alike. But as a political strategy, it is necessary to put at the
forefront, issues that are uppermost in the psyche of the people. A campaign
predicated on human rights sounds very right and sweet to the international
community, especially Western countries. The introduction of democracy and
promotion of human rights and removal of tyrannies is well in line with the
current US foreign policy.

What the MDC has done and its campaign strategy based primarily on the need
to remove Mugabe because he allegedly violates human rights and is
undemocratic elicits support and sympathy from large sections of the
international community, especially the West. But does it really touch the
key areas of the local population? Do Zimbabwean people primarily dislike
Mugabe and his government because of human rights violations or because of
economic mismanagement? In other words, do people want the government
replaced because it closed the Daily News or because it is not delivering
bread? Okay, it could be said more generally that both reasons apply, but
surely there is something that is uppermost in the mind of the people and
foremost in their hearts and I argue that in this case it is bread. And you
do not need to argue this point on the basis of human rights to make it a
relevant issue. The MDC has chosen to discuss almost everything in the
language of human rights. It is good for the international community to
understand our problem but it is also necessary to base the campaign on
issues that resonate in the local context. This, I fear, the MDC has not
done very well - the leaders are more often in London and Brussels or
addressing the BBC and CNN than they are in Dotito or Esigodini.

Unless the MDC, refocuses its energy on the local, it will continue to look
to the international community - which frankly has more interests elsewhere
and will continue to shout against Mugabe, but ultimately do nothing, but
all the while, their businesses are still doing business in Zimbabwe.

Dr Magaisa is a Zimbabwean lawyer and formerly Lecturer in law at the
University of Nottingham, UK. He is a weekly columnist for the Zimbabwe
Independent newspaper and can be contacted at

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New Zimbabwe

South Africa should not give Mugabe a cent

By Chris Kabwato
Last updated: 08/02/2005 09:19:04
IT'S really hard to argue with people who have no sense of history or who
deliberately fabricate history. The debate on Zimbabwe has become one in
which facts have been sacrificed at the altar of racism, disaffection with
SA's poverty levels, deliberate revisionism, emotionalism and woolly

It can be quite tiring being a Zimbabwean because all the time you have to
describe, explain and interpret the mess in that country. And yes it's a
mess. The author of that mess is not Tony Blair though if you listened to
the deranged messages from ZANU-PF you would think the British Prime
Minister was some suicide bomber let loose to cause havoc with Zimbabwe's
politics and economy. No the economic crisis in Zimbabwe stops with Mugabe.
The World Bank and the IMF and their misguided Structural Adjustment
Programme (SAPS) may have to shoulder some blame for the economic problems
of the early 1990s but it is Mugabe who has driven a once-proud nation into
the ground.

Mugabe paid war veterans billions of Zimdollars (the Zimbabwe currency then
was trading at 1 to USD8) in 1997; led us into a private war in the DR Congo
where his thieving elite looted the resources of that country; led a violent
seizure of farms under the pretext of redistributing land to peasants; and
now he has come up with Operation Murambatsvina (a very derogatory term in
this context and which means "we refuse to be associated with
 dirt/rubbish"). But what is context of my article? Well, Mugabe has come
begging for money and South Africans are clearly divided on whether he
should get the funds or not and if he does under what conditions. My take on
this is simple: if you give money to a habitual thief and delinquent what do
you really hope to solve? Mugabe is not going to return the South Africans
taxpayers' money. Mugabe is not going put the funds to any productive use
unless the funds are channelled by the SA government to the creditors
directly. And the next question would be what next? Will SA loan 'Oliver
Twist' some more funds in a few months when he comes begging for some more?

The Zimbabwe government is clueless on how to resolve the economic meltdown.
Hospitals and clinics have collapsed; the education system is bleeding (of
course all the elite's children are at Rhodes and elsewhere in the world);
there is no foreign currency for the simple reason that the country is not
exporting tobacco. The 'cellphone farmers', as we call the elite who have
seized farms, have not started producing. The last time they produced was
when they were harvesting what they found on the farms they seized. But of
course Mugabe will blame everything on Tony Blair.

I can give an example of the thieving nature of the ZANU-PF government. 13
years ago I was working as a civil servant when Mugabe announced a housing
scheme for government workers. For a monthly contribution you would secure a
housing stand in an area called Tynwald (a lower middle-class suburb). Well
as a simple citizen with simple needs of wanting food, clothes and shelter I
duly paid my funds over a period of seven months. Needless to state I never
got the housing stand. The next thing I was told was that the housing fund
had been looted and the chief beneficiary was Grace Mugabe who went on to
build a mansion the media dubbed "Gracelands". Fruitless missions to the
Housing Ministry did not get me my money back. And now Mugabe claims he is
destroying people's houses (they are not shacks) in order to give them
decent accommodation (what a contradiction!). And people still have to split
hairs on what Mugabe represents? He is not a revolutionary. An consummate
political opportunist Mugabe is the epitome of a revolution of that has lost
its way.

South Africa should not give money to Mugabe - after all he is the
government, the state and the country. Any financial aid can only give him
time to entrench himself. Mugabe must go. He is bad for Zimbabwe, Southern
Africa and Africa. He is bad for people like me who just want to get on with
their lives and in their own country. A million or more Zimbabweans live on
Tony Blair's native land and many more are devising dubious ways of getting

Mugabe's supporters must ask why three million Zimbabweans wander across the
face of the earth. An analysis of the Zimbabwean situation should not be
tainted by the gut reactions of African political solidarity nor should such
analysis be motivated by a desire to return to the skewed racial
distribution of land pre-2000. An analysis of Mugabe must be based on
whether he has provided the people of Zimbabwe with a life that a democratic
society assumes: freedom of speech, freedom from fear, freedom from want and
all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Chris Kabwato works in the School of Journalism & Media Studies at Rhodes

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New Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe needs to debate 'Third Way'

By Ndaba Mabhena
Last updated: 08/02/2005 09:25:23
PROFESSOR Jonathan Moyo has laid his stake in the ground by proposing the
Third Way. Serious conversations must begin in earnest with a view of
unpacking this view.

Trevor Ncube started the debate of the Third Way and thus concluded that
Robert Mugabe was a factor in how the country must move forward. Following
that conclusion Professor Jonathan Moyo agrees in principle on the Third Way
but disagrees how it should be packaged. He does not agree that Robert
Mugabe should be a factor when moving forward but insists Mugabe should be
done away with altogether.

The above are very serious conversations in trying to shape the future of
Zimbabwe. Those people that are serious about the future of Zimbabwe either
for their own sake or their off-springs should ignore these conversations at
their own peril. If Zimbabweans do not participate in the shaping of their
future, some fool definitely will.

Professor Moyo made a cursory reference to the 2000 Constitutional
Referendum. We should take a step back and exercise our minds on what the
proposed constitution carried as compared to the current one crafted by the
late Dr. Edison Zvobgo. Admittedly the proposed Constitution was fraught
with a lot of omissions from peoples' submissions but we should have been
strategic enough to accept it as a first step to changing the current
regime. At times change takes place one step at a time. However, lessons
learned are that we should not be emotional but strategic when it comes to
issues of national governance.

As we prepare to take a step forward into the future, we should bear in mind
that emotions must be set aside. There has to be consensus on the way
forward. This calls on all Zimbabweans in the Diaspora and in Zimbabwe,
black or white, Indian or coloured, rich or poor, Ndebele or Shona, to come
together and save Zimbabwe. I believe patronage and tribalism remain the two
actions that are responsible for where this country finds itself today.

In the last few days when Robert Mugabe and team left the country on a wild
goose chase in the name of soliciting for funds from friendly nations, one
was left with no choice but to laugh aloud. It was panic station at the
government of Zimbabwe!

However, after the laughing subsided, one felt private embarrassment at
being Zimbabwean.

As we unpack a lot of solutions on the way forward including the 'Third Way'
we should remember where we are coming from. We need to take personal audit
on what went wrong since 1980. We should have serious conversations with
both ourselves and other people. We should have conversations for
relationship building, action, opportunities and possibilities. While we
have these conversations, we should listen out for each other's moments of

While we have these conversations, we should be wary of opportunists. We
should accept that in building anything one needs to have a shot at it and
give others a chance. In building the third way we must worry about
politicians that are going to jump ship from Zanu PF and MDC and offer
themselves to serve the new order. We should be wary of them as I believe
that the failure of MDC is that it was fashioned along Zanu PF lines: that
is on nepotism, tribalism and patronage. Furthermore it was formed in Zanu
PF spirit. We see Morgan Tsvangirai holding on to a dying party for he wants
to give power to his unelected relatives and tribesmen. Zanu PF is the same.

In shaping the new way forward, the sure way of ensuring that it will not
succeed is to allow failed and uncourageous politicians from both MDC and
Zanu PF to come on board. Kenyan Rainbow Coalition is an instructive
example. Kenyans are slowly approaching the next election without the
promised Constitution, with the draft having been tempered with by powers
that be. I am not surprised at Kenya's still progress. How were they
expecting to make progress with a President who was Arap Moi's deputy for
over a decade?

All Zimbabwean intellectuals, academics, proper politicians, artists must
respond to Professor Jonathan Moyo's stand. In reacting to the issue of the
Third Way, we need to sincerely unpack it in a manner that is democratic,
open and frank. Serious conversations need to take place both at home and in
the Diaspora.
Ndaba Mabhena is a regular contributor to New and is based in

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